Kina, ett expansivt land i centrala Asien, har genomgått stora förändringar sedan Andravärldskriget. Har den förändringen skapat en uppfattning i USA att Kina kan ses som ett hot?Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka hur den officiella hotbilden av Kina skildrats i USAunder åren 1991-2006. Detta med fokus på att se på vilka förändringar som eventuellt skettunder den perioden. Problemformuleringen lyder: Vilka likheter och olikheter kanidentifieras genom att jämföra hur den officiella hotbilden av Kina har skildrats under detre olika presidentadministrationerna åren 1991-2006. Resultatet visar en relativ samsynunder hela den täckta perioden. Endast vid ett fåtal tillfällen uttrycks en uppfattad hotbild. Detsom är det genomgående temat i officiella uttalanden under perioden är behovet av samarbete.Ett samarbete som leder till öppenhet och samverkan inom alla sektorer. En öppenhet som i sintur bidrar till att skapa stabilitet och även till att USA inte uppfattar Kina som ett hot. / China, a country in Asia, that have gone through great expansion and change since the end ofWW2. Has that change created a picture in USA of China as a threat against USA? The purposeof this thesis is to examine how official statements have mentioned the China threat from 1991-2006. Focusing on changes, if any, during that period. To answer the question: What is similarand what differ about the pictured threat from China, during the three differentpresidencies, 1991-2006.The examination shows a relative coherent picture during the whole period. Just in someoccasion there is an imagined threat from China. Most of the time, in the official statements, theneed for co-operation is highlighted. Co-operation leading to transparency that will help tocreate stability and also creates an environment helping USA not to think of China as a threat. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 04-06

Abstract   Title: Från neutralitet till öppenhet? – En studie av säkerhetspolitikens utveckling i Sverige efter kalla krigets slut Author: Jens Kindh Supervisor: Patric Lindgren Linnaeus University Department of Political Science Spring term 2012   When the Cold War ended, a new security situation was unfolded in Sweden. The purpose of this thesis is to describe and compare how the Swedish security policy is organized and how it has changed since the Cold War ended. To do that, I’m going to try answer the following questions: How is the Swedish security policy organized? What defence resolutions have affected the Swedish security policy after the Cold War ended? How has different political actions made its impact on the Swedish security policy after the Cold War ended? My theory is to try explain how the Swedish security policy has changed after the Cold War through a realism security perspective called traditional security, which refers to a realistic construct of the states security policy. Furthermore, to explain Sweden’s security policy and its changes, I’m going to use the three defence resolution from 1996, 2000 and 2009. In addition, books and articles will also be used to explain how Sweden’s security policy is conducted and how it was developed after the Cold War ended. The results showed that Sweden’s security policy has gone through some substantially changes.   Words: 11 854   Keywords: Sweden, Security policy, Sweden after the 1990s, Official, Swedish defense resolutions,

The primary aim of this essay and qualitative case study is to identify different explanations of why the European External Action Service (EEAS) was organised and why it resulted in today’s organisation. Existing research not entirely updated highlighted the need for new information. Furthermore, since existing research mostly focuses on other aspects, such as the character of EU foreign policy or the role of the EU internationally, this motivated an alternative approach. Three main branches of New Institutionalism (rational choice, historical and sociological) constitute a theoretical framework, aimed at identifying explanations perhaps not earlier contemplated. Findings suggest for example that a major reason for the organisation of this service is due to self-interest maximising, increasing the EUs political and economic influence by acting more coherent. The need to attain legitimacy and resemble other established actors by adopting institutionalised practices and structures in the homogeneous diplomatic field is another explanation. The Service is partially organised the way it is because of the successes of major EU institutions and the member states in ‘locking-in’ their preferences. Organisational characteristics can also be explained as results of several historical, institutional upgrades in relation to earlier treaties and debates on the future of Europe.

