O crescimento populacional, a industrialização e a expansão da agricultura no último século vêm acarretando problemas de escassez e degradação dos recursos hídricos. Desta forma, a gestão das águas passou a fazer parte das discussões políticas, sociais, econômicas e acadêmicas. A noção atual é a de que a água é um recurso finito, escasso e valorizado economicamente. Assim, a necessidade desse recurso leva fornecedores e usuários a negociarem no ambiente institucional vigente. A pesquisa teve como objetivo avaliar a influência da institucionalização da cobrança da água no mercado de fornecimento para a lavoura orizícola na Região Hidrográfica do Litoral do Rio Grande do Sul. Para atender este objetivo, foram utilizados procedimentos metodológicos qualitativos, tendo como alvo produtores orizícolas e experts, distribuídos em 47 entrevistas semi-estruturadas. Inicialmente foram identificadas e caracterizadas as dimensões do arranjo institucional dos recursos hídricos e, esses resultados permitiram a construção de cinco cená rios: realista, pessimista, otimista, conformista e resistente para a cobrança pelo uso da água. Esses cenários revelaram que o mercado de fornecimento de água para a lavoura arrozeira já está legitimado socialmente. Não há intervenção do Estado, nem dos comitês de bacia hidrográfica nas negociações entre usuários e fornecedores dos serviços de irrigação. Assim, percebe-se que a cobrança do uso da água poderá afetar a formação de preços nesse mercado, mas o poder de barganha entre as partes permanecerá àque le que já está institucionalizado. / Population growth, industrialization and expansion of agriculture in the last century have caused problems of shortage and degradation of water resources. This way, water management started making part of political, social, economic and academic discussions. The current notion is that water is a finite, scarce and economically valuable resource. So, the need of such a resource leads suppliers and users to negotiate in the ongoing institutional environment. This research’s goal was evaluating the influence of the institutionalization of water tariff charge in the market that supplies rice croplands in the Hydrographic Region of Coastal Rio Grande do Sul. In order to reach that aim, qualitative methodological procedures were used, having as goal both rice growers and experts, distributed in 47 half-structured interviews. At first, one identified and characterized the dimensions of the institutional arrangement of water resources, and such results allowed the construction of five scenarios: realistic, pessimistic, optimistic, conformist and resistant about the tariff charge for water usage. These scenarios reveal that the water-supplying market for rice growing is already socially legitimized. There is no intervention either by the state or by the committees of the hydrographic basin in the negotiations between users and suppliers of irrigation services. So, it can be noticed that tariff charging on water usage may affect the formation of prices in this market, but the bargaining power between the parties will remain the one that is already institutionalized.

O crescimento populacional, a industrialização e a expansão da agricultura no último século vêm acarretando problemas de escassez e degradação dos recursos hídricos. Desta forma, a gestão das águas passou a fazer parte das discussões políticas, sociais, econômicas e acadêmicas. A noção atual é a de que a água é um recurso finito, escasso e valorizado economicamente. Assim, a necessidade desse recurso leva fornecedores e usuários a negociarem no ambiente institucional vigente. A pesquisa teve como objetivo avaliar a influência da institucionalização da cobrança da água no mercado de fornecimento para a lavoura orizícola na Região Hidrográfica do Litoral do Rio Grande do Sul. Para atender este objetivo, foram utilizados procedimentos metodológicos qualitativos, tendo como alvo produtores orizícolas e experts, distribuídos em 47 entrevistas semi-estruturadas. Inicialmente foram identificadas e caracterizadas as dimensões do arranjo institucional dos recursos hídricos e, esses resultados permitiram a construção de cinco cená rios: realista, pessimista, otimista, conformista e resistente para a cobrança pelo uso da água. Esses cenários revelaram que o mercado de fornecimento de água para a lavoura arrozeira já está legitimado socialmente. Não há intervenção do Estado, nem dos comitês de bacia hidrográfica nas negociações entre usuários e fornecedores dos serviços de irrigação. Assim, percebe-se que a cobrança do uso da água poderá afetar a formação de preços nesse mercado, mas o poder de barganha entre as partes permanecerá àque le que já está institucionalizado. / Population