Thesis (LL. M.)--Judge Advocate General's School, United States Army, 1993. / "April 1993." Typescript. Includes bibliographical references. Also issued in microfiche.

Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2009. / Title from screen (viewed on August 27, 2009). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Jason Kelly. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 106-113).

In this paper I compare two female presidents in Latin America, Argentina’s Cristina Kirchner and Brazil’s Dilma Rousseff. Both have had major policy actions they have taken during their time in office that have meet with resistance from the elite members of society who were either happy under the military dictatorships that recently ruled that nations, or are unhappy that their Presidents are trying to change the way thing are. I look at two examples in particular, the first is Media Law 25.552 in Argentina which sought to break up the media conglomerates that held a monopoly on the media, the second, the scandal involving the state-run oil company of Brazil, and subsequent protests and how the elites are using those protests to call for President Rousseff’s resignation, due to their dislike of her social programs to help the poor. For both presidents, they face many difficulties in getting their legislation through and this paper examines the difficulties that exist due to the former military regimes in each nation.

Submitted by LUELUÍ APARECIDA DE ANDRADE null (lueluih@yahoo.com) on 2017-12-20T08:04:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Luelui_de_Andrade_com_ata_da_defesa_revisado_final.pdf: 1855084 bytes, checksum: eabc1a2f07c3d90da653bb79f9c60cb5 (MD5) / Rejected by Maria Marlene Zaniboni null (zaniboni@bauru.unesp.br), reason: Solicitamos que realize uma nova submissão e/ou corrija os dados seguindo as orientações abaixo: 1) Inserir Ficha catalográfica de acordo com o modelo disponível em: <http://www.biblioteca.bauru.unesp.br/#!/servicos/ficha-catalografica> (Dissertação (Mestrado) modelo dissert mestrado 2) Falta Palavra-chave abaixo do resumo e Abstract ex: Palavras-chave: Comunicação; Direito; Juridiquês; Democracia; Mediatização; Mensalão; Escândalo político midiático Keywords: colocar os termos em inglês. Agradecemos a compreensão. on 2017-12-20T12:39:58Z (GMT) / Submitted by LUELUÍ APARECIDA DE ANDRADE null (lueluih@yahoo.com) on 2017-12-22T05:03:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Luelui_de_Andrade_2017_.pdf: 1912863 bytes, checksum: 7baeaa7834934ce0fb2e4877f6038e15 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Minervina Teixeira Lopes null (vina_lopes@bauru.unesp.br) on 2017-12-22T11:13:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 andrade_la_me_bauru.pdf: 1831220 bytes, checksum: 3c4a4463945301e70fffa41d1f97120c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-22T11:13:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 andrade_la_me_bauru.pdf: 1831220 bytes, checksum: 3c4a4463945301e70fffa41d1f97120c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-10-23 / A presente pesquisa configura–se na investigação da atuação de profissionais do Direito na mídia durante o julgamento do denominado Mensalão do PT pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal (Ação Penal n.º 470/2005-STF), a fim de analisar se o posicionamento de determinados juristas foi crítico em relação à linguagem jurídica comumente utilizada por seus pares. Busca averiguar se realizam eles próprios a transliteração do ―juridiquês‖ para a Língua Portuguesa compreensível pelos cidadãos comuns, tendo em conta o papel político da comunicação de conteúdo e como pano de fundo a judicialização da política pelo Poder Judiciário, ou mesmo a politização desse Poder. Aquilata–se se a participação de quatro juristas na mídia (Margarida Maria Lacombe Camargo, Tercio Sampaio Ferraz Junior, Paulo de Barros Carvalho e Dalmo de Abreu Dallari) pode conferir-lhes o estatuto de ―dispositivos sociais críticos de interação sobre a mídia‖, no conceito formulado por José Luiz Braga. A prospecção se dá ainda sob a perspectiva do conceito e contexto da sociedade midiatizada, do papel da mídia hegemônica no deslinde do escândalo político midiático constituído a partir da deflagração da ação penal e seu julgamento, considerado, à época, ―o mais midiático da História do Brasil‖. Os pensadores das ciências sociais utilizados para a base analítica mais abrangente são José Luiz Braga e John B. Thompson, com outros teóricos críticos de apoio. / This research is a prospection of the Law and its language in the media environment, investigating actions of law professionals in the media during the trial of the corruption schandal called Mensalão do PT (the monthly allowance of the Workers Party) by the Federal Supreme Court (Criminal Action n. 470/2005-STF). The objective is to analyze whether the positioning of certain jurists was critical in relation to the transliteration of the "juridiquês" (a brazilian neologism to designate unnecessary or excessive usage of technical legal terminology) into the Portuguese language understood by ordinary citizens. The study also has taken into account the role of the Law in democracy, as well as the political role of content communication, and as a background, the judicialization of politics by the Judiciary, or even the politicization of this governmental branch. The study evaluates whether the participation of four jurists in the media (Margarida Maria Lacombe Camargo, Tercio Sampaio Ferraz Junior, Paulo de Barros Carvalho and Dalmo de Abreu Dallari) can confer onto them the status of "critical social devices of interaction on the media" in the concept formulated by José Luiz Braga. The prospection is still under the perspective of the concept and context of mediatized society and the role of hegemonic media in the definition of the media political scandal constituted from the outbreak of criminal action and its judgment, considered, at the time, "the most mediatic in history of Brazil". Social science theorists used for the broader analytical basis are José Luiz Braga and John B. Thompson, along with other critical thinkers for support. / Não recebi financiamento.

