With over two million inmates, the United States’ prison population is the largest in the world. Nearly one in one hundred Americans are behind bars, either in prisons or pre-trial detention facilities. The rapid growth in incarceration is well-documented. However, social science explanations often stop at the prison gates, with little work on treatment inside prisons. This black box approach ignores important bureaucratic decisions, including the provision of rehabilitative services and the application of punishment. This dissertation offers a systematic analysis of treatment decisions inside the American prisons. I use a mixed methods approach, combining multiple quantitative datasets with environmental observation at four prisons, and original interviews of twenty-three correctional staff members. I offer the only large-n comparative analysis of American state prisons. Characteristics of the inmates as well as characteristics of staff are explored. I am able to analyze data at the state, facility and individual level. All of this is to answer a crucial and somewhat overlooked question; how do prison staff decide who should be punished and who should receive rehabilitative treatment? I find that theories of social construction offer insight into the treatment of American prison inmates. Specifically, I find that socially constructed racial categories offer explanatory value for inmate treatment. Black and Hispanic inmates are less likely to receive important rehabilitative programs, including access to mental health and medical care. Black and Hispanic inmates are also more likely to receive punishment including the use of solitary confinement in administrative segregation units. I find, consistent with theories of representative bureaucracy that staffing characteristics also impact treatment decisions, with black and Hispanic staff members expressing lower preferences for punishment and prisons with higher percentages of black staff members utilize administrative segregation less. I provide a historical overview of the changing social constructions of crime and prisons inside the United States, from colonial to present day America. I argue that the treatment of prisoners changes as our conception of crime changes. I discuss recent bipartisan attempts at prison reform and offer my own suggestions for reform of the American prison system.

This thesis is an examination of the eucharistic doctrine of ten Scottish theological writers in the tradition of Scottish Episcopacy; five from the seventeenth century, two from the eighteenth century, and three from the nineteenth century. The doctrine espoused by each one throughout the stated period, 1620–1875, is found to agree with the other writers considered herein, because each writer turned to many of the same Church Fathers as the source of his doctrine and his interpretation of Holy Scripture. The argument of this thesis is that all of the writers, rejecting the Tridentine, Lutheran, Bezan-Calvinist, and Zwinglian definitions of the Eucharist, maintained a material sacrifice in the Eucharist, which is an offering to God the Father of bread and wine as the propitiatory memorial of Christ’s death on the Cross, commanded by Christ himself at the Last Supper. The sacrifice is propitiatory because it is the means of representing the one sacrifice of Christ on the Cross to God the Father, thereby pleading the benefits of the Cross for the communicants. The bread and wine do not change substance, but become effectively the body and blood of Christ. Three of the ten writers produced eucharistic rites, one in the seventeenth century, and two in the eighteenth century. It is argued that each of these rites is expressive of the Eucharist as being a commemorative and representative sacrifice. Each rite explicitly offers bread and wine to the Father, invokes the Holy Spirit’s action over the elements, and prays that by receiving the consecrated bread and wine as the body and blood of Christ, the communicants will receive the forgiveness of sins, the continuing grace of the Holy Spirit, and eternal life.

This thesis examines the response of a representative agent investor to sequences (streaks) of quarterly earnings surprises over a period of twelve quarters using the United States S&P500 constituent companies sample frame in the years 1991 to 2006. This examination follows the predictive performance of the representative agent model of Rabin (2002b) [Inference by believers in the law of small numbers. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 117(3).p.775 816] and Barberis, Shleifer, and Vishny (1998) [A model of investor sentiment. Journal of Financial Economics. 49. p.307 343] for an investor who might be under the influence of the law of small numbers, or another closely related cognitive bias known as the gambler s fallacy. Chapters 4 and 5 present two related empirical studies on this broad theme. In chapter 4, for successive sequences of annualised quarterly earnings changes over a twelve-quarter horizon of quarterly earnings increases or falls, I ask whether the models can capture the likelihood of reversion. Secondly, I ask, what is the representative investor s response to observed sequences of quarterly earnings changes for my S&P500 constituent sample companies? I find a far greater frequency of extreme persistent quarterly earnings rises (of nine quarters and more) than falls and hence a more muted reaction to their occurrence from the market. Extreme cases of persistent quarterly earnings falls are far less common than extreme rises and are more salient in their impact on stock prices. I find evidence suggesting that information discreteness; that is the frequency with which small information about stock value filters into the market is one of the factors that foment earnings momentum in stocks. However, information discreteness does not subsume the impact of sequences of annualised quarterly earnings changes, or earnings streakiness as a strong candidate that drives earnings momentum in stock returns in my S&P500 constituent stock sample. Therefore, earnings streakiness and informational discreteness appear to have separate and additive effects in driving momentum in stock price. In chapter 5, the case for the informativeness of the streaks of earnings surprises is further strengthened. This is done by examining the explanatory power of streaks of earnings surprises in a shorter horizon of three days around the period when the effect of the nature of earnings news is most intense in the stock market. Even in shorter windows, investors in S&P500 companies seem to be influenced by the lengthening of negative and positive streaks of earnings surprises over the twelve quarters of quarterly earnings announcement I study here. This further supports my thesis that investors underreact to sequences of changes in their expectations about stock returns. This impact is further strengthened by high information uncertainties in streaks of positive earnings surprise. However, earnings streakiness is one discrete and separable element in the resolution of uncertainty around equity value for S&P 500 constituent companies. Most of the proxies for earnings surprise show this behaviour especially when market capitalisation, age and cash flow act as proxies of information uncertainty. The influence of the gambler s fallacy on the representative investor in the presence of information uncertainty becomes more pronounced when I examine increasing lengths of streaks of earnings surprises. The presence of post earnings announcement drift in my large capitalised S&P500 constituents sample firms confirms earnings momentum to be a pervasive phenomenon which cuts across different tiers of the stock markets including highly liquid stocks, followed by many analysts, which most large funds would hold.

