In Sweden, turnover among healthcare professionals is a significant problem in hospital settings. Efficient leadership of healthcare professionals is vital for enhancing the quality and integration of healthcare. Authentic leadership (AL) is a relational leadership style instigated from the field of positive organizational conduct and is asserted to advocate healthy work environments that impact healthcare professional’s efficiency and positive organizational outcomes. This master’s thesis aims to describe the impact of AL on the work environment and patient outcomes in hospital settings. The method is a literature study. Peer-reviewed English or Swedish articles that examined the impact of AL on the work environment and patient outcomes in hospital settings were selected from seven databases. Quality appraisal, data extraction, and analysis were accomplished on the included studies. A total of 26 articles (n=24 quantitative, n=1 qualitative and n=1 mixed method) satisfied the inclusion criteria. Results were evaluated according to the literature review content analysis. Findings support positive relationships between AL and increased optimism and trust among healthcare professionals, job satisfaction and turnover, patient care quality, structural empowerment, and work engagement. Findings were, therefore, consistent with AL theory. Future studies using more diversity in research themes, settings, study populations, organizations, job areas, geographic origins, and theory context are merited. People in positions of influence in healthcare settings and healthcare practitioners can use the findings of this study as a guide to increase awareness of the processes by which AL promotes positive outcomes in the workplace.

Em 2011 foi promulgada no Brasil a Lei 12.527/11, conhecida como Lei de Acesso à Informação LAI, regulamentando somente após 23 anos um direito fundamental reconhecido na Constituição de 1988. A LAI estabeleceu o normativo legal que orienta a efetivação do direito de amplo acesso à informação detida pelo Estado, promovendo inovações de políticas de transparência governamental, controle social da administração pública e governo aberto no Estado brasileiro em seus vários poderes e níveis de governo. Diversos trabalhos vêm buscando analisar a implementação da LAI, mas poucos estudos se dedicaram a estudar a formação da agenda política que produziu a Lei de Acesso, e nesses há maior ênfase na identificação de atores, interesses, arenas decisórias e estratégias envolvidas neste processo. Este estudo busca avançar o conhecimento sobre a formação dessa agenda numa outra perspectiva, a abordagem pós-positivista ou cognitiva de análise de políticas públicas, investigando as diversas ideias, sentidos e discursos presentes nas discussões sobre o direito à informação pública que atravessam as últimas décadas e que colaboraram na construção da Lei de Acesso à Informação brasileira / In 2011, a Right to Information Act (Law 12,527/2011), was enacted in Brazil, regulating only after 23 years a fundamental right recognized in the countrys 1988 Constitution. The LAI (Lei de Acesso à Informação, Access to Information Act, in Portuguese) established the legal norms that guide the implementation of the right of broad access to information held by the State, promoting innovations of government transparency policies, social control of public administration and open government in the Brazilian State in its various institutions and jurisdictions. Several studies have sought to analyze the implementation of the Brazilian Right to Information Act, but few studies have studied the agenda-seting process of the Right to Information Act, and in these studies, there is a greater emphasis on the identification of actors, interests, decision-making arenas and strategies involved. This study seeks to advance the knowledge about the formation of this agenda in another perspective, the post-positivist or cognitive approach of public policy analysis, investigating the diverse ideas, meanings and discourses present in the discussions about the right to information in the last decades in Brazil and that collaborated in the construction of the Brazil\'s Law on the Right to Information

O tráfico de pessoas configura-se atualmente como a terceira atividade mais lucrativa no mundo e as estimativas sobre seu volume e rendimentos ganham novos números a cada ano. No ano 2000, a Organização das Nações Unidas reconheceu formalmente a necessidade de se lidar com o problema e estabeleceu o principal instrumento jurídico sobre o tema, a Convenção das Nações Unidas contra o Crime Organizado Transnacional (conhecida como Convenção de Palermo), complementada por três Protocolos Adicionais, sendo um deles especificamente relativo ao tráfico de mulheres e crianças. Isso posto, os objetivos deste trabalho são de duas ordens: (1) compreender o papel de características domésticas na ratificação dos Estados a compromissos internacionais, mais especificamente ao Protocolo Adicional à Convenção das Nações Unidas contra a Criminalidade Organizada Transnacional relativo à Prevenção, à Repressão e à Punição do Tráfico de Pessoas, em especial de Mulheres e Crianças e (2) compreender a formação da agenda decisória brasileira sobre o tema e a influência do cenário internacional para isso. Para o primeiro, fazemos uso do arcabouço teórico-metodológico fornecido por estudos que explicam a adesão de países à regimes internacionais, sobretudo os de direitos humanos, empregamos metodologia