That parents should be a part in their children’s education is something that we educationalist wish for the future. Research show that if you have a good relation between parents and school, it can help a student's educational process. In this study I have concentrated on the Swedish minority group Roma. The study is qualitative and based on interviews with Roma. The goal of my study has been that with hermeneutics perspectives analyse some Romani parent’s experiences of their children schools. I have interviewed a mother who sent her children to a class who had only Romani students. I have also made a group interview with 15 students between 22-28 years of age, which have children in the ordinary Swedish schools. In my results I have come to the conclusion that the schools in general should get more education about the Romani culture and history so that mainstream students can understand the situation of the Romani minority in the society today. To spread knowledge of the Romani culture would be an important issue to get a revised picture about the Romani minority and to change the general view that people today still have about the Roma.

This essay focuses on Maggie in The Mill on the Floss, by George Eliot. An examination of her life is presented which is anchored in feminist critical theory and focuses on the ordeal Maggie has to endure in a patriarchal society. Furthermore, the life of the Roma is examined through postcolonial theory and compared to Maggie’s. Many of the stereotypes that emerged about the Roma are also present in Maggie’s life. It is argued that Maggie embodies the stereotypes of the Roma through her encounters with different characters in the novel.

This thesis examines Canada’s imposition of a visa requirement on visitors from the Czech Republic. By analyzing articles in three major Canadian newspapers, I conduct an Althusserian (theory that “culture ventures” are part of the Ideological State Apparatus), analysis. The thesis demonstrates that a dominant ideological viewpoint – a pro-capitalist ideology supported by a racist ideology – was evident in the coverage in all three newspapers. Additionally, this thesis addresses the presence of more ‘even-handed’ discussions of the conditions of the Roma, including experiences of racism and discrimination in the Czech Republic. I conclude that the newspapers present ideological views, with occasional exceptions.

In April 1989, four months after a German citizens’ initiative proposed construction of a central memorial to the Jewish victims of the Holocaust, Romani Rose, chair of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma, published a petition demanding inclusion of the Sinti and Roma victims into the same memorial. Any other outcome, he wrote, would indicate a “hierarchy of victims” (die Zeit). The Berlin Wall fell seven months later, transforming the political and spatial dimensions of Germany’s commemorative landscape. So began a new phase of contestation – a national memorial project at its centre – over the so-called uniqueness of the (Jewish) Holocaust, and the moral and political responsibility of the newly reunified German state for genocide committed against Jewish and “other” victim groups. This dissertation draws on an entangled understanding of memory production in order to disentangle the social relations and identities that are mobilized in national memorial projects. I define entangled memory in two ways: (1) it refers to the interlinking of dominant memory and oppositional forms in the public sphere (Popular Memory Group 1998); (2) it is multidirectional in that the subjects and spaces of public memory are defined not only by a competition of victimhood but also as a product of influence and exchange (Rothberg 2009). This framework allows me to argue that the genocide of the Sinti and Roma – historically forgotten victims – is gradually gaining a foothold in the German national imaginary via the dominant status of the memorial to the Jewish victims. In turn, the positioning of the memorial dedicated to Jewish victims has been and continues to be influenced by the commemorative activities of other victim groups. German state legislation in 2009 to link up the memorials dedicated to Jewish, Sinti and Roma as well as homosexual victims – the country’s three national memorials – under one administrative roof is a recent example of an emergent memorial network in the country’s commemorative politics. It is here, I conclude, in the New Berlin’s geographic, symbolic, virtual and cartographic spaces of national memory that we are seeing increasing forms of recognition and integration of historically marginalized groups.

