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Tableau d’honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2009-2010 / Selon les travaux sur l'heuristique, des indices périphériques à l'argumentaire d'un message peuvent avoir une influence déterminante sur les choix d'un électeur issu de l'immigration. Dans la lignée des travaux de Graves et Lee (2001), la présente étude vérifie d'abord si l'identification à un candidat partageant la même ethnicité que l'électeur peut avoir une influence sur le comportement électoral. Grâce à une méthodologie originale, combinant l'expérimentation et l'entretien, l'étude révèle que l'identité partisane est un meilleur indicateur des comportements de l'électeur. La stratégie consistant à présenter un candidat issu de l'immigration aurait donc peu d'influence sur le vote des électeurs d'origine immigrante. Enfin, l'analyse vérifie si l'identification ethnique, considérée comme un phénomène d'influence groupale lié au sentiment d'appartenance à un groupe culturel, peut expliquer les choix des participants de l'étude. Les résultats démontrent l'absence de liens directs et probants entre les facteurs ethniques et le comportement politique des répondants.

L’éducation civique a pour objectifs d’augmenter les connaissances politiques et l’engagement citoyen sous toutes ses formes. Au Québec, cette matière était enseignée jusqu’à tout récemment dans le cadre du cours d’HEC (histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté). Ce cours hybride était obligatoire de la première année du primaire à la quatrième secondaire. Aucune étude d’impact publique n’a été faite jusqu’ici au sujet de ce cours et de ses effets. Après une collecte de données auprès de 14 enseignants d’HEC de 4e secondaire et de 1369 élèves de 5e secondaire, ce mémoire montre que la présence plus ou moins grande de l’éducation civique dans le cours, telle que perçue par les enseignants et par les élèves, n’a pas de lien significatif avec les connaissances politiques, l’intérêt politique et l’intention de voter plus tard des jeunes Québécois en cinquième secondaire. Les raisons de cette absence d’effet pourraient être liées à la présence relativement faible de l’éducation civique en général dans les écoles québécoises ou encore à la diversité d’enseignants à laquelle chaque élève a affaire dans son parcours. De plus, une analyse multiniveaux montre que l’intention de voter plus tard, l’intérêt politique et les connaissances politiques des élèves varient beaucoup plus au niveau individuel qu’au niveau de la classe dans laquelle ils se trouvent / Civic education targets an increase in political knowledge and civic engagement in all its ways. That school topic was taught in Quebec until recently in the HEC (histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté) classes, which were mandatory from grade 1 until grade 10. No public study has been done regarding those classes and their effects up to now. After collecting data among 14 10th-grade HEC teachers and 1,369 11th-grade students, this thesis shows that a high or low presence of civic education in HEC – as perceived by teachers and students – has no significant impact on political knowledge, political interest and intention to turn out later for 11th-grade Quebec students. The reasons behind that lack of effect may be due to relatively uniform low presence of civic education in Quebec schools or the diversity of teachers each student gets during his or her school years. Moreover, a multilevel analysis shows that students’ intention to turn out later, political interest and political knowledge vary much more at the individual level than depending on the classroom they belong to.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / As white settlers and pioneers moved westward in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, some of the first to settle the Indiana territory, near the Ohio border, were members of the Religious Society of Friends (the Quakers). Many of these Quakers focused on social reforms, especially the anti-slavery movement, as they fled the slave-holding states like the Carolinas. Less discussed in Indiana’s history is the impact Quakerism also had in the movement for women’s rights. This case study of two of the founding members of the Indiana Woman’s Rights Association (later to be renamed the Indiana Woman’s Suffrage Association), illuminates the influences of Quakerism on women’s rights. Amanda M. Way (1828-1914) and Mary Frame (Myers) Thomas, M.D. (1816-1888) practiced skills and gained opportunities for organizing a grassroots movement through the Religious Society of Friends. They attained a strong sense of moral grounding, skills for conducting business meetings, and most importantly, developed a confidence in public speaking uncommon for women in the nineteenth century. Quakerism propelled Way and Thomas into action as they assumed early leadership roles in the women’s rights movement. As advocates for greater equality and freedom for women, Way and Thomas leveraged the skills learned from Quakerism into political opportunities, resource mobilization, and the ability to frame their arguments within other ideological contexts (such as temperance, anti-slavery, and education).