L'ensemble de notre démarche se fonde sur un constat : le scandale, souvent abordé à travers des discours moraux le condamnant ou le célébrant, est en réalité un évènement protéiforme et profondément ambigu. Il trouve sur la scène le lieu par excellence de son déclenchement, le théâtre étant étroitement lié aux idées de surgissement et d'immédiateté. Le théâtre et le scandale, communément associés aux notions du spectaculaire, de l'exhibition et du conflit, ne sauraient toutefois s'y réduire pour des auteurs en quête d'une définition de leur identité et de leur relation aux autres. Les années 1940 à 1960 en France constituent une période troublée et instable qui mène des dramaturges pourtant très différents à converger vers un même but : la création d'une communauté dynamique. Le scandale représente pour eux un moyen de communication privilégié entre la scène et la salle, offrant l'espoir d'un théâtre capable de concilier l'individu et la cité. / Our whole approach is based on the observation that scandal, often addressed through moral discourses that condemn or celebrate it, is actually a protean and profoundly ambiguous event. Because drama is closely linked to the concepts of emergence and immediacy, scandal finds on stage the perfect place for its release. However, in the eyes of authors seeking a definition of their identity and their relationship to others, drama and scandal, although commonly associated with notions of the spectacular, exhibition and conflict, should not be reduced to this trope. The years 1940 to 1960 in France are a troubled and unstable period, leading playwrights from different horizons to converge towards the same goal: creating a vibrant community. Scandal represents for them a privileged means of communication between the stage and the audience, offering hope of a theatre capable of reconciling the individual and the city.

A atuação da imprensa no escândalo político de 2005 é o ponto de partida deste estudo. A quebra de expectativa ética no campo político _ a denúncia de que integrantes do PT e do governo compravam votos de parlamentares _ representou para a mídia um acontecimento de grande importância noticiosa. Investida da sua missão de fiscalizar a atividade política e evidenciando o aspecto moral do caso, a imprensa enfatizou o seu espaço de poder, na medida em que fez do evento um problema com ampla visibilidade pública. Esse tipo de comportamento colaborou para acirrar o que chamamos de uma disputa pela construção de imagens. Com o escândalo, atores políticos procuraram participar da arena midiática, oferecendo entendimentos para o caso. Para uma análise mais sistemática da construção de imagens, adotamos o conceito de agendamento e enquadramento midiático. Num primeiro momento, buscamos identificar o grau de importância que o escândalo do mensalão teve na imprensa e, em seguida, os tipos de perspectivas interpretativas adotadas. Focamos o estudo nas reportagens do Jornal Nacional da Tv Globo, na sua tarefa de cobrir o evento, e nos discursos do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva que procurou se contrapor ou até mesmo sustentar alguns entendimentos públicos do caso. Os resultados demonstram que o JN utilizou predominantemente enquadramentos de responsabilização, com seu forte aspecto moral, enquanto Lula procurou reforçar a perspectiva quanto ao seu comportamento ético. As matérias do JN sobre o presidente enfatizaram, na maioria das vezes, as características pessoais de Lula como autoridade política / The starting point of this study is the roll played by the press in the 2005 political scandal. The breach of an ethical expectation in the political field _ the denouncement that PT and government members had been buying votes from the parliament _ resulted in an event of great importance for the media. Taking its mission of supervising the political activity, and bringing to light the moral aspect of the case, the press enhanced its field of influence, while turning the event into an issue of wide visibility to the public. Such behavior contributed to deepen what we call a dispute for the image construction. With the scandal, political actors pursued to participate in the mediatic field, coming up with understandings of the case. For a more systematic analysis of the image construction, we have adopted the concepts of agenda-setting and media framing. At first, we aimed at identifying what degree of importance the "mensalão" scandal had in the press and, thereafter, what types of interpretative perspectives were adopted. We focused the study on the reports of TV Globos Jornal Nacional, in its task of covering the event, and on president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silvas speeches, in which he attempted to oppose or even sustain some public understandings of the case. The results demonstrate that JN used mainly responsibility framings, with its strong moral aspect, while Lula sought to reinforce the perspective of his ethical behavior. JNs reports on the president emphasized, most of the time, Lula's personal characteristics as a political authority