In April 1989, four months after a German citizens’ initiative proposed construction of a central memorial to the Jewish victims of the Holocaust, Romani Rose, chair of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma, published a petition demanding inclusion of the Sinti and Roma victims into the same memorial. Any other outcome, he wrote, would indicate a “hierarchy of victims” (die Zeit). The Berlin Wall fell seven months later, transforming the political and spatial dimensions of Germany’s commemorative landscape. So began a new phase of contestation – a national memorial project at its centre – over the so-called uniqueness of the (Jewish) Holocaust, and the moral and political responsibility of the newly reunified German state for genocide committed against Jewish and “other” victim groups. This dissertation draws on an entangled understanding of memory production in order to disentangle the social relations and identities that are mobilized in national memorial projects. I define entangled memory in two ways: (1) it refers to the interlinking of dominant memory and oppositional forms in the public sphere (Popular Memory Group 1998); (2) it is multidirectional in that the subjects and spaces of public memory are defined not only by a competition of victimhood but also as a product of influence and exchange (Rothberg 2009). This framework allows me to argue that the genocide of the Sinti and Roma – historically forgotten victims – is gradually gaining a foothold in the German national imaginary via the dominant status of the memorial to the Jewish victims. In turn, the positioning of the memorial dedicated to Jewish victims has been and continues to be influenced by the commemorative activities of other victim groups. German state legislation in 2009 to link up the memorials dedicated to Jewish, Sinti and Roma as well as homosexual victims – the country’s three national memorials – under one administrative roof is a recent example of an emergent memorial network in the country’s commemorative politics. It is here, I conclude, in the New Berlin’s geographic, symbolic, virtual and cartographic spaces of national memory that we are seeing increasing forms of recognition and integration of historically marginalized groups.

SAMMANFATTNING Studien var en jämförande longitudinell studie där syftet var att undersöka om den självskattade hälsan förbättrades för personer (n=14) som deltagit i hälsokurs inom arbetsmarknadsprojektet Romano Zor. Frågeställningen var: förändras självskattad hälsa över tid för deltagare i ett arbetsmarknadsprojekt? Datainsamlingsmetod var Hälsoenkät SF-36 som mäter självrapporterad fysisk och psykisk hälsa, med åtta delskalor. Resultatet visar att romerna, i basmätningen (n=28), skattade sin hälsa sämre än personerna i normdata grupperna, i samtliga skalor. I fem delskalor skattar deltagarna (n=14), som svarade på enkäten även vid andra mätningen, sin hälsa sämre efter att de genomgått projektet (mätning över tid). Kvinnorna skattar generellt sin hälsa sämre än männen. Undantaget en fråga som rör förändring av hälsan över tid, där kvinnorna skattar bättre hälsa än männen. I denna fråga skattar majoriteten av deltagarna en bättre eller likvärdig hälsa i andra mätningen, jämfört med bas mätningen. Slutsats: personer med romskt ursprung som deltar i en hälsokurs i ett arbetsmarknadsprojekt, skattar en förbättrad  hälsa över tid i några hälsofaktorer, mätt med hälsoenkät SF 36. / ABSTRACT The study was a comparative longitudinal study where the aim was to investigate whether self-rated health improved for persons (n=14) who participated in the health course in a labor project Romano Zor. The issue was: changed self-rated health over time for participants in a social project? Data collection method was a health survey SF-36, which measures self-rated physical and mental health, with eight sub-scales. The results show that the Roma, in the base measurement  (n = 28), rated their health worse than their counterparts in standard data groups, in all scales.  In five sub-scales underestimate the participants (n = 14), respondents were also at the second measurement, their health worse after they completed the project (measurement over time). The women generally underestimate their health worse than men. The exception a matter related to changes in health over time, with women underestimating better health than men. In this case overestimate the majority of the participants a better or equivalent health in the second measurement, compared to base measurement. Conclusion: The people of Roma origin who participate in a health course in a labor market project, estimate health improvement over time in any health factors, as measured by the health questionnaire SF- 36.

