This work is a social and cultural history of the participation of enslaved and free Blacks in the Seven Years’ War in British America. It is, as well, an intellectual history of the impact of Blacks’ wartime actions upon conceptions of race, slavery, and imperial identity in the British Atlantic world. In addition to offering a fresh analysis of the significance of Britain’s arming of Blacks in the eighteenth century, it represents the first sustained inquiry into Blacks’ experience of this global conflict. It contends that, though their rhetoric might indicate otherwise, neither race nor enslaved status in practice prevented Britons from arming Blacks. In fact, Blacks played the most essential role in martial endeavors precisely where slavery was most fundamental to society. The exigencies of worldwide war transformed a local reliance upon black soldiers for the defense of particular colonies into an imperial dependence upon them for the security of Britain’s Atlantic empire. The events of the Seven Years’ War convinced many Britons that black soldiers were effective and even indispensable in the empire’s tropical colonies, but they also confirmed that not all Blacks could be trusted with arms. This work examines “Tacky’s revolt,” during which more than a thousand slaves exploited the wartime diffusion of Jamaica’s defensive forces to rebel, as a battle of the Seven Years’ War. The experience of insecurity and insurrection during the conflict caused some Britons to question the imperial value of the institution of slavery and to propose that Blacks be transformed from a source of vulnerability as slaves to the key to the empire’s strength in the southern Atlantic as free subjects. While martial service offered some Blacks a means to gain income, skills, a sense of satisfaction, autonomy, community, and even (though rarely) freedom, the majority of Blacks did not personally benefit from their contributions to the British war effort. Despite the pragmatic martial antislavery rhetoric that flourished postwar, in the end the British armed Blacks to perpetuate slavery, not to eradicate it, and an ever more regimented reliance upon black soldiers became a lasting legacy of the Seven Years’ War. / text

Héritière des anciennes milices du royaume de France, la garde nationale a été officiellement créée en 1791 et était initialement chargée du maintien de l’ordre. Elle connut bien des vicissitudes au gré des régimes qui se sont succédé et fut dissoute en 1852. Devant la menace que la victoire prussienne de Sadowa, en 1866, faisait peser sur la France, Napoléon III créa la garde nationale mobile en 1868 et c’est elle qui, avec la garde nationale mobilisée et les francs-tireurs, suppléa l’armée française, défaite à Sedan et enfermée dans Metz, pour continuer la lutte contre l’envahisseur en 1870-1871. L’arrondissement de Beaune dut lever quatre bataillons et demi qui furent principalement appelés à participer à la défense de Paris et à la répression de la révolte kabyle. À l’instar des corps auxiliaires recrutés dans les autres départements, ces troupes, levées dans l’impréparation la plus totale, ont suscité l’espoir et n’ont pas démérité. À défaut d’avoir pu rétablir la situation en France, elles ont permis qu’à la défaite ne s’ajoute pas la déstabilisation en Algérie. Après la guerre, les anciens de ces corps ont pleinement imprégné la société et contribué à forger l’esprit de revanche. / The National guard was established in 1791 as a direct descendent of the former militias in the Kingdom of France. The National guard was first tasked with policing, and, during the regimes that followed, experienced various ups and downs before disbanding in 1852. In 1868, however, Napoléon III created the garde nationale mobile to address the impending threat from the Prussian victory in Sadowa in 1866. In 1868, the garde nationale mobile supplemented the regular Army, which had suffered defeat in Sedan and had been pinned down in Metz. Alongside the mobilized garde nationale and the franc-tireurs, the garde nationale mobile continued fighting the invasion forces in the years 1870-1871. The arrondissement of Beaune had to form four battalions and a half through levée en masse. These were mainly tasked with the defense of Paris and the repression of the Kabyle revolt. Just like the corps auxiliaires recruited in the other départements, these conscripted troops were thoroughly unprepared, although they did raise hopes and fought bravely. Despite failing to restore the status quo in France, they did ensure that destabilization was not exacerbated in Algeria. After the 1870 war, the veterans of these forces were at the heart of the society and contributed to forge the spirit of revenge.