In der Zeit der Weimarer Republik war Adele Schreiber eine der bekanntesten Frauen Deutschlands und in allen Verzeichnissen bekannter deutscher Frauen zu finden. Durch den Bruch in ihrem Leben, herbeigeführt durch die sich abzeichnende Herrschaft der Nationalsozialisten, die sie ins Exil zwang, geriet sie in Vergessenheit und war schon nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in die Bedeutungslosigkeit gefallen. In der vorliegenden Arbeit soll nicht nur das Leben Adele Schreibers an sich, sondern auch ihre Position in der Frauenbewegung ab der Jahrhundertwende thematisiert werden, die zahlreichen Querverbindungen zwischen den einzelnen Organisationen, aber auch zwischen Adele Schreiber und anderen Mitstreiterinnen. Adele Schreiber ist eine derjenigen Frauen, die seit der Jahrhundertwende in vorderster Reihe in der Frauenbewegung mitgekämpft haben. Setzte sie sich, 1898 in Berlin angekommen, zuerst intensiv für die Schaffung einer Frauenversicherung ein, so kämpfte sie wenig später gleichermaßen für das Frauenwahlrecht und engagierte sich im Mutter- und Kinderschutz. Doch neben aller sozialpolitisch engagierten Arbeit und journalistischer Tätigkeit für die Durchsetzung der Rechte der Frau war Adele Schreiber auch politisch tätig. Als Reichstagsmitglied der SPD ab 1920 bemühte sie sich auf politischer Ebene um eine gesetzlich festgelegte Anerkennung und Mündigkeit der Frau. Selbst nach dem Exil, das sie in der Schweiz und in Großbritannien verbrachte, verfolgte sie bis zu ihrem Tod 1957 mit wachen Augen die politischen Entwicklungen in Deutschland und der Welt. / During the time of the Weimar republic, Adele Schreiber was one of the most famous women in Germany and could be found all the accounts by well-known German women. Due to the break in her life brought about by the threatening seizure of power by the National Socialists which forced her into exile, she became forgotten and by the end of the Second World War she had already disappeared into insignificance. The following work attempts not only to explore the life of Adele Schreiber itself, but also her position in the women's movement from the turn of the century onwards, the numerous inter-connections between the separate organisations and between Adele Schreiber and other fellow-activists. Adele Schreiber is among those women who fought in the front line of the women's movement from the turn of the century onwards. Having initially committed herself intensively, as a newcomer in Berlin in 1898, to the cause of introducing an insurance for women, she fought equally hard a short time later for women's suffrage and she became involved in the issues of maternity leave and child protection. But besides all her committed socio-political activities and her work as a journalist for the attainment of women's rights, Adele Schreiber was also politically active. As a member of the Reichstag for the SPD from 1920 onwards, she strived in the political arena for a legally effective acknowledgement and declaration of women as political entities. Even after she went into exile in Switzerland and Great Britain she followed vigilantly the political developments in Germany and throughout the world until her death in 1957.

In 1967 Sallye Brooks Mathis and Mary Littlejohn Singleton were elected the first blacks in sixty years, and the first women ever, to the city council of Jacksonville, Florida. These two women had been raised in Jacksonville in a black community which, in spite of racial discrimination and segregation since the Civil War, had demonstrated positive leadership and cooperative action as it developed its own organizations and maintained a thriving civic life. Jacksonville blacks participated in politics when allowed to do so and initiated several economic boycotts and court suits to resist racial segregation. Black women played an important part in these activities--occasionally in visible leadership roles. As adults, Sallye Mathis and Mary Singleton· participated as educators, family members and leaders in various community efforts. Both had developed wide contacts and were respected among many blacks and whites. Mary Singleton had learned about politics as the wife of a respected black politician, and Sallye Mathis became a leader in the civil rights struggles of the 1960s in Jacksonville. In 1967, a governmental reform movement in Duval County, a softening of negative racial attitudes, and perhaps their being female aided their victories. While Sallye Mathis remained on the Jacksonville City Council for fifteen years until her death in 1982, Mary Singleton served in the Florida House of Representatives from 1972 to 1976--the third black in the twentieth century and the first woman from Northeast Florida. From 1976 to 1978 she was appointed director of the Florida Division of Elections and in 1978 she campaigned unsuccessfully for Lt. Governor of Florida. As government officials, Sallye Mathis and Mary Singleton emphasized the needs of low-income people and were advocates for black interests when they felt it was necessary. They were active as volunteers in numerous other community organizations and projects to further their goals. PALMM

