Thesis (Ph. D.)--Brown University, 2005. / Vita. Thesis advisor: Sheila Bonde. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 201-209). Also available online.

Diss.--Techn. Hochsch.--Aachen, 1993. / Sources et bibliogr. p. 375-415.

In this essay, we have studied whether the Swedish newspaper Sportbladet reporting on the French football league (Ligue 1) is different from the season before to season after Zlatan Ibrahimovic’s arrival at Paris Saint-Germain FC in the summer of 2012. The teories that we applied were news values, framing and personalization. In order to complete our investigation, we used two different methods: a quantitative content analysis and critical discourse analysis to see if the news valuation and framing are different, but also to see what impact Zlatan Ibrahimovic’s arrival has on the media coverage of the league. The result of the quantitative content analysis and the critical discourse analysis shows huge differences between 2011/12 and 2012/13 seasons. Sportbladet published ten times as many articles during Zlatan’s debut season in the league in comparasion with the previous season. The articles became generally larger, better placed in the newspaper and contained more columns about the subject. We could also note more focus on individuals in the articles. This change is mainly explained by the increased geographical and cultural proximity during the 2012/13 season, which arose in connection with Ibrahimovic’s transfer from Milan to Paris Saint-Germain. The result was pretty much as we had expected. The 2012/13 season was way more covered with a particular focus on Zlatan and his team in the articles. That shows what kind of importance a national super star like Zlatan Ibrahimovic has on the reporting from the French league.

La description pétrographique et géochimique des roches granitiques et des minéralisations de la région de Meymac permet de délimiter un ensemble complexe dont les termes principaux peuvent se résumer ainsi : (*) granite porphyroïde de Meymac (*) coupole complexe (granite apical - leucogranite - stockscheider) de Neuf Jours (*) massifs de granites à grain fin de la Védrenne et du Cheix (*) filons et corps aplitiques (*) greisens minéralisés en Bi, Mo et W des Chèzes (*) greisens minéralisés en W, Mo de Neuf Jours (*) veines quartzeuses à wolframite de Neuf Jours (*) veines quartzeuses à cassitérite - wolframite du Colomby. L'interprétation géochimique est basée sur la recherche systématique de liens génétiques entre les divers termes de cette partition. ...// ... Les données géochimiques permettent de considérer le granite de Neuf Jours comme un produit évolué de la seconde lignée du granite porphyroïde, à partir des évolutions profondes supposées. Le leucogranite associé dérive du "granite apical" suivant une cristallisation fractionnée mettant en jeu une minéralogie notablement différente des précédentes, et où interviennent biotite, quartz, plagioclase, orthose, apatite et monazite. Une phase fluide peut également jouer ici un rôle important; en tous cas, on retrouve la trace de ce fluide démixé du leucogranite dans les apatites secondaires du granite apical greisenisé : les spectres de terres rares (anomalie en europium comprise) indiquent clairement que la source de la minéralisation de la coupole est le leucogranite. Un bilan effectué sur les roches greisenisées permet de montrer qu'il est possible d'expliquer le spectre de terres rares des fluides associés aux wolframites précoces des filons, par un échange entre le fluide issu du leucogranite et le greisen ; l'évolution ultérieure des spectres observés pourrait être due à des phénomènes de mélange avec des fluides n' ayant pas traversé le greisen (fluides métamorphiques?) . Il reste enfin à signaler des fluides très pauvres en terres rares mais présentant une anomalie positive en europium très forte, et dont les liens avec les autres termes décrits dans la coupole ne sont pas compris. Les minéralisations des Chèzes peuvent être dues soit à des granites de type Neuf Jours, soit aux termes évolués du granite de la Védrenne. Ce dernier ne peut pas appartenir directement à la même série que le granite porphyroïde : les seuls liens génétiques possibles semblent être des processus de fusion partielle qui restent fort hypothétiques: le mystère reste ici entier.

IN ENGLISH This diploma thesis deals with the issue of the rights of national minorities and their application in the inter-war Czechoslovakia. The aim of the diploma thesis is to analyze this question in one particular region. For this purpose I chose a linguistic island surrounded by majority of other languae. Yet I tried to provide a view of as much as possible points of view. This linguistic island should therefore contain a people of surrounding majority who create linguistic minority in observed region. The candidate for the appropriate object exploration is some german linguistic enclave in the middle of czech settlements. Or a region of significant czech minority amid german speaking milieu. As the best option I finally chose so called Wischauer Sprachinsel with a German settlement surrounded by Czech-speaking majority. Since the 19th century, the region began to increase the share of Czech-speaking population, which resulted in matryoshka doll consisting of a minority in a minority, the phenomenon typical for Lands of the Bohemian Crown at this time. However, in order to better explain the issue, I chose to compare the situation in the Wischauer Sprachinsel with another sore point for the Czech ethnographic map. The ideal candidate was Litvínov region in the Sudetenland, which was a mirror...