The Scots MPs of the eighteenth century have traditionally been portrayed in a negative light. In a century once noted for electoral corruption and the abuses of patronage, they were seen by contemporaries and later writers as among the worst examples of their kind: greedy, self-seeking, unprincipled ‘tools of administration’ whose votes could be bought with the offer of places and pensions. Lewis Namier’s seminal work exposing the cynical approach to politics of MPs generally, sparked a backlash which has produced a more balanced evaluation of English politics. Strangely, although Namier exonerated the Scots MPs from the worst of the charges against them, his less judgmental verdicts are found only sporadically in more recent writing, while the older viewpoint is still repeated by some historians. There is no modern study of the eighteenth-century Scots MPs, a situation which this research proposes to remedy, by examining the group of MPs who represented Scotland at Westminster between 1754 and 1784. It re-assesses the extent to which the original criticisms are merited, but also widens the scope by examining the contribution made by Scotland’s MPs, to British and Scottish political life in the later part of the eighteenth century. A study of the social make-up and the careers of this particular cohort provides the backdrop for the two main themes: the participation of Scots MPs in the legislative process, and their effectiveness as representatives of Scottish interests at Westminster. Existing biographical information has been supplemented by an examination of Parliamentary Papers, debates, and personal correspondence to enable further analysis of attitudes, in particular with regard to politics and political mores. The research explores issues of motivation, asking questions about allegiance, identity, perceptions of government, and how conflicts of interest were resolved, before presenting a conclusion which aims to offer a revised, broader, but more nuanced, assessment of this much-criticised group, based on more recent approaches to interpretation of the period.

我國於2005年修憲案通過後，區域立委產生的方式由複數選區改為單一選區，每選區選出一名代表，選舉制度的改變、單一選區的設計及其劃分方式，造成某些立委選區幅員變小，有些甚至比地方公職人員的選區小或者與地方公職人員選區相同，但絕大多數選區仍較地方公職人員來得大，就這兩種類型立委而言，面臨選區內潛在的挑戰者時，其行為模式會有何不同？本研究以代表理論為基礎，將第七、八屆立委分為兩種類型（選區大與小），以量化分析與深入訪談並重的方式探究立委代表行為的差異。 本研究發現，控制其他的因素之後，在選區服務行為方面，相較於選區較地方公職人員大之立委，選區較地方公職人員小的立委於選區工作時間比例較高並達到顯著差異，而選民個案服務及紅白帖較為踴躍，從深度訪談結果得知，選區較小的立委確實從事更多的選區服務，也出現明顯地方化的現象。在立法問政行為方面，選區較小的立委在法律提案以及施政質詢行為上與選區較大的立委無差別，可能原因為選舉競爭激烈，每位區域立委需要展現自己，積極於國會中問政、提出法案等，而選區較小的立委由於在選區工作上投入大量時間，相對而言，無法分出更多的精力於立法問政，以至於立法問政的分析結果中，選區大與小的立委之間相差無幾。

