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Orientador: Cenira Maria Lupinacci da Cunha / Banca: Jurandyr Luciano Sanches Ross / Banca: Pompeu Figueiredo de Carvalho / Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo fornecer um diagnóstico ambiental detalhado, de abordagem geográfica integrada, que venha a subsidiar ações de planejamento territorial do eixo de expansão urbana noroeste do sítio urbano de Piracicaba (SP). Fundamentada na Teoria Geral dos Sistemas, aplicou-se para a área de estudo a proposição metodológica de Ross (1990, 1994 e 2001), quanto à análise empírica da fragilidade de ambientes naturais e antropizados, assim como a proposta metodológica de Moroz, Canil e Ross (1994), na análise das condições de impactos ambientais derivados do uso e ocupação antrópica e das transgressões à legislação ambiental. Tais proposições metodológicas promoveram a elaboração de produtos cartográficos de síntese para análise integrada da informação geográfica, por meio da elaboração prévia de documentos cartográficos intermediários. Com base nos documentos cartográficos formulados, pretendeu-se apontar as condições impactantes impostas as formas de relevo, suas suscetibilidades aos processos morfodinâmicos, as transgressões relativas à legislação ambiental, como também apontar as áreas com restrições à expansão do sítio urbano do setor noroeste de Piracicaba, tanto do ponto de vista da fragilidade potencial, quanto do ponto de vista legal. Pôde-se constatar que as ações promovidas pelo sistema antrópico vêm alterando os fluxos de matéria e energia do sistema geomorfológico, sendo as principais formas de interferências associadas à monocultura canavieira e à expansão urbana sem planejamento. / Abstract: This research aims to supply a detailed environmental diagnosis, considering an integrated geographical approach, which subsidizes territorial planning actions in the northwest urban expansion axis of Piracicaba (SP) urbane siege. It was based on the General System Theory and, for the studied area, it was applied a Ross' methodological proposition (1990, 1994 e 2001), concerning the empirical analysis of natural and anthropized environmental fragility, as well as the Moroz, Canil and Ross‟ methodological proposal (1994) for the analysis of the conditions of environmental impacts derived from the anthropical use and occupation and the transgressions to the environmental legislation. These methodological propositions furthered the elaboration of synthesis cartographic products for the geographical information integrated analysis by the previous elaboration of intermediate cartographic documents. We intended to point, from the formulated cartographic documents, the impressive conditions imposed to the relief, its susceptibilities to the morphodynamic processes, the transgressions related to the environmental legislation, as well as the areas with restrictions to expansion of the Piracicaba (SP) northwestern sector urbane siege, as the potential fragility point of view, as the legal one. We could verify that the actions promoted by the anthropical system are modifying the matter and energy flows of the geomorphological system and that the main interference forms are associated to sugar cane monoculture and the no-planning urban expansion. / Mestre

Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T09:53:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Peres_AndreaCarolinaSchvartz_D.pdf: 10660559 bytes, checksum: 71a38dbde9e434ec7f46703f12dcfb11 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: A partir de pesquisa de campo em Sarajevo sobre fixers e outros que trabalharam para os jornalistas estrangeiros durante a guerra na Bósnia-Herzegóvina, pretendo pensar o lugar desses sujeitos na constituição de uma fala sobre o conflito. Paralelamente, penso a guerra enquanto um contexto de elaboração de discursos e identidades, que se revelaria de modo especial por meio destes sujeitos que procuro analisar. Os fixers são os intérpretes, os guias que tornaram possível o fazer jornalístico durante a guerra - em um lugar estrangeiro e de língua estrangeira para os grandes veículos internacionais de imprensa, predominantemente norte-americanos e europeus, que realizaram a cobertura do conflito e a transmitiram para todo o globo. Penso os fixers, portanto, como reveladores dos processos elencados acima e, também, como emblemáticos para se pensar o próprio fazer antropológico e o lugar do intermediário, sempre presente no campo, mas, na maioria das vezes, ausente nas etnografias. Esse trabalho é sobre eles, e como contam e entendem a sua história e a construção do estado na Bósnia / Abstract: Considering the field research in Sarajevo about fixers and those people ho worked for foreign journalists during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, I analyze their role in the making of the history about the conflict. Besides that, I consider the war as a context of elaboration of discourses and identities that can be noticed through the subjects I analyze. Fixers are the translators, the guides who made the work of journalists during the war possible - in a foreign country, a strange language - for the great Media Corporations, mainly American and European, who covered the conflict and broadcasted it worldwide. I think that the research about fixers shed light on the processes quoted before, and eventually, on the anthropological work itself, concerning the role of the "intermediary", always present on the field, but mostly absent in the ethnographies. Hence, this thesis is about those people and about how they are telling history and thinking the building of the State / Doutorado / Antropologia Social / Doutor em Antropologia Social