quantitativa, adotamos como série temporal o período compreendido entre 2000 e 2011, tomamos como amostra os 193 países membros das Nações Unidas e selecionamos como variáveis independentes: regime de governo, tempo de democracia, novas democracias, região geográfica de localização do país, indicador de tráfico humano, tipos de tráfico humano e PIB per capita. Para a segunda dimensão, qualitativa, fazemos uso do arcabouço da área de políticas públicas, sobretudo os estudos relacionados ao processo de formação de agenda e o Modelo de Fluxos Múltiplos, e mapeamos as políticas públicas referentes ao tema produzidas entre 2000 e os dias atuais no Brasil. / Human Trafficking is now the third most profitable activity in the world, and estimates of its volume and earnings are gaining new numbers each year. In 2000, the United Nations formally recognized the need to address the problem and established the main legal instrument on the subject, the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (known as the Palermo Convention), complemented by three Additional Protocols, one of which specifically concerns trafficking in women and children. This paper has two objectives: (1) to understand the role of domestic characteristics in States ratification to international commitments, more specifically to the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons Especially Women and Children, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, and (2) to understand the Brazilian agenda-setting on the subject and the influence of the international scenario for this. For the first objective, we make use of the theoretical-methodological framework provided by studies that explain the adhesion of countries to international regimes, especially those of human rights, we use quantitative methodology, we use as time series the period between 2000 and 2011, we take as sample the 193 countries part of the United Nations and we selected as independent variables: regime of government, time of democracy, new democracies, geographical location of the country, indicator of human trafficking, types of human trafficking and GDP per capita. For the second dimension, the qualitative one, we make use of the public policy framework, especially the studies related to the process of agenda setting, and we map the initiatives related to the subject produced between 2000 and the present day in Brazil.

O novo Código Florestal (Lei 12.651 de 2012) tramitou por quase 13 anos no Congresso Nacional e obteve grande repercussão social. A maior parte do processo foi caracterizada como vitória da bancada ruralista e derrota governamental, em um momento no qual o Executivo possuía maioria legislativa. Entretanto, o conflito não se deu com a variável oposição e governo, mas entre coalizões rurais e ambientais. Este trabalho busca apontar quais recursos utilizados pelas coalizões foram determinantes no resultado da política. Para isso foi analisada a fase inicial da tramitação da matéria na Câmara dos Deputados, ou seja, o período desde a instalação da comissão especial até a aprovação no Plenário da Casa. As audiências públicas e o parecer da comissão revelaram quais são os interesses em jogo e como eles se organizaram para o conflito. A literatura norte-americana sobre formação de agenda e comportamento legislativo subsidiou a compreensão da atuação das lideranças entendidas como os parlamentares que coordenaram os trabalhos das coalizões. Após apontar os principais recursos utilizados por elas, demonstra-se o quanto algumas estratégias foram determinantes no resultado da política. Constatou-se que a definição de uma proposta politicamente viável pelos representantes da agricultura foi determinante na capacidade de construção e mobilização dessa coalizão. Além disso, considerando que o processo decisório também se tornou objeto de conflito, os procedimentos de discussão e votação da matéria foram escolhidos pelas lideranças não apenas para defender a proposta, mas também para facilitar a obtenção de recompensa eleitoral. / The new Forest Code took almost 13 years in National Congress and had considerable social impact. Most of the process was characterized as a rural victory and governmental defeat, at a time when the Executive held legislative majority. However, the conflict could not be explained by the variable opposition and government, but by rural and environmental coalitions. This work seeks to appoint what coalition resources were determinant in the policy outcome. The first phase of the legislative process in the House of Representatives were analyzed - from the installation of the special committee until the approval on the House floor. The hearings and the committee report described the interests involved and how they organized themselves. The American literature about agenda setting and legislative behavior supported the evaluation about leader\'s action understood as legislators who coordinated the coalition\'s work. After pointing out the key resources used by them, it is shown how some strategies were decisive in the outcome of the policy. It was found that the definition of a politically viable proposal by representatives of agriculture activities was crucial to the capacity of building this coalition. Moreover, considering that the decision-making process also became object of dispute, the procedures for discussion and vote were chosen by the leadership not only to defend the proposal, but also to facilitate the achievement of electoral recompense.