Why do some ethnic groups mobilize in violent ways whereas some others mobilize by using peaceful methods? And why do some ethnic groups seek integration while some others pursue separatist goals? This dissertation proposes a theoretical framework to answer these questions. It suggests that a state’s ethnic incorporation policies shape both why (centripetal or centrifugal aims) and how (peaceful or violent methods) ethnic groups mobilize. It argues that (1) consocitionalism recognizes ethnic groups and grants a degree of political autonomy to them, yet limits individuals’ political participation via non-ethnic channels of political participation; and, therefore, it leads to peaceful and moderately centrifugal ethnic mobilizations; (2) liberal multiculturalism recognizes ethnic groups, grants a degree of political autonomy to them, and allows individuals to participate in politics via non-ethnic channels; and, therefore, it leads to peaceful and moderately centripetal mobilizations; (3) civic assimilationism neither recognizes ethnic groups nor grants a degree of political autonomy to them, yet allows individuals to participate in politics via non-ethnic channels; and therefore it leads to peaceful and centripetal mobilizations of groups which lack pre-existing ethnic mobilization; but it leads to moderately violent and centrifugal mobilizations of groups which have strong pre-existing ethnic mobilizations; and (4) ethnocracies neither recognize ethnic groups nor grant a degree of political autonomy to them, and they also limit individuals’ political participation via non-ethnic channels. Therefore, they lead to centrifugal and violent ethnic mobilizations. The dissertation uses a mixed method research design. The hypotheses are tested based on the Minorities at Risk data as well as the case studies of ethnic Turks in Bulgaria and Cyprus, and Kurds and the Roma in Turkey. The case studies benefit from an extensive field research in Bulgaria, Cyprus, and Turkey using original interviews with former and current guerillas, guerilla families, political activists, and politicians from each ethnic group under scrutiny and archival research on newspapers and legal documents. The findings indicate that politics of ethnic accommodation are not only an explanation for the causes of different ethnic mobilization patterns, but also a feasible remedy for ethnic disputes spanning all over the world. / text

The purpose of this essay is to do a case specific examination of the EU level implementation of the integration of Romanian Roma. The essay is divided into two parts. The first part of the essay constitutes a description of relevant European Union policy instruments and the current ambition to integrate the Romanian Roma. The second part of the essay is a qualitative text analysis based on debate articles published in the Swedish daily newspaper Dagens Nyheter. The articles are systematically categorized by different themes in order to try to analyze the reasoning and argumentation in this area. The aim of the qualitative analysis is to find the core of the debate and then try to compare it with the EU’s ambitions to integrate Romanian Roma.   The essay concludes that there are problematic aspects to the implementation of Romanian Roma integration. This essay shows one of these problematic aspects. It is a complicated problem without a single, given solution. Rather, there are a number of factors that contributes to the problem. The essay also offers some new facts that can constitute a basis for further research.

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This dissertation is a study of economic, political, and social reforms in contemporary Turkey and how they are experienced by the country's Romani ("Gypsy") population. By focusing on urban renewal projects, the pluralization of cultural identities, and the proliferation of civil society organizations, this dissertation analyzes these changes in urban Romani communities, examining how state and civil society initiatives impact identity and civic engagement. This research contributes broadly to work in anthropology studying the relationship between culture and power, specifically investigating how local cultural identities and practices intersect and interact with transnational political-economic processes. While the meaning and application of the concept of 'culture' has been much debated in the social sciences, this analysis is situated within studies that consider culture a site of governance. Many modern forms of governance work less through force than by subjecting culture to the political logic of empowerment and improvement. This study interrogates this process via ethnographic research with dislocated Roma and Romani rights civic actors in three Turkish cities, focusing in particular on one dislocated Romani community from a neighborhood in Istanbul known as Sulukule. The project is unique in that it addresses Romani identity, culture, and citizenship where they intersect with current politics around urban development in Turkey. While 'urban renewal' projects are incorporating the land of the urban poor into new plans for Istanbul as a global city, Romani residents find themselves increasingly dispossessed. More than interventions that aim to improve the conditions of Turkey's Roma, urban development has renewed the politicization of urban Romani communities, particularly the youth, who have begun participating in social movements and Romani rights activism. The study finds that, while the changes resulting from liberalization and democratization in Turkey are typically posed by scholars, politicians, and civil society actors as either positive or negative, the advantages and disadvantages for marginalized populations like the Roma are actually simultaneously produced and mutually constituted. While Turkey's Roma are being integrated into discourses, practices, and institutions of Turkish national belonging and transnational Romani rights solidarity, they are also facing the dissolution of their local communities, traditional occupations, and cultural life. This dissertation suggests broader repercussions for anthropological understandings of the impact of free-market liberalization and democratization in so-called 'developing countries,' and particularly interrogates the politics of 'openness', the relationship between civil society and 'political society', and the role of transnational networks in urban politics.