[pt] O estado de sítio constitui uma figura constitucional essencial à compreensão das estruturas políticas democráticas. Se por um lado é mecanismo de proteção da sociedade, alargando os limites da autoridade estatal para rápida ação em situações excepcionais, por outro pode ser instrumento legitimador de arbitrariedades e abusos intervencionistas. As freqüentes decretações de estado de sítio durante a Primeira República brasileira servem como um indicativo das vicissitudes que permeavam os poderes estatais e das tentativas de consolidar o regime republicano federativo no país. A partir da compreensão de que o fenômeno normativo jurídico do estado de sítio pode ser visto como um fenômeno lingüístico, o presente trabalho analisa o instituto constitucional, durante o referido período histórico, com base nas teorias de linguagem de viés culturalista desenvolvidas por Mikhail Bakhtin e Pierre Bourdieu. Para tanto, foram examinados discursos sobre o sítio produzidos nas esferas dos três poderes públicos federais, registrados, principalmente, nos anais da Assembléia Constituinte, do Senado Federal e da Câmara dos Deputados, em mensagens redigidas pelos Presidentes da República e em decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal. O estudo desses materiais, que leva a concluir que as disputas pelos sentidos do estado de sítio foram marcadas por relações lingüísticas de poder simbólico e que o instituto funcionou como meio de configuração das estruturas políticas e jurídicas da Primeira República, está estruturado em três partes: a primeira dedicada aos trabalhos constituintes, a segunda ao processo de concretização dos dispositivos constitucionais e a terceira à reforma da Constituição aprovada em 1926. / [en] Understanding the constitutional precept of the state of siege is essential to understanding the democratic political structures. If, on the one hand, it is a mechanism for the society s protection, thus broadening the limits of the state authority for a quick action in exceptional situations, then on the other hand it can be a legitimizing instrument of arbitrariness and interventionist abuses. The frequent declarations of state of siege during Brazil s First Republic can indicate the vicissitudes that used to permeate the state powers and the attempts to consolidate the federative republican regime in the country. Given that the normative juridical phenomenon of the state of siege can be seen as a linguistic phenomenon, the current work analyses the constitutional institution during the aforementioned period, based on the language theories of Mikhail Bakhtin and Pierre Bourdieu and their culturalist bias. Discourses on the state of siege produced by the three branches of the federal powers - mostly registered in the annals of the Constituent Assembly, the Senate and the House of Deputies, presidential messages and Supreme Court decisions - have been examined. The study of these materials is structured in three parts - the first, dedicated to the making of a new constitution, the second, concerning the solidification process of the constitutional rules and the third, dealing with the 1926 constitutional reform - and leads to the conclusion that the disputes on the meanings of state of siege were characterized by linguistic relations of symbolic power and that this institution worked as a means to configure the political and juridical institutions of the First Republic.

The intention of this research is to analyse the process and methodology of the Iranian negotiating style. The research is mainly premised on Putnam’s two-level game metaphor (1988) and the “ultimate decision making unit” of Hermann et al. (1987), the purpose being to identify key leadership units, individuals, and formal and informal networks in Iran. The study further takes cognisance of key elements of the Iranian national character, which naturally impacts directly on what Iran considers to be a suitable negotiating style. It provides an overview of how the 1979 revolution changed Iranian diplomacy and how it forced international political theorists to take note of the cultural-religious dimension, ignored until then as elements of international politics and theory. Two case studies, deal respectively with the US hostage crisis (1979-1981), and the Iran-E3/EU nuclear negotiations, between 2003 and 2006. The analysis shows how Iran assumed the character of a revolutionary country and how its new religiously driven diplomacy is evolving. The study finally identifies and illustrates the active deployment of Shî’a negotiation doctrine as the basis of Iranian diplomacy and the use of techniques such as taqiyyah, tanfih and khod’eh. A model for negotiations with Iran is developed using key elements of the research. AFRIKAANS : Die studie fokus op Iranese onderhandelingstyl en - metodiek. Twee teorieë, naamlik Putnam (1988) se “twee-ledige interaktiewe onderhandelingsproses” en Hermann et al. (1987) se leierskapsmodel, is gebruik om Iran se gefragmenteerde leierselite asook die staat se formele en informele netwerke wat ‘n sleutelrol vervul in onderhandeling te identifiseer. Bykomend hiertoe is ‘n analise gemaak van faktore soos