Cette thèse s'inscrit dans le giron des études en ethnométhodologie et porte sur les scandales, en tant que phénomènes sociaux à part entière, et sur leur relation à la politique. Á travers l'analyse détaillée de deux cas de scandale survenus en Égypte en 2005 et 2006, la démarche consiste à observer en contexte et en action les mécanismes de constitution spécifiques aux scandales dans l'espace public égyptien de la fin du règne de Hosni Moubarak. Il s'agit de décrire et d'analyser la manière dont un phénomène public tel qu'un scandale se produit et, ce faisant, de voir comment celui-ci peut revêtir ou non une pertinence politique, quels que soient les « faits » dénoncés au cours de son déroulement. Cette thèse est donc consacrée à une double clarification. D'une part, à partir de l'examen des pratiques méthodiques qui en sont constitutives, elle vise à jeter un peu de clarté sur la « nature » des scandales. D'autre part, en comparant un cas acquérant une coloration politique au cours de son déploiement avec un cas qui en est totalement dénué, il s'agit de sortir du « tout politique » et de voir comment la politisation peut survenir de manière contingente. Cette clarification vise en somme à bien délimiter, à partir du scandale, le domaine de compétence de la science politique quant aux phénomènes donnant « matière » à l'espace public en Égypte. / This thesis grounds in ethnomethodology and it tackles with the issue of scandals, as social phenomena in its own right, and with its relationship to politics. Through a detailed analysis of two cases of scandal that broke out in Egypt in 2005 and 2006, my approach consists in taking the scandal in consideration in itself and for itself, in order to observe in context and in action its specific mechanisms of unfolding in the Egyptian public space under the rule of Hosni Mubarak. In other words, I am concerned with describing and analyzing the method through which a public phenomenon such as a scandal occurs. On this basis, I consider how this latter can achieve a political relevancy, whatever the “facts” which are denounced in the course of its unfolding. This thesis is thus dedicated to a double clarification. On the one hand, it aims at clarifying the “nature” of scandals, through the examination of the methodological practices which are constitutive of it. On the other hand, by way of comparing a case taking on a political relevancy in the course of its unfolding with another case which is apolitical, it aims at taking it out of an all-encompassing-political-explanation and at analyzing how politization can occur in a contingent fashion. In sum, this clarification aims at delimiting political sciences' domain of competency with regards to phenomena giving “flesh” to public space in Egypt, through the analysis of scandals.