O trabalho ora apresentado versa a respeito do delicado problema dos sistemas de emergência. A tese objetiva demonstrar, num primeiro momento, o quanto a legislação de emergência pátria está defasada e com pouca chance de êxito na hipótese do Brasil ser acometido por uma crise de grandes proporções. E, diante desse cenário, propor um novo sistema constitucional de crise. Inicia-se a tese abordando os precedentes históricos das medidas de emergência, seus tipos e suas classificações. No segundo capítulo, explora-se as medidas de emergência previstas no direito brasileiro. Na terceira parte do trabalho, são analisados os estudos de autores clássicos referentes aos problemas da defesa da ordem constitucional. Analisa-se também o trabalho do Professor de Direito e Ciência Politica na Universidade de Yale Bruce Ackerman. No quarto capítulo são investigados os pontos positivos e negativos dos diferentes instrumentos de exceção existentes, fundados impreterivelmente na concentração de plenos poderes nas mãos do Executivo. No derradeiro capítulo da tese é apresentado um novo modelo de sistema constitucional de crise para o Brasil. Trata-se da instituição de uma espécie de conselho, formado a partir da indicação dos chefes dos três poderes do Estado, que se reuniria nos momentos de tempestades institucionais para decidir, conjuntamente, a respeito das providências de exceção a serem adotadas. A fórmula constitucional proposta se consubstancia num instituto tripartite, ou seja, numa aliança de três pessoas. É uma solução político-institucional inovadora e desenvolvida com vistas a aparar a maior parte das deficiências e inconveniências da vigente técnica de defesa brasileira. Denomina-se triunvirato de emergência. / The work here presented is about the delicate problem of the emergency systems. The thesis aims to demonstrate, at a first, how much the homelands emergency system is outdated and with little chance of success in the case of Brazil being affected by a major crisis. And, with this scenario in mind, propose a new constitutional crisis system. The thesis starts by addressing the historical precedents of the emergency measures, their types and their classifications. The second chapter explores the emergency measures provided for in Brazilian law. In the third part of the work, the studies of classical authors referring to the problems of constitutional order defense are analyzed. It also examines the work of Professor of Law and Political Science at Yale University Bruce Ackerman. In the fourth chapter the strengths and weaknesses of the existing different instruments of exception are investigated, founded imperatively in the concentration of full powers in the hands of the Executive. In the final chapter of the thesis a new constitutional crisis system model for Brazil is presented. It is about the institution of a kind of council, formed from the indication of the heads of the three branches of government, which would meet in times of institutional storms to decide, jointly, about the exception steps to be taken. The proposed constitutional formula is embodied in a tripartite institute, meaning an alliance of three people. It is an innovative political-institutional solution and developed in order to trim most of the deficiencies and drawbacks of the current Brazilian defense technique. It is called \"emergency triumvirate\".