A conquista e ocupação da Amazônia, no período colonial, foram empreendimentos conduzidos pelo Estado, planejados e executados com prioridade política pelo governo metropolitano, que resultaram na incorporação ao território do Brasil de, aproximadamente, 60% de sua área total atual. Coube a Portugal, ainda durante a vigência da União Ibérica, sob ordens do Rei de Espanha, a expulsão dos franceses de São Luís do Maranhão e a fundação, em 1616, do Forte do Presépio de Santa Maria de Belém. A partir dessa posição, pescadores e comerciantes ingleses e holandeses, que iniciavam sua instalação no baixo Amazonas, foram expulsos pelas forças portuguesas, que passaram então a controlar o acesso à maior bacia hidrográfica do mundo. Com a criação do Estado do Maranhão e Grão-Pará, em 1621 - entidade política autônoma e independente do Estado do Brasil - a administração desses territórios passou a ser diretamente subordinada ao governo de Lisboa, iniciando-se um processo irreversível de exploração e penetração territorial pela vasta rede hidrográfica amazônica. Uma expedição oficial, realizada entre 1637 e 1639, pretendeu estabelecer um limite entre os domínios das duas Coroas ibéricas; foi chefiada por Pedro Teixeira, que lavrou ata de posse para Portugal das terras situadas a oeste da povoação de Franciscana, fundada pelos portugueses em pleno território do Equador atual. Pouco tempo depois, entre 1647 e 1651, o bandeirante Antonio Raposo Tavares realizou uma das maiores expedições geográficas da história, uma viagem de São Paulo a Belém, percorrendo mais de 5.000 km pelos sertões do continente americano. Essa expedição revelou acessos do sul do Brasil para a Amazônia e a importância do Rio Madeira e sua ligação com os altiplanos andinos. Por essa razão, estratégica, a Coroa portuguesa determinou a ocupação do vale do Rio Madeira pelos missionários religiosos, agentes imprescindíveis de conversão e conquista que, em pouco menos de um século depois da construção de Belém, haviam irradiado a ocupação por meio de dezenas de missões fundadas nos mais diversos pontos do território amazônico. Lisboa determinou também: o enfrentamento das incursões francesas no norte do Amazonas; a conquista dos Rios Negro e Branco; a expulsão dos jesuítas a serviço de Espanha do Rio Solimões; e a expedição ao Rio Madeira para conter a presença espanhola a oeste do Rio Guaporé. Todas as ações fizeram parte da estratégia para garantir a posse da Amazônia e tinham por objetivo preservar as conquistas territoriais empreendidas pelas expedições oficiais, pelos missionários, entradistas e bandeirantes. Principalmente a partir do reinado de Dom João V, de 1706 a 1750, Portugal passou a priorizar a definição de suas fronteiras coloniais com o propósito de revisar os acordos anteriores de limites e abolir o Tratado de Tordesilhas, firmado em 1494. A aproximação das Coroas ibéricas e a extraordinária atuação de Alexandre de Gusmão nas negociações de fronteiras resultaram na assinatura, em 1750, do Tratado de Madri: legalizava-se, pelo argumento de posse da terra - uti possidetis - e pela busca das fronteiras naturais, a ocupação da Amazônia e do Centro-Oeste do Brasil. Na Amazônia, Lisboa decidira tomar para si o controle das missões religiosas, realizando um programa de profunda reorganização política, econômica, social, administrativa, judicial e religiosa. Essa política propunha-se, sobretudo, a promover o povoamento do território e a garantir sua defesa e sua posse. Vilas foram fundadas; missões, erguidas à categoria de vilas; e, sobretudo, uma linha defensiva de fortificações portuguesas, construídas para guarnecer os limites exteriores da região: São José de Marabitanas e São Gabriel da Cachoeira, no Rio Negro; São Francisco Xavier de Tabatinga, no Rio Solimões; São Joaquim, no Rio Branco; Santo Antônio do Içá, na desembocadura do Rio Içá com o Solimões; São José de Macapá, na foz do Rio Amazonas; e Real Príncipe da Beira, no Rio Guaporé. Essas fortificações permitiram a ocupação definitiva do território e demonstram o propósito de Lisboa em defender e consolidar o espaço amazônico conquistado. Embora tivesse sido revogado logo após sua assinatura, o Tratado de Madri estabeleceu o princípio doutrinário que acabaria por prevalecer na demarcação definitiva das fronteiras do Brasil. Deve-se à penetração dos sertões pelos expedicionários, missionários, entradistas e bandeirantes a realização física da