kultuur en godsdiens wat onderliggend is aan Iran se “nasionale karakter” en dus ’n direkte invloed uitoefen op Iranese onderhandelingstyl. Die studie wys ook hoe die 1979 rewolusie ‘n verandering gebring het deur godsdiens en kultuur tot gelykwaardige dimensies van die internationale politiek te verhoog nadat dit voorheen heeltemal geïgnoreer is. Dit bly egter vreemd vir die Weste. Die studie slaag daarin om deur middel van twee navorsingsondersoeke rakende Iran se oorname van die VSA ambassade in Tehran tussen 1979 en 1981) en die Iran-E3/EU kernonderhandelings tussen 2003 en 2006 die fokus te plaas op die identifisering en ontwikkeling van ‘n Iranese onderhandelingstyl. Tegnieke soos taqiyyah, tanfih en khod’eh wat die basis van Iran se diplomatieke onderhandellingstyl vorm, word vervolgens bespreek terwyl ‘n model vir onderhandelinge met Iran ook ontwikkel is uit die gegewens wat verkry is uit die navorsing. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This study aims to look at multiple modern first person shooter games communitiesto see how their perception of gunplay may be similar or differ from one another.The study uses Toh’s (2016) model for players' feelings towards their primaryweapons to form a questionnaire, the questionnaire is based upon previous researchwithin appraisal theory, player goals , and players feelings. The questionnaire wasthen sent out to Apex Legends, Call of Duty: Warzone and Rainbow Six: Siegecommunities to gather their perception of weapon attributes and their effects onplayers. After analysis of the data similarities and differences were found withinspecific weapon attributes that showed how the communities valued variousweapon attributes. Call of Duty: Warzone focused more on lowering time to kill, whileRainbow Six: Siege focused more on being able to accurately breach and hold offenemies in close engagments. Using background research a possible way to showgame developers how to increase a player's play time from the data collected is alsodiscussed. With the help of an acafen approach a discussion on possibilities as towhy the games have different values and preferences is also had.

Jusqu’aux croisades, les rencontres entre l’Orient musulman et l’Occident chrétien avaient été réduites à des échanges commerciaux anecdotiques ainsi qu’à de rares pèlerinages en Terre sainte. Et alors que les musulmans méprisaient souverainement des peuplades septentrionales vouées, selon eux, à l’égarement et à l’ignorance, les Occidentaux avaient fait de la jeune religion orientale et de ses sectateurs l’Antéchrist de leur eschatologie apocalyptique. Tous étaient imprégnés d’un théocentrisme intransigeant ne laissant aucune place à un Autre ignoré ou abhorré, si ce n’est celle de l’Ennemi. Il fallut donc une guerre généralisée entre ces deux ensembles civilisationnels aux antipodes pour qu’enfin ils se rencontrent et se côtoient durablement, jusqu’à estomper en partie des préjugés et des images déformées longtemps entretenus. Paradoxalement, la guerre et ses principales émanations (la stratégie, la tactique, l’armement et l’architecture militaire) allaient être les causes d’une meilleure connaissance mutuelle. En cherchant à répondre au mieux au défi militaire lancé par l’adversaire, chacun fut contraint de scruter les intentions, la mentalité, et surtout l’art de la guerre de l’autre ; ainsi, on n’hésita pas à en copier les concepts et les procédés jugés profitables, de même que les deux camps firent montre, dans ce domaine, d’une adaptabilité multiforme exceptionnelle. En somme, loin de la vision répandue présentant les croisades comme des conflits séculaires purement religieux ayant opposé de manière manichéenne deux conceptions monolithiques et hermétiques du monde et de la guerre, il semblerait en réalité que la Syrie du XIIe siècle fut d’abord un creuset d’échanges dans lequel le maître mot était "pragmatisme". / Until the Crusades, the encounters between the Muslim East and the Christian West had been limited to anecdotal trade exchanges as well as rare pilgrimages to the Holy Land. While the Muslims intensely despised dedicated northern tribes, in their opinion, to misguidance and ignorance, the West had made the young Eastern religion and its followers the Antichrist of their apocalyptic eschatology. All were imbued with an uncompromising theocentrism leaving no room to another ignored or abhorred, except that of the Enemy. This necessitated a general war between these two civilizational sets of the antipodes so that finally they meet and come together permanently, to the extent of partly diminishing prejudice and distorted images which were long maintained. Paradoxically, the war and its principal emanations (strategy, tactics, weaponry and military architecture) would be the causes of better mutual understanding. In seeking to best meet the military challenge launched by the enemy, everyone was forced to scrutinize the intentions, attitudes, and especially the art of war of the other, so they did not hesitate to copy the concepts and procedures deemed beneficial, as both sides made shows in this area, a multifaceted exceptional adaptability. In short, far from the common vision with the crusades as purely secular religious conflicts that opposed in a Manichean manner two monolithic and hermetic conceptions of the world and war, it would seem that Syria of the twelfth century began as a crucible exchanges in which the watchword was "pragmatism".