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:27:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-10-01Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:36:19Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 silveira_a_me_rcla.pdf: 2707026 bytes, checksum: 73ca0833e135ac48c8f366d2302015cf (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo fornecer um diagnóstico ambiental detalhado, de abordagem geográfica integrada, que venha a subsidiar ações de planejamento territorial do eixo de expansão urbana noroeste do sítio urbano de Piracicaba (SP). Fundamentada na Teoria Geral dos Sistemas, aplicou-se para a área de estudo a proposição metodológica de Ross (1990, 1994 e 2001), quanto à análise empírica da fragilidade de ambientes naturais e antropizados, assim como a proposta metodológica de Moroz, Canil e Ross (1994), na análise das condições de impactos ambientais derivados do uso e ocupação antrópica e das transgressões à legislação ambiental. Tais proposições metodológicas promoveram a elaboração de produtos cartográficos de síntese para análise integrada da informação geográfica, por meio da elaboração prévia de documentos cartográficos intermediários. Com base nos documentos cartográficos formulados, pretendeu-se apontar as condições impactantes impostas as formas de relevo, suas suscetibilidades aos processos morfodinâmicos, as transgressões relativas à legislação ambiental, como também apontar as áreas com restrições à expansão do sítio urbano do setor noroeste de Piracicaba, tanto do ponto de vista da fragilidade potencial, quanto do ponto de vista legal. Pôde-se constatar que as ações promovidas pelo sistema antrópico vêm alterando os fluxos de matéria e energia do sistema geomorfológico, sendo as principais formas de interferências associadas à monocultura canavieira e à expansão urbana sem planejamento. / This research aims to supply a detailed environmental diagnosis, considering an integrated geographical approach, which subsidizes territorial planning actions in the northwest urban expansion axis of Piracicaba (SP) urbane siege. It was based on the General System Theory and, for the studied area, it was applied a Ross' methodological proposition (1990, 1994 e 2001), concerning the empirical analysis of natural and anthropized environmental fragility, as well as the Moroz, Canil and Ross‟ methodological proposal (1994) for the analysis of the conditions of environmental impacts derived from the anthropical use and occupation and the transgressions to the environmental legislation. These methodological propositions furthered the elaboration of synthesis cartographic products for the geographical information integrated analysis by the previous elaboration of intermediate cartographic documents. We intended to point, from the formulated cartographic documents, the impressive conditions imposed to the relief, its susceptibilities to the morphodynamic processes, the transgressions related to the environmental legislation, as well as the areas with restrictions to expansion of the Piracicaba (SP) northwestern sector urbane siege, as the potential fragility point of view, as the legal one. We could verify that the actions promoted by the anthropical system are modifying the matter and energy flows of the geomorphological system and that the main interference forms are associated to sugar cane monoculture and the no-planning urban expansion.

En France, à la suite de précédentes constitutions, la Constitution de la Ve République consacre l’état de siège (art. 36) ; à l’étranger, de nombreux pays l’ont adopté. Ce constat laisse béant un paradoxe suivant : si la France adopte, la première, une législation d’exception, elle n’offre pas pour autant de réflexion approfondie sur ce qu’est l’état d’exception. L’étude des origines et de l’histoire de l’état de siège met au jour les raisons d’un tel paradoxe.L’état de siège est originellement une disposition technique du droit militaire (loi des 8-10 juillet 1791), qui prévoit que, dans certaines circonstances, l’ordre public et la police passent de l’autorité civile, compétence par principe, à l’autorité militaire. Ainsi, la loi prévoit le renversement du principe selon lequel l’autorité civile prime sur le militaire. Au cours de la Révolution, cette disposition est utilisée afin de réprimer les troubles violents qui se multiplient à l’intérieur du territoire. Durant le XIXe siècle, les régimes successifs y recourent également, jusqu’à ce que la Cour de cassation, en 1832, donne un coup d’arrêt à cette pratique. Le législateur est donc contraint d’adopter un texte – la loi du 9 août 1849 – qui encadre précisément son usage. Cette loi est, véritablement, une législation d’exception, au sens où elle contrevient à un principe consacré par l’ordre constitutionnel, en fonction de circonstances déterminées, pour un temps et un lieu circonscrits. Elle accorde également à l’autorité militaire des pouvoirs étendus qui restreignent les libertés publiques, et consacre la compétence des juridictions militaires pour juger les non-militaires. / In France, following previous Constitutions, the state of siege gained acceptance under the Constitution of the Fifth Republic (art. 36); many countries abroad adopted it. This fact leaves a gaping paradox: even if France adopts the first emergency legislation, it does not mean that it provides an in depth reflection on what is the state of emergency. The study of the genesis and history of the state of siege reveals the reasons for such a paradox. Originally, the state of siege was a technical measure of military law (law of July 8-10, 1791), which provided that in certain circumstances, public order and police would transfer from the civil authority, competent on principle, to the military authority. Thus, law foresaw the reversal of the principle according to which the civil authority takes precedence over the military. During the Revolution, this measure was used to suppress the violent unrest that became more frequent inside the territory. Throughout the nineteenth century, successive governments had also recourse to it until the Supreme Court put an end to this practice in 1832. Consequently ,the legislator was forced to pass a bill - the Law of August 9, 1849 - which would frame precisely its use. This law truly is an emergency law, which means that it contravenes a principle enshrined in the constitutional order, depending on specific circumstances, for a circumscribed time and place. It also gives to the military authority enlarged powers which restrict civil liberties, and establishes the jurisdiction of military courts to judge non-military courts.