expansão colonial portuguesa na América; e ao Tratado de Madri, a inteligência e a prioridade política para a manutenção dessa conquista territorial tão singular. Com base nesse acordo, o Brasil independente teria sua área total mais que triplicada e logo trataria de oficializar suas fronteiras com as nações sul-americanas recém-formadas; processo que não ocorreu no restante da América hispânica e nem mesmo na América do Norte, em que as grandes alterações de fronteiras se deram depois da independência. A Amazônia, a despeito de todas as dificuldades para sua colonização, permaneceu brasileira graças ao esforço e ao empenho político empreendidos por Portugal para manter essa vasta região como parte de seu império colonial ultramarino / The conquest and settling of the Amazon region during the colonization period were state-conducted enterprises, planned and executed with political priority by the metropolitan government, which resulted in the incorporation to the Brazilian territory of approximately 60% of its total present area. It was Portugal\'s duty, still under the Iberic Union, under the King of Spain\'s orders, the expulsion of the French from São Luís do Maranhão and the foundation, in 1616, of the Forte do Presépio de Santa Maria de Belém (Fort of the Nativity of Saint Mary of Bethlehem). As from that position, both fishermen and English and Dutch tradesmen, who were beginning to settle in the lower Amazon River, were expelled by the Portuguese forces, who then started to control access to the world\'s largest hydrographic basin. After the foundation of the states of Maranhão and Grão-Pará in 1621 - autonomous and independent political entity of the State of Brazil - the administration of these territories became directly subordinate to Lisbon\'s government, thus triggering an irreversible process of territorial penetration and exploitation throughout the vast Amazon hydrographic network. An official expedition, carried out between 1637 and 1639 had the aim of establishing a limit between the domains of both Iberic Crowns; it was led by Pedro Teixeira, who wrote the possession registration document for Portugal of the land located west of the Franciscan settlement, founded by the Portuguese, where the current Equatorian territory lies. Shortly afterwards, between 1647 and 1651, explorer Antonio Raposo Tavares led one of the greatest geographic expeditions in history, a voyage from São Paulo to Belém, crossing over 5,000 kilometers through the American continent\'s wilderness. This expedition revealed both accesses from southern Brazil to the Amazon and the importance of the Madeira River and its connection with the Andean highland. For this strategic reason, the Portuguese Crown demanded the settling of the Madeira River valley by religious missionaries, invaluable agents of conversion and conquest, who less than a century after the construction of Belém had irradiated the settling by means of tens of missions founded in several points of the Amazon territory. Lisbon also demanded: fighting against the French incursions north of the Amazon River; the conquest of both the Negro and Branco Rivers; the expulsion of the Jesuits in service for Spain from the Solimões River; and the expedition to the Madeira River to hold back the Spanish presence west of the Guaporé River. All actions were part of the strategy to guarantee possession of the Amazon region and aimed at keeping the territorial conquests performed by the official expeditions, by the missionaries and by both official and unofficial explorers. As from the ruling of Dom João V, especially, from 1706 to 1750, Portugal started to prioritize the definition of its colonial borders with the aim of revising previous border agreements and cancel the Treaty of Tordesilla, signed in 1494. The union of the Iberic Crowns and Alexandre de Gusmão\'s extraordinary performance in the border negotiations resulted in the signature of the Treaty of Madrid in 1750: the settling of Brazil\'s Amazon and the Midwest regions were legitimated by the uti possidetis argument through land ownership and the search of natural borders. In the Amazon region, Lisbon had decided to take control over the religious settlements, conducting a deep political, economic, social, administrative, judicial and religious reorganization in order to foster the territory\'s population, guarantee its defense and ownership. Villages were set up; missions