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Este trabalho apresenta uma metodologia de análise da heterogeneidade do concreto a partir de modelos computacionais desenvolvidos com o método de Galerkin livre de elementos. Esse método se caracteriza pela discretização de um domínio de interesse por um conjunto de partículas sem que exista explicitamente uma malha de elementos no sentido convencional. O objetivo é a previsão das propriedades mecânicas macroscópicas do material resultante a partir das fases individuais e do arranjo geométrico. O concreto foi admitido, na escala mesoscópica, como um composto formado por inclusões (agregado graúdo) imersas em uma matriz (argamassa). Para a simulação foi desenvolvida uma formulação multiregiões onde se admitiu que cada agregado e a argamassa são domínios distintos interligados nas suas interfaces. Para isto foram utilizadas técnicas de subdivisões do domínio (elemento representativo) ao ponto que os seus comportamentos mecânicos não foram comprometidos. Para simular o processo das perdas de rigidez com a formação da fissuração no concreto foi admitido o efeito da mecânica do dano contínuo através do modelo de Mazars. Para as análises foram desenvolvidos modelos computacionais bidimensionais e tridimensionais da heterogeneidade do concreto. A geometria dos agregados foi aproximada por circunferências e elipses no caso 2D e por esferas e elipsoides no caso 3D. Como conclusão a metodologia de multiregiões com o método de Galerkin livre de elementos foi satisfatória e os modelos apresentaram caminhos preferenciais de ruptura adequados durante a evolução da danificação. / This thesis presents a methodology for analyzing the heterogeneity of concrete from computational models developed with the element free Galerkin method. This method is characterized by discretization of a domain of interest by a set of particles with no explicit mesh in the conventional sense. The goal is to predict the macroscopic mechanical properties of the material resulting from the individual phases and the geometric arrangement. The concrete was assumed, in the mesoscopic scale, as a compound formed by inclusions (coarse aggregate) embedded in a matrix (mortar). For the simulation, a formulation was developed where multi regions were admitted, assuming that each aggregate and mortar are distinct domains connected by their interfaces. For this we used techniques of subdivisions of the domain (representative elements) to the point that their mechanical behaviors were not compromised. To simulate the process of loss of stiffness with the formation of cracks in the concrete, continuum damage mechanics was admitted through Mazars model. For the analysis, two-dimensional and three-dimensional computer models of the heterogeneity of the concrete were developed. The shape of the aggregates was approximated by circles and ellipses in the two-dimensional case, and by spheres and ellipsoids for the 3D problems. In conclusion the multi region methodology with the element free Galerkin methods was satisfactory and the models presented suitable preferred paths for the rupture during the evolution of damage.

Ao lado da liberdade de expressão, a Constituição de 1824 garantiu o direito da sociedade se fazer ouvir pelas autoridades: o Artigo 179, parágrafo 30 estabelece que todo o cidadão poderá apresentar por escrito ao Poder Legislativo e ao Executivo reclamações, queixas, ou petições. A presente dissertação tem por objetivo compreender como este direito constitucional foi utilizado pelos cidadãos brasileiros durante o período em que a ordem monárquica constitucional se consolidava no Brasil. Durante os primeiros anos do Segundo Reinado, diversos grupos comerciantes, médicos, advogados, manufatureiros, autoridades locais, padres, proprietários de terra, votantes, eleitores etc. estabeleceram uma relação direta com a elite política que moldava as instituições do Império. A análise das petições que chegaram à Câmara dos Deputados na década de 1840 e do debate parlamentar que nela se desenvolveu indica que importantes mudanças políticas do período como a reforma eleitoral, a aprovação do Código Comercial, a reforma judiciária foram influenciadas por setores da sociedade brasileira que se organizaram para exercer o direito de petição. Por intermédio da atividade peticionária, governantes e governados se integraram em um diálogo que permeou a resolução de alguns dos mais relevantes assuntos concernentes à realidade brasileira. Este diálogo fez do ideal do regime representativo algo tangível para diversos setores que compunham o pacto político nacional. / Together with the freedom of thought and speech, the Constitution of 1824 provided Brazilian society with the right to be heard by authorities: Article 179, Paragraph 30 states that all citizens will be able to present to the Legislative or the Executive Power written grievances, complaints, or petitions. This dissertation attempts to explore how this constitutional right was used by Brazilian citizens during the time that monarchical order was being consolidated. During the reign of D. Pedro 2nd, many groups, including businessmen, manufacturers, doctors, lawyers, local authorities, priests, landowners, voters, electors, and others, established a direct relation with the political elite responsible for molding the new institutions. The analysis of the petitions sent to the Chamber of Deputies by the 1840s and the parliamentary debate ensued provide an indication that important political changes of that period (i.e., electoral reform, approval of the Commercial Code, judicial reform) were influenced by the participation of certain sections of Brazilian society that were able to organize themselves and successfully use their right of petition. Mediated by such petitionary activity, governors and governed took part in a dialogue that led to the resolution of some of the most important issues concerning Brazilian reality. That dialogue made the ideal of representative government tangible to many groups that formed the prevailing national political landscape.