Die vorgelegte Arbeit stellt eine explorative Studie auf dem Feld der Inneren Sicherheit dar. Angelehnt an politikfeldanalytische Ansätze werden Akteure und Institutionen im Bereich der Inneren Sicherheit dargestellt und hinsichtlich ihrer Bedeutung im Rahmen der Terrorismusbekämpfung untersucht. Darüber hinaus wird erklärt, welche Faktoren für Veränderungen und Entwicklungen in der Bundesrepublik insbesondere vor dem Hintergrund der Ereignisse des 11. September 2001 verantwortlich sind. Leitend für die Analyse ist es, auf Basis der Beschreibung der Akteure und der aktuellen Gesetzeslage die Art und Richtung der Veränderungen in den letzten zehn Jahren zu untersuchen und zu erklären. Im Rahmen der vorgelegten Untersuchung werden darüber hinaus die politikpraktischen und grundrechtlichen Probleme diskutiert, die im Bereich der Inneren Sicherheit von Bedeutung sind. Zugleich werden aber auch politologische Erklärungen für das Entstehen (und Verabschieden) von Gesetzen im Politikfeld Innere Sicherheit gegeben. Im Bewusstsein, dass eine vollständige Bearbeitung des Politikfeldes Innere Sicherheit nicht in angemessenem Umfang geleistet werden kann, konzentriert sich die Arbeit nur auf ausgewählte Entwicklungen im Politikfeld Innere Sicherheit. Hierbei wurden nur die Entwicklungen und Veränderungen der so genannten Architektur der Inneren Sicherheit in Deutschland in den Blick genommen, bei denen ein argumentativer oder sachlicher Zusammenhang mit den Ereignissen des 11. September zu beweisen oder plausibel zu vermuten ist. Entwicklungen in europäischen Nachbarstaaten werden dagegen nicht untersucht. Die Auswahl der behandelten Maßnahmen erfolgt auch danach, inwieweit sie in den öffentlichen Debatten überhaupt eine Rolle gespielt haben und wie hoch die Auswirkungen von politischen Entscheidungen beispielsweise auf die Grundrechte der Bürger oder auf die Sicherheitsarchitektur waren (und sind). Die Anschläge des 11. September 2001 selbst werden jedoch nicht analysiert.

none

Nowadays, there is an increasing need for interaction in business community. In such context, organizations collaborate with each other in order to achieve a common goal. In such environment, each organization has to design and implement an interoperability security policy. This policy has two objectives: (i) it specifies the information or the resources to be shared during the collaboration and (ii) it define the privileges of the organizations' users. To guarantee a certain level of security, it is mandatory to check whether the organizations' information systems behave as required by the interoperability security policy. In this thesis we propose a method to test the behavior of a system with respect to its interoperability security policies. Our methodology is based on two approaches: active testing approach and passive testing approach. We found that these two approaches are complementary when checking contextual interoperability security policies. Let us mention that a security policy is said to be contextual if the activation of each security rule is constrained with conditions. The active testing consists in generating a set of test cases from a formal model. Thus, we first propose a method to integrate the interoperability security policies in a formal model. This model specifies the functional behavior of an organization. The functional model is represented using the Extended Finite Automata formalism, whereas the interoperability security policies are specified using OrBAC model and its extension O2O. In addition, we propose a model checking based method to check whether the behavior of a model respects some interoperability security policies. To generate the test cases, we used a dedicated tool developed in our department. The tool allows generating abstract test cases expressed in the TTCN notation to facilitate its portability. In passive testing approach, we specify the interoperability policy, that the system under test has to respect, with Linear Temporal logics. We analyze then the collected traces of the system execution in order to deduce a verdict on their conformity with respect to the interoperability policy. Finally, we show the applicability of our methods though a hospital network case study. This application allows to demonstrate the effectiveness and reliability of the proposed approaches

- Friedrich Thießen: Der Fall Snowden oder das Ende der anonymen Welt (S. 2-3) - Sebastian Liebold: Imi Knoebel - eine Ausstellung leuchtet in den Winter hinaus (S. 23-24)