were upgraded to the categories of villages and, above all, a string of Portuguese fortifications was built to back the outer limits of the region: São José de Marabitanas and São Gabriel da Cachoeira, at the Negro River; São Francisco Xavier de Tabatinga, at the Solimões River; São Joaquim, at the Branco River; Santo Antônio do Içá, at the delta of the Içá and Solimões Rivers; São José de Macapá, at the Amazonas River estuary; and Real Príncipe da Beira, at the Guaporé River. These fortifications allowed the definitive settling of the territory and reveal Lisbon\'s purpose in both defending and consolidating the conquered Amazon area. Although it had been revoked shortly after it was signed, the Treaty of Madrid established the doctrinal principle which would end up prevailing in Brazil\'s final border layout. The Portuguese colonial expansion in America occurred thanks to the incursions into the wilderness by official and unofficial explorers and missionaries; and the Treaty of Madrid the intelligence and political priority for the maintenance of such singular territorial conquest. Based on this agreement, independent Brazil would see its overall area more than tripled and would soon have to formalize its borders with the newly-formed south American nations; a process that did not take place in the remaining Hispanic America or even in North America, where major border changes occurred after independence. The Amazon region, despite all difficulties for its colonization, remained Brazilian thanks to the effort and political engagement employed by Portugal to maintain all this vast region as part of its overseas colonial empire

Depuis le début des années 2000, émergent sous le vocable « habitat participatif » des initiatives portées par des groupes d'habitants désireux de concevoir et de gérer collectivement un programme immobilier au sein duquel ils disposeraient d'un logement privatif et partageraient des espaces. Des acteurs institutionnels tels que les collectivités territoriales et les organismes d'HLM se sont progressivement saisis de ces projets d'abord circonscrits au milieu habitant pour conduire des actions en faveur de leur développement. Cette thèse interroge les modalités selon lesquelles cette initiative habitante qu'est l'habitat participatif a émergé dans le champ de l'action publique pour y être à présent intégrée et faire l'objet d'un chapitre dans le projet de loi pour l'Accès au Logement et un Urbanisme Rénové (ALUR), dont la discussion a débuté en septembre 2013. A l'issue d'une première partie de cadrage de la recherche, la genèse de l'habitat participatif en France est retracée, à partir de ses références et des acteurs qui le composent historiquement : les habitants. La thèse propose ensuite une analyse du processus de mise en politique de l'habitat participatif : l'origine de la convocation de la puissance publique, ses modalités et l'intérêt porté par les collectivités et les organismes d'Hlm à ces initiatives sont alors analysés. Le processus de mise en politique apparait alors avant tout comme tourbillonnaire. Des éléments précis quant à la traduction concrète de l'engagement des acteurs institutionnels sont avancés en dernier lieu et ouvrent sur une mise en débat des rapports entre acteurs-habitants et institutions / From the early 2000 onwards, cohousing inhabitant-led initiatives have emerged under the French label “Habitat participatif”. They consist in collectively designing and managing blocks of flats in which one can dispose of a private space while sharing the rest. Although they started as inhabitant projects only, institutions like local authorities and social housing landlords have gradually been involved in their development. This PhD research explores the way this inhabitant project became a matter of interest in public action and was given importance in the next Housing law which is discussed since September 2013. After a first part dedicated to research framing, cohousing genesis in France is described through the references it invokes and its initial representatives : inhabitants. Then cohousing agenda-setting is analyzed, looking at the first appeals to public intervention, the shape of this intervention and local authorities and public housing sector's interest in cohousing projects. Cohousing agenda-setting proves to be a whirlwind process. Accurate elements about institutions actual commitment and its consequences are exposed in the fourth part, opening discussion on relationships between inhabitants and institutions

