This thesis presents a study of the institutions, forms and manifestations of secularism, or 'laïcité', in France, in the context of a series of events which came to be called the 'affaire du foulard'. The first incidents in the affaire took place in September 1989 with the expulsion of three primary schoolgirls in Creil, in the north of France, who were insisting on wearing the Islamic headscarf (known in French as the 'foulard') to school. Their actions were deemed contrary to the fundamental Republican principle of secularism in public schools, and the events were reported in several newspapers, before becoming a national controversy in media around the country. In this case, however, it was difficult to know how to interpret and apply laïcité in the context of a modern public school in the French Republic. The principle of secularism, or laïcité, is a central tenet of French public policy, and public education in particular. Laïcité also represents a set of social and cultural values which have profound historical resonances for many French people. At the same time, the public schools were unsure of how to negotiate their students’ freedom of religious expression, which, according to historical and legislative texts, is protected and upheld by the concept of laïcité, while also ensuring that the principle of laïcité was maintained. In a bid to resolve the uncertainty, France’s highest administrative court, the Conseil d’État, handed down a legal opinion in November 1989 in which it stated that the wearing of religious signs in public schools was not by itself incompatible with laïcité in France, although the religious signs could be prohibited in certain circumstances. In addition, various ministerial circulars were issued by successive Education Ministers between 1989 and 1994 to advise schools on how the law was to be interpreted and applied in this matter. One of the circulars, issued in 1994 by François Bayrou, encouraged schools to prohibit the wearing of the foulard and to apply strict penalties if Muslim girls continued to wear it. These measures resulted in an increase in the number of Muslim schoolgirls expelled for wearing the foulard, as well as in the numbers of public protests against the expulsions and the circular itself. Some of the schoolgirls and their families appealed against the expulsion decisions, and their cases appeared before France’s administrative courts over the years between 1992 and 1997. My thesis examines the key legal and administrative texts in the affaire du foulard, including the Conseil d’État’s 1989 legal opinion and the ministerial circulars, noting the legal implications of successive circulars and the shifts in government policy which they represented. In addition, my thesis analyses the transcripts of many of the legal judgements in the “headscarf” legal cases. These judgements were important not only in deciding the future education of the schoolgirls, but also in clarifying the 1989 opinion. They established a consistent set of principles to define the circumstances in which wearing religious signs such as the foulard was considered compatible or not with laïcité in public schools. The results of this analysis indicate that, contrary to popular opinion in relation to the affaire du foulard, the majority of cases were decided in the Muslim girls’ favour and upheld their right to wear a religious sign such as the Islamic headscarf at school. Recently, however, the legal regime in France governing the wearing of religious signs has changed. In early 2004, a new law on secularism was passed by the French Parliament to prohibit the wearing of the foulard (and indeed all visible religious signs) in public schools. The law has been welcomed by many sectors of the French community, but has also provoked extensive public protests. The passage of the new law does not alter either the analytical work or the conclusions of this thesis. Rather, the thesis offers an insight into the background of the affaire du foulard and thus a more informed appreciation of the potential legal and social consequences of the 2004 law in future years. The principal aim of this thesis is to provide a careful account of the institutions and operation of the principle of secularism, or laïcité, in France. My research also explains some of the complexities of the legislative regime established by the Conseil d’État and the administrative courts, who worked to balance priorities of freedom of religion and laïcité as well as to protect the education of many expelled Muslim schoolgirls, and in so doing, my thesis highlights the complexity of the principle of laïcité itself.

I adopt an interpretive methodology through which I investigate the becoming of Muslim identities in three national integration discourses. I analyse the meanings of integration in abstract, in context and through texts across contexts, and working within a broadly critical constructivist approach, I seek to show how integration discourses have an underlying security complex which explains how they come to be framed with Muslims in mind. To analyse integration I outline a new generic concept of settlement which I refer to as habilitation and which means enabling or endowing with ability or fitness. I then argue for an analytical separation of habilitative strategies, models and approaches, and thus remove integration from its generic descriptive status to one of strategy, model or approach. This I argue is justified in the discursive distinctions made in every-day language and meaning. I then investigate three broad habilitative models: multiculturalism, integration and assimilation. My primary data has been gathered in interviews with individuals acting as representatives of Muslim communities - Imams, organisation leaders, political activists and factory workers – corporate and societal actors such as Trade Unionists, Church representatives and state elites – policy advisers and integration officers. Muslim interviewees emphasised widespread use of distortion and mis-identification. I have defined such distortions as synecdoche. This is a two way process in which the individual is held responsible for the whole and in reverse direction, the whole being held responsible for individual action. The power of synecdoche to compress or expand Muslim identities is distortive and serves to reinforce the alterity of Muslims. In addition I identify another layer of othering which I call ulteriorisation. This involves placing identities under suspicion and is accomplished through a range of aspersive renderings – ambiguous loyalties, secularity, enclaving, underclass formation, and anti-integrationism. Ulteriorisation is understood to feed into broader securitisation of communities, society and polity. In conclusion I look at possible research directions and finish by emphasising that the integrity of Integration will be judged by the willingness of parties to negotiate and the quality of voluntarism and solidarity these processes produce.