La stratégie militaire des Cananéo-phéniciens à l'âge du Bronze constitue le sujet développé dans cette thèse. Celle-ci se base sur l'étude des fortifications, des armes, des textes historiques, des figurines armées et des représentations sur des bas-reliefs et sur des sceaux-cylindres. Les deux volets principaux de ce travail s'articulent donc autour des fortifications et des armes. L'étude des systèmes défensifs est menée à la lumière d'une approche scientifique inédite se basant sur la mécanique statique. Les fortifications répertoriées ont été découvertes au Levant-Nord, notamment à Byblos et à Ougarit, et dans des nombreux autres sites de la région. L'analyse de ces systèmes défensifs montre que les tours, les bastions, les remparts, les murs, les casemates et les fossés sont destinés à entraver la progression des machines de guerre et des soldats ; de même que les contreforts, les glacis, les noyaux et les murs de soutènement sont conçus pour assurer l'équilibre statique des fortifications. Le corpus d'armes cataloguées se compose de 1344 éléments provenant de Byblos et d'Ougarit principalement. Une partie de ces armes a été analysée à la Direction générale des antiquités de Beyrouth et une autre partie a été traitée suivant une approche informatique se basant sur la reconstitution virtuelle du Tell de Byblos. Suivant leur fonction, ces armes sont distribuées en armes à comte portée ; en armes à longue portée ; en armes défensives et finalement en machines de guerre. En conclusion, cette étude trace les grandes étapes de l'histoire militaire des Cananéo-phéniciens tout en montrant que la stratégie militaire adoptée par ce peuple était défensive. / The military strategy of the Cananeo-Phoenicians in the Bronze Age is the subject developed in this thesis. It is based on the study of fortifications, weapons, historical texts, armed figurines, and representations on reliefs, and cylinder seals. Hence, the two main components of this work are articulated around fortifications and weapons. The study of defensive systems is conducted in the light of an unprecedented scientific approach based on static mechanics. The listed fortifications have been discovered in North Levant, particularly in Byblos, Ugarit, and many other sites in the region. The analysis of these defensive systems shows that towers, bastions, ramparts, walls, casemates, and fosses are intended to hinder the progress of war machines and soldiers; in addition, the buttresses, glacis, cores, and retaining walls are designed to ensure the static equilibrium of those fortifications. The catalog of weapons consists of 1344 items discovered mainly in Byblos and Ugarit. Some of these weapons were analyzed at the General Directorate of Antiquities of Beirut while some others are treated using a computerized approach based on the virtual reconstruction of Byblos Tell. Depending on their function, these weapons are distributed on short-range weapons, long-range weapons, defensive weapons, and finally war machines. In conclusion, this study traces the stages of Cananeo-Phoenician military history and shows that the military strategy adopted by this people was defensive.