growth, industrialization and expansion of agriculture in the last century have caused problems of shortage and degradation of water resources. This way, water management started making part of political, social, economic and academic discussions. The current notion is that water is a finite, scarce and economically valuable resource. So, the need of such a resource leads suppliers and users to negotiate in the ongoing institutional environment. This research’s goal was evaluating the influence of the institutionalization of water tariff charge in the market that supplies rice croplands in the Hydrographic Region of Coastal Rio Grande do Sul. In order to reach that aim, qualitative methodological procedures were used, having as goal both rice growers and experts, distributed in 47 half-structured interviews. At first, one identified and characterized the dimensions of the institutional arrangement of water resources, and such results allowed the construction of five scenarios: realistic, pessimistic, optimistic, conformist and resistant about the tariff charge for water usage. These scenarios reveal that the water-supplying market for rice growing is already socially legitimized. There is no intervention either by the state or by the committees of the hydrographic basin in the negotiations between users and suppliers of irrigation services. So, it can be noticed that tariff charging on water usage may affect the formation of prices in this market, but the bargaining power between the parties will remain the one that is already institutionalized.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Given the insufficient amount of water available to meet the demand of rice cultivation irrigation, the Associação dos Parceleiros do Distrito de Irrigação do Betume began to recirculate up to 100% of the system drainage water, most often without dilution. Despite the water reuse in irrigation be worldwide considered a best practice to save the resource, this practice should occur given the technical principles and parameters of existing norms, aiming the safety of direct and indirect users and the prospect of sustainability of agro-ecosystems. This research aimed to identify the degree of irrigator´s acceptance about the reuse of drainage water for irrigation of rice growing. In carrying out this study, secondary data were explored by consulting records, documents, and literature review. Primary data was obtained through systematic observation; semi-structured interviews with 88 local farmers; and measurement of physical, chemical and microbiological parameters of drainage water. Sources of pollution and contamination of anthropogenic origin were found. Three water quality parameters (BOD, turbidity and thermotolerant coliforms) were above the regulatory limits, indicating a need for monitoring and treatment of drainage water. 80 % of farmers accept the reuse of drainage water for irrigation that is taking place, but require adjustments of the current situation in order to minimize economic losses, risks to health and degradation of natural resources, ultimately contributing to the improvement of local sustainability. / A insuficiente quantidade de água disponível para atender à demanda da irrigação da rizicultura, o Distrito de Irrigação do Betume passou a recircular até 100 % da água de drenagem do sistema, na maioria das vezes sem diluição. Apesar do reuso de água na irrigação ser uma prática recomendada mundialmente como uma das formas de se economizar o recurso, esta prática deve ocorrer atendendo aos preceitos técnicos e aos parâmetros das normatizações vigentes, que objetivam a segurança dos usuários diretos e indiretos e a perspectiva da sustentabilidade dos agroecossistemas. Essa pesquisa visou identificar o grau de aceitação dos irrigantes quanto ao reuso da água de drenagem na irrigação da rizicultura. Para a concretização do referido estudo, foram explorados dados secundários por meio da consulta de registros e documentos e da revisão da literatura; e obtidos dados primários através da observação sistemática; entrevistas semiestruturadas com 88 agricultores do local e mensuração de parâmetros físico-químicos e microbiológico da água de drenagem. Foram evidenciadas fontes de poluição e contaminação de origem antrópica. Três parâmetros de qualidade da água (DBO, Turbidez e Coliformes termotolerantes) apresentaram-se acima dos limites normativos, indicando necessidade de monitoramento e tratamento da água de drenagem. 80 % dos agricultores aceitam o reuso da água de drenagem para irrigação que está ocorrendo, porém demandam adequações da situação atual a fim de minimizar perdas econômicas, riscos à saúde e à degradação dos recursos naturais, enfim contribuindo para a melhoria da sustentabilidade local.