The Republic of South Africa entered into a new constitutional dispensation in 1994. As part of this new constitutional dispensation, a new electoral system, i.e. the closed-list proportional representative electoral system, was adopted. This electoral system was accepted for elections on a national level of representatives for the National Assembly and has certain advantages and disadvantages. Some political scientists, political parties and opinion formers are of the opinion that this electoral system brings about poor contact between the representatives in the National Assembly (Parliament) and the voters. Critics are also of the opinion that party leaders obtain too much power within this electoral system, in that the parties appoint candidates to the candidate lists. In elections, voters vote for specific political parties and therefore do not have a choice with regard to who their representatives are. The result is that South Africa adheres to the representative aspect of democracy, but is lacking with regard to the accounting of representatives to voters. The legitimacy of Parliament is impaired by this defect. The aim of this study is to provide a critical analysis and investigate alternative frameworks of the South African electoral system and its functioning on a national level. In the analysis it is determined to what extent the South African electoral system meets the criteria set for an electoral system to ensure the legitimacy of Parliament, a sustainable representative democracy and an accountable government in the long term in the country. This analysis and evaluation was used to determine whether the existing closed-list proportional representative electoral system is the most suitable electoral system for South Africa and, if not, to identify and analyse an alternative electoral system for South Africa. The analysis entails a literature overview analysis of electoral systems. From the study it appears that modern democracies use a wide variety of different electoral systems. There is consensus that no single best electoral system exists which could be used by all countries, since every country has its distinctive circumstances and an electoral system’s functioning and outcomes are affected by it. In this study, twelve different electoral systems are identified with specific advantages and disadvantages. Criteria were set with which electoral systems had to comply in order to promote democracy and ensure the legitimacy of Parliament. These criteria require that electoral systems have to promote and ensure broad representation, accessible and meaningful elections, reconciliation, stable and effective government, accountability of government, accountability of representatives, promotion of political parties, opposition and oversight, sustainability of the electoral process, and international standards. The listed criteria were placed in order of priority according to those which are the most important in the current South African circumstances. In accordance with this, an evaluation model was drawn up which was quantified in order to calculate the extent to which every electoral system met the requirements and priority order. In determining the order of priority of the requirements in the criteria, the historical circumstances of South Africa, of discord, conflict, racial hatred, riots and suspicion between races, were taken into account. When applying the evaluation model to the twelve different electoral systems, it was found that the current closed-list proportional representative electoral system is the most suitable electoral system for South Africa and should be retained. In terms of the criticism of the current electoral system, the conclusion drawn is that electoral systems cannot ensure the measure of accountability of representatives. It is ensured by the internal rules and discipline of the political parties they represent. The contribution of electoral systems to the accountability of representatives is to ensure that voters have a choice between more than one candidate, or more than one political party at a following election. Furthermore, electoral systems also do not appoint candidates in an election; the respective political parties appoint them. In any appointment of candidates, the leadership and party bureaucracy will play a specific role, regardless of the type of electoral system. / Thesis (PhD (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.