Geoffrey Brown Abstract: In 1919 the Rusyns of Subcarpathian Ruthenia and Rusyn immigrants living in the United States decided that joining the newly-created Czechoslovak Republic offered them the best possible conditions for a stable future. They agreed to the union on the condition that the Rusyns would be granted the widest possible degree of political autonomy, and this autonomy was then guaranteed by the Treaty of Saint Germain signed in September 1919. Once the territory of Subcarpathian Ruthenia had joined Czechoslovakia, the Government in Prague decided that the Rusyn people were incapable of meeting the responsibilities of governing their own territory, since at the end of World War One they had been among the poorest and least culturally developed of all the nations of Austro-Hungary. The Rusyn leaders, particularly the territory's first Governor, Gregory Zhatkovich, protested to no avail against the Czechoslovak government's refusal to grant the Rusyns their legal right to political autonomy. Prior to the war the Czech public had practically no knowledge of Rusyns or their territory of Subcarpathian Ruthenia. During the first three years of the Czechoslovak state, the Czech media published many newspaper articles which highlighted or exaggerated the primitive nature of the Rusyn people,...

The eighteenth century witnessed a sea change in the French economy. In the century prior, Louis XIV had overseen a tightly regulated feudal economy, explicitly engineered to augment the wealth and power of the reigning monarch. His finance minister, Jean-Baptiste Colbert, pioneered a decidedly Gallic form of mercantilism, marked by a system of privileged monopolies whose operations were subject to exacting state control. However, in the decades following the Sun King’s death, the Colbertist paradigm came under threat – eroded by a series of liberalizing initiatives that edged the French economy towards a capitalist modernity. As Enlightenment philosophers touted the freedom and meritocracy of laissez-faire economics, segments of the Third Estate pushed back against the regulations which circumscribed their social autonomy. This tension between capitalist aspiration and mercantilist malaise reached a tipping point in the French Revolution, where a wave of liberalizing reforms wiped away the last vestiges of the Colbertist system. The Ancien Régime’s crumbling network of privileges, monopolies, and feudal hierarchies was replaced by a system of property rights designed to promote entrepreneurialism, free enterprise, and upward mobility. Opera became a key site of deregulation under the Revolution’s capitalist reforms. During the grand siècle, opera functioned as an extension of the absolutist state, with the Académie Royale de Musique – ostensibly a court institution – claiming a total monopoly over operatic performance. However, over the course of the eighteenth century, this primacy was undermined as new competitors challenged its share of the market. The introduction of a state subsidy for the Comédie-Italienne, the growing market for regional and colonial opera (in Marseille, Bordeaux, Saint-Domingue, etc.), and the popularity of commercial entertainments (like the fairground and boulevard theaters) threatened the Académie Royale de Musique’s stranglehold over operatic production, paving the way for the free-market reforms of the Revolution. Finally, in 1791, Isaac René Guy Le Chapelier introduced legislation to liberalize the French theater industry, abolishing theatrical monopolies and ending state subsidies. Theater was now a capitalist enterprise. This dissertation interrogates the relationship between opera and capitalism in eighteenth-century France and its colonies. Taking the Le Chapelier law as its endpoint, it seeks to demonstrate why opera became a central focus of the Revolution’s deregulatory zeal. I position opera at the vanguard of eighteenth-century liberalization efforts, showing how it embraced new commercial techniques and adapted to emerging economic freedoms. A series of institutional histories chart opera’s gradual induction into the capitalist marketplace during the Enlightenment, highlighting institutions that played a pivotal role in challenging Colbertist economic policy. Ultimately, I argue that opera houses, increasingly entangled in nascent forms of French capitalism, became cheerleaders for the burgeoning free market, profiting from affectionate, glamorous, or downright utopian portrayals of commercial life. Opera and capitalism became locked in a self-replicating feedback loop: the more that operatic institutions became enmeshed in the rise of capitalism, the more they promoted capitalist ideals. Seven chapters, proceeding chronologically from the Regency to the Terror, examine vital flashpoints in the intersection of opera and capitalism in eighteenth-century France – culminating in a reappraisal of the Le Chapelier law and its effects on the opera industry. Traversing a range of operatic institutions – in the metropole and in the colonies – these case studies not only show how opera companies embraced capitalist business practices, but also how they reconfigured operatic aesthetics to champion laissez-faire ideologies. The first chapter triangulates the symbiotic relationship between the Théâtres de la Foire, the finance industry, and urban capitalism through an analysis of financier characters in vaudeville comedy. The second chapter situates the vocalizing body of Madame de Pompadour at the intersection of pastoral opera, Italianate musical aesthetics, and physiocratic economic thought, offering a close reading of the operas she commissioned for Théâtre des Petits Cabinets. Chapter 3 explores the forced merger of the Théâtres de la Foire and the Comédie-Italienne in 1762, suggesting that the new hybrid troupe weathered this institutional shift by staging opéras-comiques that depicted the commercial sector. Chapters 4, 5, and 6 turn to the colonial theaters of Saint-Domingue. First, I dissect the business practices of these commercial enterprises, highlighting their reliance on planter capital. Then, I outline the effects of this colonial capitalism on local operatic aesthetics, arguing that Caribbean troupes used promises of celebrity and spectacle to boost ticket sales. I demonstrate that theaters in Saint-Domingue used these unique aesthetic practices to promote a deregulated plantation economy in which planters exercised unmitigated control over enslaved workers. Finally, in Chapter 7, I return to the Comédie-Italienne (now rebranded the Opéra-Comique National) to examine the effects of the Le Chapelier law on theatrical policy during the Terror. Here, I challenge the assumption that the Montagnard regime reversed the economic freedoms wrought by the Le Chapelier law and reposition the revolutionary pièce de circonstance as a decidedly commercial operatic genre. Ultimately, I argue that opera played a vital role in bringing aspects of early capitalism into French public discourse during the eighteenth century. Over the course of this dissertation, I show that lyric theater, in representing a nascent free market onstage, inducted liberal fiscal dogma into the cultural psyche, entrenching it as a central facet of cultural modernity.