O trabalho ora apresentado versa a respeito do delicado problema dos sistemas de emergência. A tese objetiva demonstrar, num primeiro momento, o quanto a legislação de emergência pátria está defasada e com pouca chance de êxito na hipótese do Brasil ser acometido por uma crise de grandes proporções. E, diante desse cenário, propor um novo sistema constitucional de crise. Inicia-se a tese abordando os precedentes históricos das medidas de emergência, seus tipos e suas classificações. No segundo capítulo, explora-se as medidas de emergência previstas no direito brasileiro. Na terceira parte do trabalho, são analisados os estudos de autores clássicos referentes aos problemas da defesa da ordem constitucional. Analisa-se também o trabalho do Professor de Direito e Ciência Politica na Universidade de Yale Bruce Ackerman. No quarto capítulo são investigados os pontos positivos e negativos dos diferentes instrumentos de exceção existentes, fundados impreterivelmente na concentração de plenos poderes nas mãos do Executivo. No derradeiro capítulo da tese é apresentado um novo modelo de sistema constitucional de crise para o Brasil. Trata-se da instituição de uma espécie de conselho, formado a partir da indicação dos chefes dos três poderes do Estado, que se reuniria nos momentos de tempestades institucionais para decidir, conjuntamente, a respeito das providências de exceção a serem adotadas. A fórmula constitucional proposta se consubstancia num instituto tripartite, ou seja, numa aliança de três pessoas. É uma solução político-institucional inovadora e desenvolvida com vistas a aparar a maior parte das deficiências e inconveniências da vigente técnica de defesa brasileira. Denomina-se triunvirato de emergência. / The work here presented is about the delicate problem of the emergency systems. The thesis aims to demonstrate, at a first, how much the homelands emergency system is outdated and with little chance of success in the case of Brazil being affected by a major crisis. And, with this scenario in mind, propose a new constitutional crisis system. The thesis starts by addressing the historical precedents of the emergency measures, their types and their classifications. The second chapter explores the emergency measures provided for in Brazilian law. In the third part of the work, the studies of classical authors referring to the problems of constitutional order defense are analyzed. It also examines the work of Professor of Law and Political Science at Yale University Bruce Ackerman. In the fourth chapter the strengths and weaknesses of the existing different instruments of exception are investigated, founded imperatively in the concentration of full powers in the hands of the Executive. In the final chapter of the thesis a new constitutional crisis system model for Brazil is presented. It is about the institution of a kind of council, formed from the indication of the heads of the three branches of government, which would meet in times of institutional storms to decide, jointly, about the exception steps to be taken. The proposed constitutional formula is embodied in a tripartite institute, meaning an alliance of three people. It is an innovative political-institutional solution and developed in order to trim most of the deficiencies and drawbacks of the current Brazilian defense technique. It is called \"emergency triumvirate\".

This work is a social and cultural history of the participation of enslaved and free Blacks in the Seven Years’ War in British America. It is, as well, an intellectual history of the impact of Blacks’ wartime actions upon conceptions of race, slavery, and imperial identity in the British Atlantic world. In addition to offering a fresh analysis of the significance of Britain’s arming of Blacks in the eighteenth century, it represents the first sustained inquiry into Blacks’ experience of this global conflict. It contends that, though their rhetoric might indicate otherwise, neither race nor enslaved status in practice prevented Britons from arming Blacks. In fact, Blacks played the most essential role in martial endeavors precisely where slavery was most fundamental to society. The exigencies of worldwide war transformed a local reliance upon black soldiers for the defense of particular colonies into an imperial dependence upon them for the security of Britain’s Atlantic empire. The events of the Seven Years’ War convinced many Britons that black soldiers were effective and even indispensable in the empire’s tropical colonies, but they also confirmed that not all Blacks could be trusted with arms. This work examines “Tacky’s revolt,” during which more than a thousand slaves exploited the wartime diffusion of Jamaica’s defensive forces to rebel, as a battle of the Seven Years’ War. The experience of insecurity and insurrection during the conflict caused some Britons to question the imperial value of the institution of slavery and to propose that Blacks be transformed from a source of vulnerability as slaves to the key to the empire’s strength in the southern Atlantic as free subjects. While martial service offered some Blacks a means to gain income, skills, a sense of satisfaction, autonomy, community, and even (though rarely) freedom, the majority of Blacks did not personally benefit from their contributions to the British war effort. Despite the pragmatic martial antislavery rhetoric that flourished postwar, in the end the British armed Blacks to perpetuate slavery, not to eradicate it, and an ever more regimented reliance upon black soldiers became a lasting legacy of the Seven Years’ War. / text