Over the past 20 years, Western societies have undergone profound transformations, among other things, due to immigration. These transformations are characterized by an increasing diversity and the impact of a multitude of traditions and religious beliefs. The proliferation of religious traditions and their expression often poses a real challenge, bringing the question of the place of religion in the public space and, consequently, making proselytism and its regulation at the heart of concerns. In certain European societies, considered modern and secularized, such as France, governments are inclined to ensure a certain social cohesion and assert secularism. This is also the case in Quebec, as in June 2019, the law of secularism was adopted. This law, among other things, attests to the neutrality and separation of the state and religion. However, sometimes, some individuals go beyond these principles, viewing secularism as a means to eliminate any traces of religious beliefs in the public space. For some, it could even be a tool to limit the proselytism of religious groups. Based on a few interviews, this research examines the experience of proselytism as lived by evangelical Protestant believers in Montreal. Does the Quebec context generate notable resistances to this religious practice protected by the law? / Depuis ces 20 dernières années, les sociétés occidentales connaissent des transformations profondes entre autres, à cause de l’immigration. Les croyances, religions et origines se diversifient. Cette multiplication de traditions religieuses et leur expression représentent souvent un véritable défi pour le vivre ensemble, plaçant la question de la religion dans l’espace public et notamment le prosélytisme et son encadrement au cœur des préoccupations. Certaines sociétés européennes dont la France, afin de garantir une certaine cohésion sociale, affirment la laïcité de l’État. C’est aussi le cas du Québec, alors qu’en juin 2019 a été adoptée la loi sur la laïcité de l’État. Cette dernière, entre autres, établit la neutralité, de même que la séparation entre État et la religion. Des personnes vont parfois au-delà de ces principes, en voyant en la laïcité un moyen de se débarrasser des traces d’expression de croyances religieuses dans l’espace public. Pour certains, ce serait même un outil permettant de limiter le prosélytisme de groupes religieux. S’appuyant sur quelques entretiens, le présent mémoire se penche sur l’expérience du prosélytisme tel qu’il est vécu par des croyants protestants évangéliques de Montréal. Le contexte québécois produit-il des résistances notables face à cette pratique religieuse protégée par les chartes ?