The Republic of South Africa entered into a new constitutional dispensation in 1994. As part of this new constitutional dispensation, a new electoral system, i.e. the closed-list proportional representative electoral system, was adopted. This electoral system was accepted for elections on a national level of representatives for the National Assembly and has certain advantages and disadvantages. Some political scientists, political parties and opinion formers are of the opinion that this electoral system brings about poor contact between the representatives in the National Assembly (Parliament) and the voters. Critics are also of the opinion that party leaders obtain too much power within this electoral system, in that the parties appoint candidates to the candidate lists. In elections, voters vote for specific political parties and therefore do not have a choice with regard to who their representatives are. The result is that South Africa adheres to the representative aspect of democracy, but is lacking with regard to the accounting of representatives to voters. The legitimacy of Parliament is impaired by this defect. The aim of this study is to provide a critical analysis and investigate alternative frameworks of the South African electoral system and its functioning on a national level. In the analysis it is determined to what extent the South African electoral system meets the criteria set for an electoral system to ensure the legitimacy of Parliament, a sustainable representative democracy and an accountable government in the long term in the country. This analysis and evaluation was used to determine whether the existing closed-list proportional representative electoral system is the most suitable electoral system for South Africa and, if not, to identify and analyse an alternative electoral system for South Africa. The analysis entails a literature overview analysis of electoral systems. From the study it appears that modern democracies use a wide variety of different electoral systems. There is consensus that no single best electoral system exists which could be used by all countries, since every country has its distinctive circumstances and an electoral system’s functioning and outcomes are affected by it. In this study, twelve different electoral systems are identified with specific advantages and disadvantages. Criteria were set with which electoral systems had to comply in order to promote democracy and ensure the legitimacy of Parliament. These criteria require that electoral systems have to promote and ensure broad representation, accessible and meaningful elections, reconciliation, stable and effective government, accountability of government, accountability of representatives, promotion of political parties, opposition and oversight, sustainability of the electoral process, and international standards. The listed criteria were placed in order of priority according to those which are the most important in the current South African circumstances. In accordance with this, an evaluation model was drawn up which was quantified in order to calculate the extent to which every electoral system met the requirements and priority order. In determining the order of priority of the requirements in the criteria, the historical circumstances of South Africa, of discord, conflict, racial hatred, riots and suspicion between races, were taken into account. When applying the evaluation model to the twelve different electoral systems, it was found that the current closed-list proportional representative electoral system is the most suitable electoral system for South Africa and should be retained. In terms of the criticism of the current electoral system, the conclusion drawn is that electoral systems cannot ensure the measure of accountability of representatives. It is ensured by the internal rules and discipline of the political parties they represent. The contribution of electoral systems to the accountability of representatives is to ensure that voters have a choice between more than one candidate, or more than one political party at a following election. Furthermore, electoral systems also do not appoint candidates in an election; the respective political parties appoint them. In any appointment of candidates, the leadership and party bureaucracy will play a specific role, regardless of the type of electoral system. / Thesis (PhD (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.

Au travers de trois grands chapitres, cette HDR aborde la question de la famille comme unité politique (avec trois sous-parties : 1. les femmes et le vote en système familialiste, 2. le familialisme et 3. une socio-histoire compréhensive des représentations), Les expériences en famille des classes de sexe (avec trois sous-parties : 1. le roman conjugal, 2. l'entrelacs du privé et du public, 3. les classes de sexe à l'épreuve de la famille), et L'émergence et les mobilisations de la classe de sexe (avec là encore, trois sous-parties, 1. 1789-1848 : un sexualisme sous le boisseau, 2. 1848 à la croisée des chemins et 3. le sexualisme dominant, XXème siècle).

This thesis examines the beginning of Victoria, British Columbia’s, women’s movement, stretching its ‘start’ date to the late 1850s while arguing that, to some extent, the local movement criss-crossed racial, ethnic, religious, and gender boundaries. It also highlights how the people involved with the women’s movement in Victoria challenged traditional beliefs, like separate sphere ideology, about women’s position in society and contributed to the introduction of new more egalitarian views of women in a process that continues to the present day. Chapter One challenges current understandings of First Wave Feminism, stretching its limitations regarding time and persons involved with social reform and women’s rights goals, while showing that the issue of ‘suffrage’ alone did not make a ‘women’s movement’. Chapter 2 focuses on how the local ‘women’s movement’ coalesced and expanded in the late 1890s to embrace various social reform causes and demands for women’s rights and recognition, it reflected a unique spirit that emanated from Victorian traditionalism, skewed gender ratios, and a frontier mentality. Chapter 3 argues that an examination of Victoria’s movement, like any other ‘women’s movement’, must take into consideration the ethnic and racialized ‘other’, in this thesis the Indigenous, African Canadian, and Chinese. The Conclusion discusses areas for future research, deeper research questions, and raises the question about whether the women’s movement in Victoria was successful. / Graduate / 0334 / 0733 / 0631 / mlihmels@shaw.ca