ABSTRACT A CONSTRUCTIVIST ANALYSIS OF TURKEY&rsquo / S FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY IN THE POST-COLD WAR ERA Ulusoy, Hasan Ph.D. , Department of International Relations Supervisor : Prof. Dr. H&uuml / seyin Bagci October 2005, 388 pages The thesis is about how the foreign and security policy of Turkey is constructed in a realist world where states follow rationalist policies according to how they see and perceive this world. The main argument is that Turkey&rsquo / s foreign and security policy has shown an unbroken continuity of a pragmatic and consistent nature guided by rationality that functions in conformity with how the state perceives the outside material world, through the lenses forming its own identity. As the focus is on the identity analysis, the thesis has utilized the constructivist approach in its conventional form. Conventional constructivism, which provides not alternative but complementary explanations to the world run by political realism without rejecting the realist-dominated mainstream scholarship, serves to understand how the material world where realist parameters dominate through rationalistic behavior of states is constructed and thus how the foreign polices of states are formulated. It focuses on the examination of the lenses through which states perceive and construct the world outside. These lenses simply shape the identity of the state in question. Building on this theoretical tool, the thesis seeks to provide alternative explanations to the consistency and continuity of Turkish foreign and security policy, in the post-Cold war era till the Iraqi crisis in 2002. It is based on the examination of the lenses forming the identity of the state that has governed the foreign and security policy in general and in respect to the collective identity-building of the state as regards (collective) security in particular. The assertions of the thesis are as follows: contrary to the arguments of mostly critical studies, in the Turkish foreign and security policy there exists no identity crisis despite the plurality of identities stemming from the multi-dimensionalism in this policy. These identities (sub-identities) may differ depending on the composition of ideational and material factors therein. Yet, they exist in harmony with each other under the guidance of the state (upper) identity. Furthermore, in respect of collective security efforts, arguments regarding Turkey as a security consumer causing instability are also related to identity: that is, the lack of sufficient collective identity which leads to such perceptions about Turkey. As to the methodology, the thesis is mainly based on the discourse analysis of the official documents, debates, policy papers on the foreign and security policy, as well as speeches/interviews and articles of state personalities who play roles in this policy. This is because such sources reflect the understanding of both the state organs and state personalities (civil and military officials, statesmen and politicians) about the outside world that shapes the lenses (identities), through which Turkey perceives the world in its foreign and security policy.