This thesis investigates the period in Judah which took place precisely a century between the death ofHezekiah (687 BCE) and the final fall of Jerusalem (587 BCE) Seldom has a nation experienced so many dramatically sudden reversals of fortune in so relatively short a time. Throughout the first half of the seventh century BCE the Assyrian empire reigned supreme. In the second half, in rapid succession, Judah, as a vassal, experienced periods of independence and of subjection, first to Egypt, then to Babylonia, before finally destroying herself in a futile rebellion against the latter. The aim of the thesis was to set Judah in the global context and investigate the role she played. To this end the Great Powers, namely Assyria, Egypt and Babylonia were surveyed, as well as were the Small Powers, like Judah, Phoenicia and the Transjordanian states, and the relationships probed. The thesis traces the life of the wicked but extraordinarily successful King Manasseh, and his equally reprobate son, Amon, who was brutally murdered by his servants, and was avenged by 'the people of the land'. Josiah is the only monarch who fits the Deuteronomistic requirements of a good king. Religious and national reform generally go hand in hand with politics, and the cultic reform and centralization of the cult characterise his reign. · With the fall of Assyria, the temporary surge into prominence by Egypt and the tragic death of Josiah in 609 BCE, Judah experienced radical political fluctuations and with them alternate subjugation by, and rebellion against, each of the major powers. Inexperienced leadership and a situation of dual kings, followed Josiah's death. The rapidly changing international scene demanded of the rulers of Judah skillful manoeuvring and exceptional adaptability, and frequently confronted them with ominous political situations. Judaean leaders and the puppet King Zedekiah, propped up by false prophets, failed to grasp the shift in the balance of power, and clung to questionable Egyptian aid against the new world power, Babylonia. Highly vulnerable and left in the lurch, Jerusalem faced protracted siege and famine in Jerusalem, destruction ofthe Temple, and deportation ofthe cream ofher people. / Classics and Modern European Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (Judaica)

This submitted paper aims to give a communicative image of the conflicts of the Czech Estates Uprising in the south of Bohemia. The focal point of the research has been three clashes of Protestant and Catholic armies. The first was the Battle of Lomnice, which took place on November 11, 1618, between the allied estates troops of Jindřich Matyáš Thurn and Jiří Fridrich Hohenlohe and the catholic military assembly of Karel Bonaventura Buquoy. After the battle that was victorious for the generals of the estates, the military actions moved to the area around České Budějovice, which was besieged by the army of the estates, as the catholic troops withdrew here. Ending the siege of the South Bohemian metropolis caused the third conflict, which has become part of this work. The battle at Záblatí took place on June 10, 1619, by the troops of Petr Arnošt of Mansfeld, the general of the rebellious Czech estates, and the military corps of imperial mercenaries commanded by Karel Bonaventura Buquoy. The aim of the author was to capture the fullest range of information framework, which was completed by reports of these military clashes of the Czech Estates Uprising. As part of research activities, attention was paid first to the works which explored the battle of Záblatí from political and military point of view. This view became a basic framework in which the research was conducted. However, the work should not only to recapitulate the conclusions already drawn, but the aim was to look at the examined issue with a new look. Such a view was based in the research of either new or to-nowoverlooked sources, such as the period news that historical science began to discover in recent years. A relatively large part of the historical community took the argument in saying that under the tide of propaganda and perspice it is not possible to find the truth about individual events of the Czech Estates Uprising. It would certainly be possible to claim that credible authentic information was scarce in the leaflets of the Czech Estates Uprising. These who contracted the prints, however, attempted to influence the readers of contemporary journalism and help them orientate in their intellectual worlds that were in this way uncovering to us. Another possibility for viewing the conflicts of the Czech Estates Uprising was offered through the view of the ordinary villages and towns inhabitants that were coming into contacts or were just observers of the South Bohemian battlefield. Although the preservation of the sources of the early 17th century from the environment of towns and villages was far from abundant, we managed to find some authentic testimonies that evaluated the battles of the Czech Estates Uprising from the very distinctive angles of view. The author interpreted sources of song lyrics reporting to the rural environment and sources of interurban correspondence, through which he tried to uncover at least part of the mental world of ordinary residents of South Bohemia affected by war in the first third of the 17th century and their view on the South Bohemian battlegrounds. Similarly, he also proceeded in the interpretation of the noble correspondence, whether it were warriors or the aristocrats affected by war misfortunes.