<p>Previous research has identified creativity goals and process goals as two contextual interventions for enhancing creativity in the workplace. Whereas creativity goals direct attention and effort toward outcomes that are both novel and useful, process goals direct attention and effort toward the creative process – behaviors and cognitions intended to enhance creative outcomes. The current research draws from past research and theory on goals and intrinsic motivation to explain how creativity goals and process goals influence creative performance, and perhaps more importantly, <i>why</i>. Specifically, I suggest that creativity goals have a direct, positive relationship with creative performance; however, process goals have an indirect, positive relationship with creative performance through creative process engagement. Additionally, specificity has the ability to focus attention on relevant processes and outcomes within the creativity criterion space. While specific creativity goals are predicted to direct attention toward desirable solutions without thwarting needs for autonomy, specific (i.e., structured) process goals may thwart autonomy perceptions, resulting in lower levels of intrinsic motivation, and ultimately creative performance. The hypotheses proposed were examined in a sample of 560 undergraduate students utilizing a 3 (creativity goals: specific, general, and no goal) x 3 (process goals: structured, semi-structured, and no goals) between-subjects experimental design. Results revealed creativity goals, particularly specific creativity goals, have a direct positive influence on creative performance. Process goals have an indirect positive relationship on creative performance through creative process engagement. Moreover, process goals have a negative impact on perceptions of autonomy, which in turn negatively impacts creative performance by reducing intrinsic motivation. The specific creativity goal had the strongest effects and appears to be an effective way to enhance both creative process engagement and creative performance. Taken together, these findings suggest that goals are a tenable means of enhancing creative performance; however, care should be taken to reduce adverse consequences for autonomy perceptions. </p>

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:37:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristiana Kehdi Gerab.pdf: 330562 bytes, checksum: 7a0ee5fca2c893dac3a5b34f3724b8cc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-24 / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo / The present research is based on a clinical case and its objective is to think about clinical Therapeutic Accompaniment (AT in Portuguese) by the transformation into narrative of what has been experienced between therapist and patient. The main questions that direct this work concern preoccupations experienced in the narrative fragments relating to the creation of the setting, the position of the therapist in transference and the tendency to a disorientation effect. It is not the purpose here to define AT from its history, nor to distinguish it from private or institutional clinical practice, nor to show the superiority of one over the other. This dissertation intends to consider the difficulties that this practice presents for the therapist, relating these to the basic foundations of psychoanalysis which refer to the creation and management of the setting. It is maintained here that the setting must be implicit in the therapist s body. From this central idea, it is possible to develop elements that allow us to think about an expansion of this clinical practice in difficult cases, and about the disorientation experienced by the therapist / A presente pesquisa, que tem como campo a Psicopatologia Fundamental, parte de um caso clínico e tem como objetivo pensar a clínica do Acompanhamento Terapêutico (AT) através da transformação em narrativa daquilo que foi vivido pela dupla acompanhante-paciente. As principais questões que a conduzem dizem respeito a inquietações vividas nos fragmentos narrados, no que se refere à criação do enquadre, à posição ocupada pelo terapeuta na transferência, e à tendência ao efeito de desorientação. Não é objetivo aqui definir a clínica do AT a partir de sua história, nem de distingui-la em relação à prática do consultório ou à clínica institucional, muito menos privilegiar uma sobre a outra. Trata-se, sim, de pensar nas dificuldades que o AT suscita ao terapeuta a partir dos fragmentos clínicos narrados, orientando-se pelos fundamentos básicos da psicanálise no que se refere à criação e manutenção de um enquadre. Sustenta-se aqui que o enquadre deve estar implícito no corpo do acompanhante. A partir desta ideia central é possível trazer elementos para que se pense na abertura da clínica para casos de difícil manejo e no tema da desorientação no AT