O presente estudo propõe-se a investigar o potencial de o projeto de democracia cosmopolita, tal como formulado por David Held, Anthony McGrew e Daniele Archibugi, suprir o déficit democrático das instituições representativas brasileiras decorrente dos fenômenos da globalização e do policentrismo do poder, no contexto da atual crise econômica mundial. Trata-se, pois, de se contrapor o modelo cosmopolita, de caráter transterritorial, ao modelo representativo, de base territorial. A pesquisa segue um plano analítico político-jurídico, ou seja, sua sede epistemológica é a Teoria Geral do Estado. / This study wants to investigate the potential of the project of cosmopolitan democracy, how it was formulated by David Held, Anthony McGrew and Daniele Archibugi, to supply de democratic deficit of the Brazilians institutional organizations, occurred because the phenomenon of globalization and polycentrism of power, in the context of now global economic crisis. Therefore, we will compare the cosmopolitan model, of transterritorial character, and the representative model, based on the territory. This research follows a politic-juridical plan, so, its epistemological place is the General Theory of State.

Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-04-09T14:45:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 inefetividade_controle.pdf: 8134530 bytes, checksum: be5e30487a14247cd67cf32d19834460 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-09T14:45:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 inefetividade_controle.pdf: 8134530 bytes, checksum: be5e30487a14247cd67cf32d19834460 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-21 / Nenhuma / Diante de uma conjuntura na qual os controles clássicos da Administração Pública apresentam-se insuficientes para o enfrentamento dos cotidianos episódios de má gestão e corrupção envolvendo a máquina estatal, aliada à crise da democracia representativa, há premência de maior capacidade de gestão, de controle e de decisão política na base da sociedade. Neste sentido por meio do estudo realizado desvela-se o entendimento de que para a consolidação do projeto democrático no Brasil, constitui-se condição de possibilidade a admissão da Democracia Participativa em uma relação de complementaridade com os instrumentos da representação. O presente trabalho analisa a importância da participação popular na gestão e no controle dos recursos públicos, enfatizando-se suas virtudes, bem como os limites existentes. São pesquisados os aspectos históricos decorrentes da colonização ibérica, cujas principais consequências políticas dizem respeito à incorporação dos vícios do patrimonialismo, clientelismo e autoritarismo no cenário brasileiro, bem como o atual anacronismo dos instrumentos da democracia representativa, permeado pela interferência do poder econômico, o poder da mídia sobre os eleitores, a fragilidade dos partidos políticos, e a falta de sincronia entre a expectativa dos representados e a atuação dos representantes. Por isso, constata-se que o controle social ainda é frágil. Assim, buscando uma articulação entre a teoria e a prática, o presente trabalho de dissertação ponderou sobre a (in)efetividade do controle democrático numa experiência contemporânea de democracia participativa. A partir de uma abordagem na temática da saúde sobre os limites e potencialidades na atuação do Conselho Estadual de Saúde do Rio Grande do Sul estuda-se na prática o controle social, efetuando-se uma análise sobre os elementos concretos que podem contribuir para qualificação do projeto democrático brasileiro, bem como para alçar nosso país a outro patamar de desenvolvimento político e social, construindo uma sociedade mais justa e igualitária. / In the face of a situation in which the classic control of Public Administration shows itself inefficient when coping with the daily episodes of mismanagement and corruption involving the State machine and, together with the crisis of the representative democracy, greater management capacity, control and political decision become urgent on the basis of society. In this sense, this study unveils the understanding that the consolidation of the democratic project in Brazil might be attained through the acceptance of the Participatory Democracy in its supplementary relationship with the instruments of representation. This work analyzes the importance of popular participation in the management and in the control of public resources, emphasizing its virtues as well as its existing limits. This paper researches on historical aspects arising from the Iberian culture, whose main political consequences derive from the assimilation of the patrimonial, clientele and authoritarian vices into the Brazilian scenery. It also analyses the current anachronism of the instruments used by the representative democracy, which is permeated by the interference of economic power, the power of the media on the voters, the weakness of political parties, and the lack of synchrony between the expectations of those represented and the performance of their representatives. For that reason, it is proven that social control is still fragile. Seeking a link between theory and practice, this dissertation pondered the (in) effectiveness of democratic control in the contemporary experience of the participatory democracy. This analysis departs from an approach to the health theme on the limits and potentialities of the work carried out by the Conselho Estadual de Saúde do Rio Grande do Sul. A practical study about social control is conducted through a critical analysis of the specific factors that may contribute to the qualification of the Brazilian democratic project, hoping to lead our country to another level of political and social development and to build a more just and egalitarian society.