Dans cette thèse nous nous interrogeons sur l'émergence d'une complémentarité stratégique entre l'agriculture et la biodiversité dans les territoires à haute valeur environnementale. Nous étudions l'exemple de la Camargue, zone humide d'intérêt international, où l'enjeu est de concilier agriculture et protection de l'environnement. Nous réalisons d'abord une analyse du contexte camarguais, en insistant sur les rapports ambivalents entre agriculture et biodiversité . Dans la mesure où la réforme future de la PAC va venir remettre en question les conditions d'octroi de ces aides, autant que leur volume global, le développement de la riziculture camarguaise passe à terme par son association à une image de terre sauvage et naturelle. Cette complémentarité stratégique de fait peut permettre de concevoir les futures politiques publiques et de justifier le maintien des aides à la riziculture camarguaise, par sa contribution à la gestion durable de la biodiversité. Nous examinons ensuite les conditions économiques d'émergence d'une riziculture biologique, dans ce contexte particulier. Les conditions de marché, et plus précisément la présence d'une concurrence imparfaite, caractérisés par la concentration de la fourniture d'intrants (herbicides et semences) en un petit nombre de fournisseurs. Leurs stratégies d'adaptation au développement des pratiques d'agriculture biologique sont contraintes par les conditions de marché et limitées aux quantités offertes. Nous étudions à quelles conditions un équilibre stratégique existe, et excluons des équilibres extrêmes (riz biologique dominant / exclu). Nos résultats placent les stratégies d'offre variétale au c?ur de ces interactions stratégiques, c'est pourquoi nous prolongeons cette approche stratégique par l'étude des déterminants économiques de la diversité variétale dans les exploitations rizicoles camarguaises. Celle-ci confirme la place accordée aux stratégies de niche, et met en avant le rôle des opportunités de marché et des réseaux dans les choix de porte-feuille de cultivars par les agriculteurs, au-delà des contraintes structurelles de l'exploitation. Enfin, une enquête de type "choice experiments" fait apparaître l'influence des normes collectives dans les préférences des riziculteurs camarguais pour les technologies de production dont ils disposent. Les résultats de cette étude empirique montrent qu'une grande majorité des producteurs pourrait adopter des technologies sans intrants chimiques, à condition d'être accompagnés de compensations financières équivalentes à celles accordées actuellement sans condition dans le cadre de la PAC. Au-delà du cas d'étude, la thèse fournit donc des enseignements utiles pour la conception de politiques publiques capables de concilier efficacité économique et développement durable. Elle est aussi une contribution à la réflexion sur la gestion intégrée multi-acteurs de l'agriculture et de la biodiversité à l'échelle d'un territoire à haute valeur environnementale. / In this research, we assessed the emergence of a strategic complementarity between farming and biodiversity, in a landscape with a high environmental value. We rely on the Rhone river delta, wetland of international interest, and well known biodiversity's hotspot. We examine the conditions of emergence of the organic agriculture in this particular context. The market conditions, more precisely the presence of imperfect competition for input (seeds and herbicides) are putting several constraints on adaptation's strategies accessibles to firms. As a consequence, the main way to adapt is the control of input supply. We study at which conditions an interior equilibrium does exist. The study of economic factors of rice' cultivar's diversity in farms in the Camargue area confirm the role played by niche strategies, and highlight the importance of market opportunities and commercial networks in the cultivar's portfolio choices made by farmers. They are naturally playing in interaction with factors governing the costs and benefits of managing a greater cultivar's diversity. Finally, the choice experiments survey put emphasis on the influence of collective norms in farmers' preferences for production technologies. The results show that a large majority of rice producers are adopt agro-ecological technologies at a price of monetary incentives equivalent to those obtained currently from the CAP, without conditions. Thus, the future of agricultural development in the Camargue area should be associated with environmental preservation. This de facto strategic complementarity could enables stakeholders and public authorities to design future public policies and give a conditional support to a sustainable agriculture.

Dans le Cambodge angkorien, les souverains khmers administraient une paysannerie mouvante par le biais de temples-palais. Lorsque les Français prennent le contrôle, en 1845, ils se retrouvent devant une « masse paysanne inorganisée, inorganique même » (Delvert, 1961 : 201) et restent « confondus devant la mobilité des Cambodgiens » (Forest, 1980 : 30). À l’époque postcoloniale, les ethnologues feront essentiellement le même constat, pendant que John F. Embree (1950) proposera de catégoriser les sociétés indianisées du Sud-Est asiatique comme étant « loosely structured » : postulant une faible intégration individuelle des structures sociales donnant lieu à une prévalence de comportements individualistes ad hoc et à des communautés sans réelle organisation. La proposition fera école. Ces observations paraissent justes, mais l’analyse infructueuse. La structure dont parle Embree s’appuie sur une culture hautement syncrétique qui se reflétait aléatoirement dans les comportements. Mais l’organisation sociale khmère se trouve ailleurs : dans les solutions