Security sector reform has in the recent past been a critical component of peace agreements in countries emerging from armed conflicts or political crisis. In Kenya, the Commission of Inquiry into the 2007/08 Post-Election Violence (CIPEV) established that Kenya’s security sector, particularly the police, bore the greatest responsibility for the violence. Subsequently, the police emerged as one of the major institutions for reforms. ‘How have security sector reforms, particularly police reforms, in Kenya developed since 2007 and how, and to what extent, have they been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and SSR process during this period?’ The research aimed at investigating how the police reform process in Kenya has developed since 2007, and how the process has been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and security sector reform processes in general. Using mixed methods research, we found that despite some progress, there is wider public perception that the reforms are yet to address reform priorities at the national level and still fall short of expectations of ordinary Kenyans. We argue that political power-sharing after the 2007 post-election violence facilitated police reform, while at the same time frustrated its implementation especially in instances where reform seemed to dis-empower political elites.

A produção habitacional brasileira teve um grande impulso a partir da ascensão do Partido dos Trabalhadores à Presidência da República, ocorrida em 2003. Este trabalho mostra que a recuperação do setor se deve a uma sucessão de reformas incrementais na estrutura institucional criada durante os governos militares. Estas reformas se iniciaram no governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB), mas apenas no governo Lula (PT) ocorre a conjunção de condições necessárias que possibilitaram a grande expansão da produção de moradias. A política habitacional, por sua vez, está inserida no projeto de poder petista, de característica social-democrata, baseado no crescimento econômico e na expansão de programas sociais. Demonstra-se, por meio da análise de documentos, entrevistas e pesquisa de opinião com empresários, que houve uma confluência de interesses entre a administração petista e o empresariado da construção civil este, interessado em ampliar seus negócios, e aquele, em ampliar a oferta de emprego e o nível de atividade da economia. O ápice desse processo se dá com o lançamento do maior programa de habitação social implantado no país, no qual as construtoras têm papel central na elaboração, viabilização e execução de projetos de moradia social. / Brazilian Housing production has received a great boost since the Workers Party (PT) came into power, in 2003. This work demonstrates that the recovery of the sector is due to a succession of incremental changes to the institutional structure that was created under military governments and which began with the administration of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB). It was only during the Lula administration (PT), however, that the set of reforms were enacted which were to enable the big increase in housing construction. The housing policy, in turn, forms an integral part of the PT social democratic platform, based on economic growth and the expansion of social programs. The analysis of documents, interviews and a survey among construction executives bring to light the combined interests of the Workers Party administration and those of construction companies the latter having an interest in expanding their business and the government, in expanding employment as well as the level of economic activity. This process culminated in the biggest social housing program ever launched in the country, in which construction companies play a major role in drawing up, researching and carrying out social housing projects.