A atuação da imprensa no escândalo político de 2005 é o ponto de partida deste estudo. A quebra de expectativa ética no campo político _ a denúncia de que integrantes do PT e do governo compravam votos de parlamentares _ representou para a mídia um acontecimento de grande importância noticiosa. Investida da sua missão de fiscalizar a atividade política e evidenciando o aspecto moral do caso, a imprensa enfatizou o seu espaço de poder, na medida em que fez do evento um problema com ampla visibilidade pública. Esse tipo de comportamento colaborou para acirrar o que chamamos de uma disputa pela construção de imagens. Com o escândalo, atores políticos procuraram participar da arena midiática, oferecendo entendimentos para o caso. Para uma análise mais sistemática da construção de imagens, adotamos o conceito de agendamento e enquadramento midiático. Num primeiro momento, buscamos identificar o grau de importância que o escândalo do mensalão teve na imprensa e, em seguida, os tipos de perspectivas interpretativas adotadas. Focamos o estudo nas reportagens do Jornal Nacional da Tv Globo, na sua tarefa de cobrir o evento, e nos discursos do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva que procurou se contrapor ou até mesmo sustentar alguns entendimentos públicos do caso. Os resultados demonstram que o JN utilizou predominantemente enquadramentos de responsabilização, com seu forte aspecto moral, enquanto Lula procurou reforçar a perspectiva quanto ao seu comportamento ético. As matérias do JN sobre o presidente enfatizaram, na maioria das vezes, as características pessoais de Lula como autoridade política / The starting point of this study is the roll played by the press in the 2005 political scandal. The breach of an ethical expectation in the political field _ the denouncement that PT and government members had been buying votes from the parliament _ resulted in an event of great importance for the media. Taking its mission of supervising the political activity, and bringing to light the moral aspect of the case, the press enhanced its field of influence, while turning the event into an issue of wide visibility to the public. Such behavior contributed to deepen what we call a dispute for the image construction. With the scandal, political actors pursued to participate in the mediatic field, coming up with understandings of the case. For a more systematic analysis of the image construction, we have adopted the concepts of agenda-setting and media framing. At first, we aimed at identifying what degree of importance the "mensalão" scandal had in the press and, thereafter, what types of interpretative perspectives were adopted. We focused the study on the reports of TV Globos Jornal Nacional, in its task of covering the event, and on president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silvas speeches, in which he attempted to oppose or even sustain some public understandings of the case. The results demonstrate that JN used mainly responsibility framings, with its strong moral aspect, while Lula sought to reinforce the perspective of his ethical behavior. JNs reports on the president emphasized, most of the time, Lula's personal characteristics as a political authority

FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a tensÃo entre fà e razÃo no pensamento de SÃren Kierkegaard, tendo como nÃcleo interpretativo o conceito de Paradoxo. O estudo discute as questÃes mais fundamentais dessa problemÃtica. Em um primeiro momento, o qual consiste na instauraÃÃo do Paradoxo da fÃ, serà considerada a crÃtica feita por Kierkegaard à sÃntese hegeliana entre fà e razÃo. Tendo como referÃncia a primeira seÃÃo do PÃs-Escrito conclusivo e nÃo-cientÃfico, notar-se-Ã, neste ponto, a recusa kierkegaardiana a uma fà fundada histÃrica e racionalmente, bem como a rejeiÃÃo de um sistema que, no Ãmbito da existÃncia, tenha a pretensÃo da plena verdade. Com isso, o filÃsofo de Copenhague traceja com bastante nitidez os limites do conhecimento racional. Em um segundo percurso, a pesquisa concentrar-se-à na anÃlise da natureza da fÃ, partindo, sobretudo, da emblemÃtica categoria do Cavaleiro da fà apresentada por Kierkegaard em Temor e tremor. A anÃlise da noÃÃo de fà tornarà imprescindÃvel a discussÃo de conceitos mais diretamente relacionados, a saber: a noÃÃo de Salto, a relaÃÃo entre a fà e as vÃrias categorias existenciais â ResignaÃÃo, Sofrimento, AngÃstia e SolidÃo â, bem como a noÃÃo de Paradoxo absoluto e a relaÃÃo entre fà e EscÃndalo. Por fim, acentuando mais uma vez o distanciamento entre o autor dos Discursos edificantes e o pensamento hegeliano, discutir-se-à a permanÃncia do paradoxo. Em Kierkegaard, como veremos, o Paradoxo nÃo à apreendido e descortinado pela razÃo. Ele persiste e se expressa nas mais variadas categorias existenciais. Ver-se-Ã, portanto, que o Cavaleiro da fà encontra-se sempre em tensÃo, seja entre a angÃstia e a edificaÃÃo, seja entre o risco e a convicÃÃo, ou mesmo entre a SuspensÃo teleolÃgica da Ãtica e o dever de amar o prÃximo. Na relaÃÃo com o infinito, o Paradoxo à o companheiro que embala o Cavaleiro em sua existÃncia finita. / This study aims to analyze the tension between faith and reason in the thought of SÃren Kierkegaard, whose interpretive core the concept of paradox. The study discusses the most fundamental questions of this problem. At first, which is to introduce the paradox of faith, it will be considered the criticism by Kierkegaard to the Hegelian synthesis between faith and reason. Referring to the first section of the Concluding Unscientific Postscript, you will notice, in this point, the refusal of Kierkegaard to a faith founded historically and rationally as well as the rejection of a system that, in the context of existence intend the full truth. Thus the philosopher of Copenhagen outlines quite clearly the limits of rational knowledge. In the second route, the research will focus on the analysis of the nature of faith, based, above all, the flagship category of the knight of faith presented by Kierkegaard in Fear and Trembling. The analysis of the notion of faith become essential to discuss more directly related concepts, namely, the notion of Leap, the relationship between faith and the various existential categories - Resignation, Suffering, Anguish and Loneliness â as well as the notion of absolute paradox and the relationship between faith and scandal. Finally, stressing once again the gap between the author of Edifying speeches and Hegelian thought, it will be discussed-the permanence of the paradox. In Kierkegaard, as we shall see, the paradox is not seized by and revealed by reason. It persists and is expressed in various existential categories. See It will, therefore, that the faith Knight is always in tension, is between anguish and the building, whether between risk and conviction, or even between the teleological suspension of ethics and duty to love the neighbor. In relation to the infinite, the Paradox is the companion that packs the Knight in his finite existence.