Thesis (MTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The goal of this thesis is to present a historical-theological inquiry regarding secular humanism in Malawi. Some Christians have tried to respond, but there has been no detailed historical-theological response from the Church or theologians, nor has there been any critical investigation into the philosophy and underlying assumptions of secular humanism (understood as a specific movement and a broader intellectual current). (SHOULD BE REMOVED) The study is both historical and theological in perspective. It is historical, in that secular humanism is dealt with from a historical dimension, whereby its development over centuries is traced and lessons are learnt on how to respond to this movement in Malawi today. This study is also theological, in that it explores whether Christian humanism can engage constructively with concerns raised by secular humanists. It describes secular humanism on the level of its underlying assumptions, which are laid bare and their possible weaknesses exposed. The researcher holds that a critique of the assumptions is of greater merit than that which ends only on the level of specific arguments. Such a method of critiquing is borrowed from Klaus Nürnberger, who in his book Richard Dawkins’ God Delusion: A Repentant Refutation, critiqued Dawkins on the level of assumptions as well as Alister and Joanna McGrath who, in their book The Dawkins Delusion? Atheist Fundamentalism and the Denial of the Divine, challenged Dawkins at representative points, leaving it to readers to judge the overall reliability of his evidence and position. This is not to throw away specific arguments for it is through such arguments that we discern assumptions. This study is a critical engagement with the assumptions of secular humanism in Malawi, with the goal of responding to the challenges posed by their critique of religiosity. The study seeks to offer a constructive and adequate way of engaging Secular humanists and at the same time, explores whether Christian humanism is ideal in engaging concerns raised by secular humanists. The Christian humanist John W. de Gruchy is studied. He drew from John Calvin and Dietrich Bonhoeffer and the study also shows how he made use of their insights. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis is om ‘n histories-teologiese ondersoek aangaande Sekulêre humanisme in Malawi in te stel. Sommige Christene het probeer reageer, maar tot dusver was daar nog nie ‘n georganiseerde en sistematiese histories-teologiese reaksie van die Kerk of teoloë nie, daar was ook nog nie enige kritiese ondersoek na die filosofie en onderliggende aannames van Sekulêre humanisme (hier verstaan as ‘n spesifieke beweging en ‘n breër intellektuele stroming). (SHOULD BE REMOVED) Hierdie studie is sowel histories as teologies in perspektief. Dit is histories, in dat Sekulêre humanisme vanuit ‘n historiese dimensie benader word, waardeur die ontwikkeling oor eeue heen gevolg word en lesse geleer word oor hoe om te reageer op hierdie beweging tans in Malawi. Die studie is ook teologies, in die sin dat dit van die aanname uitgaan dat Christelike humanisme konstruktief met die vraagstelling wat Sekulêre humaniste op die tafel plaas, kan omgaan. Dit beskryf Sekulêre humanisme op die vlak van die onderliggende aannames, wat uitgelig word en waarvan die moontlike swakhede ontbloot word. Die navorser voer aan dat ‘n kritiek van die aannames van groter meriete is as een wat eindig op die vlak van spesifieke argumente. Hierdie metode van kritisering word geleen van Klaus Nurnberger, wat is sy boek Richard Dawkins’ God Delusion: A Repentant Refutation, Dawkins kritiseer op die vlak van aannames, asook Alister en Joanna McGrath, wat in hulle boek The Dawkins Delusion? Atheist Fundamentalism and the Denial of the Divine, Dawkins op verteenwoordigende punte uitdaag, wat dit aan die lesers oorlaat om die oorhoofse geloofwaardigheid van sy bewyse en standpunt te bepaal. Dit is nie om spesifieke argumente weg te gooi nie, aangesien dit deur sulke argumente is wat ons aannames onderskei. Die studie is ‘n kritiese omgaan met die aannames en filosofie van Sekulêre humanisme in Malawi, met die doel om te reageer op die uitdagings wat deur hulle kritiek van godsdiens gebied word. Hierdie studie poog om op ’n konstruktiewe manier met Sekulêre humaniste om te gaan en bied terselfdertyd Christelike humanisme aan as die ideaal in die omgaan met die vraagstellings wat Sekulêre humaniste opper. Die Christelike humanis John W. de Gruchy is ‘n voorbeeld van hoe ‘n Christelike humanitiese veldtog uitgevoer kan word. Hy bou op Johannes Calvyn en Dietrich Bonhoeffer en die studie dui ook aan hoe hy van hulle insigte gebruik maak.

In deliberating on the application of the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses of the United States Constitution’s First Amendment, the Supreme Court since 1947 has consistently failed to develop a principled distinction between religion and non-religion. This has hampered its ability to respond to developing challenges in Religion Clauses jurisprudence and to interpret those clauses in a systematic manner. Its recourse to facile characterizations of secularism and pluralism has exacerbated this problem. Attending to incoherence in the Court’s understanding of religion points to a definition of religion based in revelation and grounded not in the language of preference, identity or value, but in natural law and metaphysics. / text