organisationnelles qui gouvernent les choix des individus lorsqu’ils doivent se regrouper afin d’effectuer des tâches récurrentes. À ce titre, les paysans khmers évoluaient dans une organisation sociale rigoureusement minimaliste et flexible. La maisonnée était l’élément essentiel, tandis que la communauté territoriale locale était contingente et fluctuante. Dans l’environnement naturel généreux du Cambodge, un petit groupe d’individus mobiles réunis sous un même toit pouvait aisément accomplir toutes les tâches nécessaires à sa survie. Alors on ne s’attachait jamais indéfiniment à une localité : seulement à des communautés sans cesse en évolution, centrées autour de pagodes agissant comme des ports d’ancrage. / In Angkorian Cambodia, Khmer rulers administered a moving peasantry through temple-palaces. When the French took over, in 1845, they found what administrators called an unorganized mass of peasants, “even inorganic” (Delvert, 1961: 201) and were confounded by Cambodian peasants’ mobility (Forest, 1980: 30). During the postcolonial era, ethnologists essentially came to the same conclusions, while John F. Embree (1950) proposed to categorize South-East Asian indianized societies as “loosely structured”. He postulated that the prevalence of ad hoc individualistic behavior and the lack of organization found in communities were due to a weak integration of social structures at the individual level. Many ethnologists followed in Embree’s path. These observations appear just but the analysis seems unfruitful. Embree’s structure is modeled on a highly syncretic Khmer culture which was randomly reflected in individual behavior indeed. But Khmer social organization lies elsewhere: In the organizational strategies which govern individual choices when groups must come together to accomplish recurring tasks. In this respect, Cambodian peasants evolved in a social organization that was rigorously minimalistic and flexible. The household was the essential element here, while the local territorial community was incidental. In Cambodia’s generous natural environment, a small mobile group of individuals united under one roof could easily accomplish all the tasks essential to their survival. Thus the Khmer never attached themselves indefinitely to a locality: Only to ever evolving communities, centered on pagodas which acted as anchor harbors.

Dans le Cambodge angkorien, les souverains khmers administraient une paysannerie mouvante par le biais de temples-palais. Lorsque les Français prennent le contrôle, en 1845, ils se retrouvent devant une « masse paysanne inorganisée, inorganique même » (Delvert, 1961 : 201) et restent « confondus devant la mobilité des Cambodgiens » (Forest, 1980 : 30). À l’époque postcoloniale, les ethnologues feront essentiellement le même constat, pendant que John F. Embree (1950) proposera de catégoriser les sociétés indianisées du Sud-Est asiatique comme étant « loosely structured » : postulant une faible intégration individuelle des structures sociales donnant lieu à une prévalence de comportements individualistes ad hoc et à des communautés sans réelle organisation. La proposition fera école. Ces observations paraissent justes, mais l’analyse infructueuse. La structure dont parle Embree s’appuie sur une culture hautement syncrétique qui se reflétait aléatoirement dans les comportements. Mais l’organisation sociale khmère se trouve ailleurs : dans les solutions organisationnelles qui gouvernent les choix des individus lorsqu’ils doivent se regrouper afin d’effectuer des tâches récurrentes. À ce titre, les paysans khmers évoluaient dans une organisation sociale rigoureusement minimaliste et flexible. La maisonnée était l’élément essentiel, tandis que la communauté territoriale locale était contingente et fluctuante. Dans l’environnement naturel généreux du Cambodge, un petit groupe d’individus mobiles réunis sous un même toit pouvait aisément accomplir toutes les tâches nécessaires à sa survie. Alors on ne s’attachait jamais indéfiniment à une localité : seulement à des communautés sans cesse en évolution, centrées autour de pagodes agissant comme des ports d’ancrage. / In Angkorian Cambodia, Khmer rulers administered a moving peasantry through temple-palaces. When the French took over, in 1845, they found what administrators called an unorganized mass of peasants, “even inorganic” (Delvert, 1961: 201) and were confounded by Cambodian peasants’ mobility (Forest, 1980: 30). During the postcolonial era, ethnologists essentially came to the same conclusions, while John F. Embree (1950) proposed to categorize South-East Asian indianized societies as “loosely structured”. He postulated that the prevalence of ad hoc individualistic behavior and the lack of organization found in communities were due to a weak integration of social structures at the individual level. Many ethnologists followed in Embree’s path. These observations appear just but the analysis seems unfruitful. Embree’s structure is modeled on a highly syncretic Khmer culture which was randomly reflected in individual behavior indeed. But Khmer social organization lies elsewhere: In the organizational strategies which govern individual choices when groups must come together to accomplish recurring tasks. In this respect, Cambodian peasants evolved in a social organization that was rigorously minimalistic and flexible. The household was the essential element here, while the local territorial community was incidental. In Cambodia’s generous natural environment, a small mobile group of individuals united under one roof could easily accomplish all the tasks essential to their survival. Thus the Khmer never attached themselves indefinitely to a locality: Only to ever evolving communities, centered on pagodas which acted as anchor harbors.