This thesis investigates the period in Judah which took place precisely a century between the death ofHezekiah (687 BCE) and the final fall of Jerusalem (587 BCE) Seldom has a nation experienced so many dramatically sudden reversals of fortune in so relatively short a time. Throughout the first half of the seventh century BCE the Assyrian empire reigned supreme. In the second half, in rapid succession, Judah, as a vassal, experienced periods of independence and of subjection, first to Egypt, then to Babylonia, before finally destroying herself in a futile rebellion against the latter. The aim of the thesis was to set Judah in the global context and investigate the role she played. To this end the Great Powers, namely Assyria, Egypt and Babylonia were surveyed, as well as were the Small Powers, like Judah, Phoenicia and the Transjordanian states, and the relationships probed. The thesis traces the life of the wicked but extraordinarily successful King Manasseh, and his equally reprobate son, Amon, who was brutally murdered by his servants, and was avenged by 'the people of the land'. Josiah is the only monarch who fits the Deuteronomistic requirements of a good king. Religious and national reform generally go hand in hand with politics, and the cultic reform and centralization of the cult characterise his reign. · With the fall of Assyria, the temporary surge into prominence by Egypt and the tragic death of Josiah in 609 BCE, Judah experienced radical political fluctuations and with them alternate subjugation by, and rebellion against, each of the major powers. Inexperienced leadership and a situation of dual kings, followed Josiah's death. The rapidly changing international scene demanded of the rulers of Judah skillful manoeuvring and exceptional adaptability, and frequently confronted them with ominous political situations. Judaean leaders and the puppet King Zedekiah, propped up by false prophets, failed to grasp the shift in the balance of power, and clung to questionable Egyptian aid against the new world power, Babylonia. Highly vulnerable and left in the lurch, Jerusalem faced protracted siege and famine in Jerusalem, destruction ofthe Temple, and deportation ofthe cream ofher people. / Classics and Modern European Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (Judaica)

La loi du 19 juin 1851 qui étatise la police de Lyon marque une rupture majeure dans l’histoire du maintien de l’ordre en France. Depuis la Révolution française, les maires ont en effet été chargés de la police dans toutes les communes françaises, Paris exceptée. À partir de 1851, Lyon fait donc figure d’exception. Parce qu’elle s’est signalée par ses colères récurrentes depuis la fin du XVIIIe siècle, qu’elle est considérée comme la capitale du sud-est de la France et que sa population apparaît unanimement comme rétive à toute forme de domination, elle passe pour une cité rebelle. Dans le contexte d’un « Printemps des peuples » marqué par les soulèvements réguliers des partisans de la République démocratique et sociale, en juin 1848 puis en juin 1849, Lyon devient aux yeux des autorités, le quartier général de tous ceux qui veulent renverser l’ordre social en France voire en Europe. Or, durant cette période, la police lyonnaise donne chaque jour les preuves d’une défaillance complète face à la criminalité et à la délinquance, malgré une réorganisation générale tentée à l’automne 1848. En réaction, le pouvoir parisien place progressivement Lyon « hors du droit commun ». La ville et ses faubourgs sont d’abord privés de leurs gardes nationales en juillet 1848, lesquelles ne seront jamais réorganisées, à la différence des autres municipalités, car elles sont perçues, entre Rhône et Saône, comme peu sûres, faibles face à l’émeute et promptes à se retourner contre l’armée et la police. Le 15 juin 1849, une nouvelle insurrection éclate à Lyon. Réprimée par l’armée, elle enclenche la réforme générale de l’organisation administrative et policière de la ville et des faubourgs. Dans l’immédiat, Lyon et les cinq départements de la 6e division militaire sont placés et maintenus en état de siège. Tentée une première fois à l’automne 1849, la réforme aboutit avec la loi du 19 juin 1851. Désormais, Lyon jouit d’une police étatisée, aux mains d’un préfet du Rhône devenu préfet de police, agissant dans une nouvelle entité administrative, l’agglomération lyonnaise, qui regroupe une