Le scandale a mauvaise presse. Celui par qui il arrive est humilié puis raillé. Il est une forme de divertissement que certains jugent indigne. Pourtant, il s’avère être une formidable voie d’entrée pour qui tente de comprendre les États-Unis. Par cette monstrueuse transgression, le refoulé fait son retour. Ainsi, analyser le scandale, c’est envisager l’Amérique comme une nation hantée par le puritanisme. Cette pierre d’achoppement qu’est le scandale peut être la pierre angulaire d’une nouvelle construction théorique : un mélange d’anthropologie, de sociologie et de psychanalyse pour débusquer la part d’Ombre d’une Amérique étrangère à elle-même. Voilà pourquoi, paradoxalement, un roman se trouve au cœur de ce travail de recherche de civilisation américaine. Un roman lapsus échappé dans les années cinquante : Peyton Place. Plus qu’une étude de cas, son analyse illumine le concept-même du scandale aux États-Unis. Le destin de son auteur, pharmakos moderne et celui de l’œuvre elle-même illustrent les différents mécanismes de la machine infernale du scandale. Traité de scandalogie ironique, grotesque, kitsch et camp, Peyton Place est une manne pour le scandalologue. Mis en regard avec The Awakening de Kate Chopin, ce roman, vilipendé par la critique et ignoré par la recherche universitaire, met également en scène la féminité du scandale. Les deux œuvres féminisaient l’Amérique, ancrant leur narration transgressive dans une maternité teintée de primitivisme, annonçant ainsi une nouvelle ère où la sexualité serait plus libre. La scandalogie, elle aussi, est pionnière. Elle appelle à l’exhumation d’œuvres oubliées, raillées ou calomniées pour un nouveau canon américain. Peyton Place n’était pas qu’une « gifle au bon goût public », il émasculait l’Amérique. Plus encore, il déchirait le tissu mythique de la nation. Le scandalologue, forcément mythologue, n’est donc pas voyeur : il est visionnaire. / Scandal is tabloid fodder. Those who have fallen from grace are mocked and humiliated and most people think scandal is but a trivial matter. The shocking, disgraceful deeds and affairs of idols have long become part of the entertainment industry. However, scandal and gossip are two different things and the former can help us delve into the American psyche. Scandal is enlightening in more ways than one. It dramatically calls attention to collective fears that have repressed and preserved in the unconscious. Scandal, making them reappear, helps us probe the nation’s unfathomable depths: America is a mansion haunted by Puritanism, as it were. Scandal is a stumbling block but it can also be the corner stone of a new theoretical approach rooted in anthropology, sociology and psychoanalysis to shed light on the black, dense Shadow of America. Peyton Place is a Freudian slip of a novel that shocked the not so Placid Fifties and actually illuminates the whole concept of scandal. Because Grace Metalious was treated like a modern-day pharmakos, her fate illustrates the mechanism of that infernal machine scandal is. Peyton Place is kitsch, camp, ironic and grotesque but it is above all a treatise on scandal. Just like Kate Chopin’s The Awakening, Peyton Place feminized nature, rooting its narrative into primeval matriarchy and heralding a new era of free-flowing sexuality. Peyton Place was more than a slap in the face of public taste; it was a kick in the groin of the American male. More than that, it shred America’s mythical fabric of lies into pieces. A scandalogist is no Peeping Tom, then: he is a visionary.