Cette thèse analyse l’institutionnalisation du Haut représentant de l’UE dans les négociations sur le programme nucléaire iranien entre 2003 et 2015. Si au départ le rôle qu’occupe le Haut représentant dans le dossier iranien est codifié dans les traités européens, à partir de 2006, ce sont notamment les résolutions du Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU qui le définissent. Ainsi mandaté par deux groupes d’acteurs distincts – les acteurs institutionnels de l’UE et les six puissances impliquées dans les négociations avec l’Iran – le diplomate en chef de l’UE est amené à endosser deux rôles contradictoires, celui du Haut représentant de l’UE et celui du Haut représentant des E3+3.En combinant la sociologie de l’UE avec la sociologie des RI, cette thèse interroge les dynamiques qui ont amené le Haut représentant à être reconnu comme légitime par l’ensemble des acteurs de la configuration du dossier nucléaire iranien. À partir de ce questionnement, ce travail propose un cadre d’analyse pour étudier l’institutionnalisation de l’Europe de la politique étrangère.La littérature sur l’institutionnalisation de l’action extérieure commune est divisée entre des travaux qui s’intéressent aux interactions entre des acteurs européens, d’un côté, et des travaux qui étudient l’institutionnalisation de l’UE sur la scène internationale, de l’autre. Ainsi, ils omettent que la construction de l’action extérieure commune est le produit de l’enchevêtrement des dynamiques globales et européennes. Cette thèse surmonte ce clivage en ce qu’elle met l’enjeu des dimensions interne et externe de l’institutionnalisation de l’UE au cœur de l’analyse. En m’appuyant sur l’hypothèse de la différenciation des espaces sociaux, je prendrai en compte les logiques distinctes structurant l’arène globale de la négociation nucléaire et l’arène de la PESC, tout en les appréhendant comme des arènes enchevêtrées. L’enquête empirique qui s’appuie sur des entretiens et des archives, met en exergue que le Haut représentant s’autonomise davantage de ses obligations du Haut représentant de l’UE pour endosser exclusivement le rôle de Haut représentant des E3+3. En outre, l’institutionnalisation de ces rôles est le produit d’une multitude d’interactions individuelles au sein et à l’intersection des espaces sociaux européens et globaux.À partir de l’analyse de l’institutionnalisation du rôle du Haut représentant dans le dossier nucléaire et en s’inspirant de la sociologie de Michel Dobry, ce travail permet de concevoir la variation de l’emprise des différents espaces sociaux sur l’institutionnalisation de l’action extérieure commune. Plutôt que de privilégier l’analyse d’une dimension sur l’autre, il est nécessaire de saisir la trajectoire de leur rapport afin d’appréhender le caractère aléatoire de la construction de l’Europe de la politique étrangère dans toute sa complexité. Au-delà de cela, l’étude de cas questionne l’idée de l’institutionnalisation de l’UE en tant que processus d’intégration. En effet, l’inscription de l’UE dans l’espace global de la diplomatie internationale nous permet de voir qu’il s’agit aussi bien d’une dynamique d’autonomisation, de différenciation et d’exclusion. / This thesis analyses the institutionalisation of the EU High Representative in the negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme between 2003 and 2015. Although initially the role of the High Representative in the Iranian dossier was codified in the European treaties, from 2006 onwards, it was notably the UN Security Council resolutions that defined it. Thus mandated by two distinct groups of actors - the EU's institutional actors and the six powers involved in the negotiations with Iran - the EU's chief diplomat is led to assume two contradictory roles, that of the EU High Representative and that of the E3+3 High Representative.By combining sociology of the EU with sociology of IR, this thesis examines the dynamics that led the High Representative to be recognised as legitimate by all those involved in the configuration of the Iranian nuclear dossier. Based on this guiding question, this work proposes an analytical framework for studying the institutionalisation of Europe's foreign policy.The literature on the institutionalisation of common external action is divided between work that looks at the interactions between European actors, on the one hand, and work that studies the institutionalisation of the EU on the international scene, on the other. Thus this bifurcation in the scholarly literature precludes a vision of European integration as the product of the tangle of global and European dynamics. This thesis overcomes this divide in that it puts the internal and external dimensions of the institutionalisation of the EU at the heart of the analysis. Based on the hypothesis of the differentiation of social spaces, I will take into account the distinct logics structuring the global arena of nuclear negotiation and the arena of the CFSP, while apprehending them as entangled arenas. The empirical survey, which is based on interviews and archives, highlights that the High Representative is becoming more autonomous from his obligations as EU High Representative to assume the role of High Representative of the E3+3. Moreover, the institutionalisation of these roles is the product of a multitude of individual interactions within and at the intersection of European and global social spaces.Based on an analysis of the construction of the role of the High Representative in the nuclear dossier and drawing inspiration from the sociology of Michel Dobry, this work makes it possible to conceive the variation of the influence of various social spaces on the institutionalisation of common external action. Rather than focusing on the analysis of one dimension over the other, it is necessary to grasp the trajectory of their relationship in order to grasp the random nature of the construction of Europe's foreign policy in all its complexity. Beyond this, the case study questions the idea of the institutionalisation of the EU as an integration process. Indeed, the EU's inclusion in the global space of international diplomacy allows us to see that it is also a dynamic of empowerment, differentiation and exclusion. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Due to the universal use of technology and its pervasive connection to the world, organisations have become more exposed to frequent and various threats. Therefore, organisations today are giving more attention to information security as it has become a vital and challenging issue. Many researchers have noted that the significance of information security, particularly information security policies and awareness, is growing due to increasing use of IT and computerization. In the last 15 years, the State of Qatar has witnessed remarkable growth and development of its civilization, having embraced information technology as a base for innovation and success. The country has undergone tremendous improvements in the health care, education and transport sectors. Information technology plays a strategic role in building the country's knowledge-based economy. Due to Qatar s increasing use of the internet and connection to the global environment, it needs to adequately address the global threats arising online. As a result, the scope of this research is to investigate information security in Qatar and in particular the National Information Assurance (NIA) policy. There are many solutions for information security some technical and some non-technical such as policies and making users aware of the dangers. This research focusses on enhancing information security through non-technical solutions. The aim of this research is to improve Qatari organisations information security processes by developing a comprehensive Information Security Management framework that is applicable for implementation of the NIA policy, taking into account Qatar's culture and environment. To achieve the aim of this research, different research methodologies, strategies and data collection methods will be used, such as a literature review, surveys, interviews and case studies. The main findings of this research are that there is insufficient information security awareness in organisations in Qatar and a lack of a security culture, and that the current NIA policy has many barriers that need to be addressed. The barriers include a lack of information security awareness, a lack of dedicated information security staff, and a lack of a security culture. These barriers are addressed by the proposed information security management framework, which is based on four strategic goals: empowering Qataris in the field of information security, enhancing information security awareness and culture, activating the Qatar National Information Assurance policy in real life, and enabling Qatar to become a regional leader in information security. The research also provides an information security awareness programme for employees and university students. At the time of writing this thesis, there are already indications that the research will have a positive impact on information security in Qatar. A significant example is that the information security awareness programme for employees has been approved for implementation at the Ministry of Administrative Development Labour and Social Affairs (ADLSA) in Qatar. In addition, the recommendations proposed have been communicated to the responsible organisations in Qatar, and the author has been informed that each organisation has decided to act upon the recommendations made.