The purpose of this study was to answer the research question, "Are there areas of philosophical agreement between the contemporary world views of secular humanism and Judeo-Christian traditionalism as they apply to public school curricula, or are these two belief systems mutually exclusive and irreconcilable?" The literature was reviewed with a focus on three areas: (1) the historical development of secular humanism, (2) the contemporary conflict between secular humanism and Judeo-Christian traditionalism regarding the public schools, and (3) this conflict as it is exemplified in "Family Life Education." Utilizing the statements of recognized secular humanist and Judeo-Christian traditionalist leaders, an attempt was made to clarify the philosophical positions of the two world views by having each side in the controversy "speak for itself." The guiding assumptions, beliefs, and values of these leaders were categorized into areas of standard philosophical inquiry, such as metaphysics, ontology, epistemology, and ethics, and into basic educational viewpoints. The resulting composite world views, validated by the reliability of their sources, provided for two comprehensive alternative philosophies of education: that of secular humanism ("humanism") and Judeo-Christian traditionalism ("traditionalism"). The two world views were summarily juxtaposed according to philosophical assumptions. Areas of agreement and conflict were located. In order then to determine the effects of the beliefs of humanism and traditionalism upon actual classroom curricula, a sample "Family Life Education" curriculum was examined from each world view. The sample was chosen as representative of those in use in over three hundred school districts nationwide. A noted humanist and two traditionalist authorities provided a supplemental verification of the results of the study. It can be concluded from this study that there are very few areas of philosophical agreement between humanism and traditionalism as they apply to the public schools. They are based upon mutually exclusive presuppositions and aside from the assumptions of logic, there are no major philosophical beliefs that humanism and traditionalism hold in common. When the public school attempts directly to shape human values, these two world views will come into conflict. They are fundamentally irreconcilable.

The Rumi Cultural Events Centre explores how the built environment can reflect a cultural phenomenon such as the evolution of Muslim communities in Western secular society of Canada. The centre has been designed for second generation Muslims, whose simultaneous exposure to religious and secular values change their outlook on religion and culture (Greif, 2007; Amor, 2006, Hadjiyanni, 2007; Kohut, Allan & Wike, 2006; Akyol, 2011; Mandaville, 2001; Distin, 2001). They reinvent the notion of Islam in a secular context, and create a synthesis that embodies religiosity, culture and secularism. The Rumi Centre is a new typology of space that emerges from a need to synthesize the new Muslim identity and values in order to create a non-traditional cultural environment. The Rumi Centre is not a religious institution. It is a culturally appropriate and contemporary events venue where forward looking and traditional Muslims come together with the local community. The centre’s design language reflects the attitude of Muslims who embrace modernity and secular lifestyle but remain true to their culture. / May 2016

Dans la France de l'entre-deux-guerres, les catholiques ne cessent de revendiquer une prise en charge financière de leurs établissements scolaires, dont la situation matérielle s'avère singulièrement précaire. L'enseignement privé catholique subsiste grâce à ses enseignants, subsumant leurs conditions de travail au nom de leur foi. La doctrine affirmée de l'Église catholique en matière d'éducation et l'acceptation des rôles prescrits dans l'institution sont les clés essentielles du maintien du réseau éducatif catholique. Cette revendication s'accompagne d'un militantisme polymorphe. Aux tenants de la réalisation de l'unité catholique, qu'elle soit en opposition au régime politique ou s'inscrivant dans la légalité républicaine, s'adjoint une troisième posture, encore marginale, d'insertion du catholicisme dans la modernité. Rejet ou acception de l'école publique, définition et rôle de l'enseignement privé, signalent ce qui se joue au sein du champ ecclésial : l'acceptation ou non de la pluralisation de la société française et de l'opinion catholique. Dans les années 1920, domine la configuration d'un cléricalisme éducatif, utopie d'une société chrétienne dont l'école catholique serait le fer de lance. Les années 1930 sont l'objet d'une reconfiguration paradoxale : alors que l'épiscopat reprend l'initiative en créant un Comité national de l'enseignement libre en 1931, la décléricalisation de l'action catholique est confirmée. Ce faisant, le militantisme catholique, qui a permis le maintien des écoles, participe en même temps de la politisation de l'espace ecclésial et, in fine, de sa sécularisation. / In France, during the interwar period, Catholics ceaselessly claimed public financial support for their schools, which were in a particularly precarious situation. Private Catholic schools subsisted thanks to their teachers who subsumed their hard working conditions to their faith. The strong doctrine of the Catholic Church in educational matters and the acceptance of prescribed roles within the institution were key to maintain a Catholic education system. This claim went alongside a polymorphous activism. Three attitudes prevailed: first, there where the advocates of the realization of Catholic unity, whether in opposition to the political regime or enrolling in the republican legality; then appeared a new movement which demanded the insertion of Catholicism into the modern world. The rejection or the acceptance of the public school system and the definition of private education and of its role, highlighted the issue for the Church: the acceptance or rejection of the pluralisation of French society and of the Catholic opinion. In the 1920’s prevailed the clericalist educational utopia of a Christian society of which Catholic schools would be the spearhead. The 1930’s saw a paradoxical reconfiguration: in the same time that bishops took the initiative of creating a National Committee for private education in 1931, the declericalization of Catholic action was confirmed. In doing so, Catholic militancy which enabled the maintenance of schools, was also responsible for the politicization of the ecclesial scope and, ultimately, of its secularization.