René de Longueil hérita de façon imprévue et presque simultanée de la seigneurie familiale de Maisons en 1629 et de l’héritage provenant de la famille de sa femme en 1630 qu’il sut par son habileté tourner à son avantage. Il entreprit dès lors la construction d’un château neuf, confié à François Mansart ainsi qu’à l’équipe de Jacques Sarrazin, célébré comme l’une des plus belles demeures de France. Mais il ne vit l’achèvement du projet que dix années avant sa mort, faisant de Maisons un chantier permanent, celui-ci ayant été conduit en plusieurs phases successives. A Paris, il habita rue de Béthisy, dans un hôtel hérité de Nicolas Chevalier, son oncle par alliance. Sa femme Madeleine, disparue très tôt, reste une figure mystérieuse, inspirant une partie du décor du nouveau château. Il eut également à coeur d’agrandir la seigneurie par l’achat de fiefs qui constituèrent un vaste territoire dans le Pincerais, entourant quasiment le domaine royal de Saint-Germain. Descendant d’une famille de robe, il acheta les charges de président de la cour des Aides, puis de président à mortier. Durant la Fronde, il joua un rôle important d’intermédiaire entre le Parlement et la Régence. Il eut l’honneur de servir le roi comme capitaine de ses châteaux de Versailles et Saint-Germain, avant d’être nommé surintendant des finances en 1650. Exilé quelques années en Normandie, il put, à son retour en grâce, accéder au rang de marquis en 1658 et recevoir le roi et la Cour. Ses demeures de Maisons et de Béthisy renfermaient un mobilier très riche et précieux, ainsi que de nombreuses oeuvres d’art. Homme de goût, dans l’esprit de son temps, il s’intéressa aux tapisseries, aux porcelaines et aux orangers. Les poètes célébrèrent les jardins de Maisons. Il fit de l’excellence une règle en n’employant que les meilleurs artisans et domestiques. Homme puissant, riche, célèbre, il transmit un patrimoine très important et son titre de marquis. / In an unexpected manner, and in a short time, Rene de Longueil inherited to the family seigneury of Maisons in 1629 and the heritage of his wife’s family in 1630 which he took advantage by his cleverness. Ever since Rene de Longueil undertook the construction of a new chateau, trusted François Mansart and Jacques Sarrazin’s team, and celebrated as one of the most beautiful residence in France. But he saw the finishing of the project only ten years before his death: Maisons was an endless building site, done one stage at a time. In Paris, he lived at rue de Béthisy, in a town house, inherited from Nicolas Chevalier, his uncle in-law. His wife, Madeleine, dead too early, stays a mysterious person who inspired the decoration of the new chateau. He had one’s heart set on extending the seigneury with the purchase of fief which constituted a huge territory in le Pincerais, surrounding nearly the crown estate of Saint-Germain. Descendant of a noble family, he baught the charges of la Cour des Aides and Président à mortier. During the Fronde, he played an important role as an agent between the Parlment and the Regency. He had the honour of serving the king as captain of his chateau in Versailles and Saint-Germain, before he’s promoted Superintendent of Finances in 1650. He lived in exile in Normandy a few years. Back in favour, he could assent to rank of Marquis in 1658 and welcoming the king and the Court. His places of residence in Maisons and Bethisy contained sumptuous and precious furniture, as well as many works of art. Man with a lot of taste and moving with the times, he took an interest in tapestries work, chinas, and orange trees. The poets celebrated the gardens of Maisons. Excellence became his rule employing the best craftmens and the best servants. Powerful, rich and famous man, he transferred a considerable heritage and his title of Marquis to his descendants.

Football violence was a rare phenomenon in France until the nineteen eighties. Harsh economic times coupled with the challenges of unemployment brought a different type of fanatic to football stadia. To vent their frustration about the economic difficulties of their time, some fans found an easy scapegoat: the increasing number of African immigrants in France. These fans, known as hooligans, have become organized and can be found supporting most major French football clubs, disrupting what once was a relatively tranquil national pastime. This thesis traces their development in France, looks at what they borrowed from Italian and English fan groups, and suggests how their organization is now uniquely French.