douzaine de communes et faubourgs. Le décret du 24 mars 1852 fait aboutir cette réforme, en supprimant le maire et en attribuant ses fonctions au préfet, en annexant les communes suburbaines et en divisant la ville en cinq arrondissements. Sur le plan policier, les services sont réorganisés jusqu’en 1854, sur la base des modèles parisien, londonien et genevois. La police d’État lyonnaise traverse le Second Empire et devient le modèle à partir duquel les polices des préfectures de plus de 40 000 habitants sont étatisées en 1855. Cette pérennité de la police d’État ne doit pourtant pas dissimuler une contestation permanente de son existence au cours des années 1860, au Corps législatif puis au Conseil général du Rhône. Les élus républicains demandent en effet la restitution à Lyon d’une municipalité élue, prélude au retour de la ville dans le « droit commun » sur le plan policier. Progressivement, la surveillance politique de l’agglomération s’avère difficile à assurer et les effectifs policiers apparaissent insuffisants. C’est néanmoins la défaite de Sedan qui aura raison de la police d’État. La République proclamée, la municipalité lyonnaise tout juste recomposée reprend immédiatement la direction du maintien de l’ordre le 4 septembre 1870 / The law of 19th June 1851 which establishes state control over the police of Lyon marks a major break in the history of urban policing in France. Since the French Revolution, mayors were in charged of the police in all the French municipalities, Paris excepted. From 1851, Lyon thus became an exception. Because it differenced itself by its recurring revolts since the end of the XVIIIth century, because it is considered as the capital of the southeast-part of France and because its population appeared unanimously as refusing any kind of domination, it was considered as a rebel city. During the "people’s spring" marked by the regular uprisings of the partisans of the democratic and social Republic, in June, 1848 then in June, 1849, Lyon became for the authorities, the headquarters of all those who wanted to turn upside down social order in France and even in Europe. Yet, during this period, the police of Lyon gave daily proofs of a total failure to fight criminality, in spite of a general reorganization tempted in autumn 1848.In reaction, the Parisian power gradually put Lyon "outside the common law". The city and its suburbs were firstly deprived of their national guards in July 1848, unlike the other municipalities, because its guards were perceived, between the Rhône and the Saône, as weak in front of riots and quick to turn around against the army and the police. On June 15th 1849, a new uprising burst in Lyon. Repressed by the army, it engaged the general reform of the administrative and police organization of the city and the suburbs. Lyon and the five departments of the 6th military division had immediately been are placed and maintained under state of siege. Firstly tried in autumn 1849, the reform succeeded with the law of 19th June 1851. From then on, Lyon had a state-controlled police, in the hands of the prefect of the Rhône who became a prefect of police, acting in a new administrative entity, the Lyon agglomeration, which included a dozen municipalities and suburbs. The decree of March 24th, 1852 made this reform succeed, by suppressing the mayor and by attributing its functions to the prefect, by annexing the suburban municipalities and by dividing the city into five districts. On the police plan, services were reorganized until 1854, on the basis of the models of Paris, London and Geneva.The State police of Lyon crossed the Second Empire and became the model from which the polices of the prefectures of more than 40 000 inhabitants passed under state control in 1855. Nevertheless, the State police is contested during the 1860s, in the Legislative Corps and the General Council of the Rhône. The republican asked for the restoration of an elected municipality in Lyon, seen as the first step of the return of the city in the police "common law". Gradually, political surveillance of the urban space became increasingly difficult, and the police staff seemed insufficient. Nevertheless, it was the defeat of Sedan that would mark the end of the State police. Once the Republic had been proclaimed, the municipality of Lyon just recomposed took back immediately the direction of the police on September 4th, 1870.