Cette thèse porte sur la problématique de la laïcité et religion en Tunisie. L’enjeu est d’étudier ces deux notions dans un terrain nouveau : la Tunisie. Cette étude découle de l’indépendance jusqu’à la révolution. Dans le première partie, la thèse se concentre sur la genèse du concept de la laïcité, son originalité et la spécificité de la politique tunisienne. Cette partie constitue une première croisée entre le pouvoir politique et religieux. Dans la deuxième partie, la thèse se concentre sur la société tunisienne. Elle se focalise sur le déchirement entre l’adhésion du mouvement réformiste forcé par Bourguiba et l’islamisme représenté par le mouvement de la Tendance islamique. Cette partie sera une occasion pour explorer le nouvel espace social. Une nouvelle architecture sociale sera dessinée entre voilement féminin et l’épanouissement de la religiosité. Dans la dernière partie, nous nous accentuons sur l’effervescence de la pensée tunisienne contemporaine face au choix entre appropriation et adaptation à la laïcité. La question initiale dans cette partie est doublement ambiguë. Comment dispose la société islamique les questions qui la dérange ? La liberté religieuse, l’apostasie, le vin et le témoignage : des notions soumises à des débats sans fin. Comment pouvons-nous interpréter le retard de la société musulmane ? Les études de Charfi et Talbi nous donnent quelques pistes de réflexion. Une nouvelle génération féminine sera présente en Tunisie. Il sera temps de découvrir comment la pensée féminine occupe la scène culturelle en Tunisie. / This thesis relates to the problems of secularity and religion to Tunisia. The stake is to study these two concepts in a new ground : Tunisia. This study rises from independence until the revolution.In the first left, the thesis concentrates on the genesis of the concept of secularity, its originality and the specificity of the Tunisian policy. This part constitutes first cross between the political power and religious.In the second part, the thesis concentrates on the Tunisian society. It focuses hard tearing between the adhesion of the movement reformist forced by Bourguiba and the Islamism represented by the movement of the Islamic Tendency. This part will be an opportunity to explore new social space. A new social architecture will be drawn, between female warping and the blooming of the religiosity.In the last part, we are accentuated on the excitement of the contemporary Tunisian thought in front of the choice between appropriation and adaptation to the secularism. The initial question in this part is doubly ambiguous. how does the Islamic company lay out the questions which disturbs it? Religious freedom, apostasy, wine, testimony : concepts subjected to endless debates. How can we interpret the delay of the Muslim company? The studies of Charfi and Talbi give us some tracks of thought. A new feminine generation will be present in Tunisia. It will be time to discover how the female thought occupies it the cultural scene in Tunisia. This thesis tries to answer if secularity is the cause of the crisis of the Tunisian society or the solution.

Cette thèse cherche à comprendre la difficile émergence en France d’un droit souvent rangé parmi les « droits sociaux » ou « créances », le droit à l’éducation. Il s’agit de l’expliquer en montrant d’abord que le bienfait éducation est traditionnellement saisi dans les discours du et sur le droit français par des références alternatives : le service public de l’enseignement et deux libertés publiques, celles de l’enseignement et de conscience. Ces références restent privilégiées alors que la disponibilité du droit à l’éducation n’est plus illusoire, depuis son affirmation supranationale et la reformulation du droit interne de l’éducation. Les conditions permettant que ce nouveau discours s'impose utilement sont envisagées. L'hypothèse d’une signification genrée, aussi, de l’absence de ce droit à dans les contextes français de laïcité est développée. / This thesis aims at a better understanding of the challenging right to education emergence, often embedded within “social rights” or “debts” categories. This study is performed through the demonstration that the positive aspects of education are usually grasped using indirect references like the education public service and two civil liberties: education and conscience. These references remain the norm today despite the reality of the existence of a right to education since its supranational recognition and the recasting of education within the french domestic law. The conditions allowing for this new approach are studied. Furthermore the hypothesis of a gendered meaning of this right's absence within the French secularism context is developed.