A dissertação realiza uma pesquisa sobre o Partido dos Trabalhadores (Brasil) e o Partido Socialista (Chile) com o objetivo de analisar o impacto dos partidos nas políticas sociais dos governos Lula (2003-2006) e Lagos (2000-2006) e o reflexo da experiência de governo sobre os partidos. Como elementos teóricos, a dissertação apresenta revisão da literatura comparada sobre partidos políticos (análise funcional, organizacional e mudança partidária) e políticas sociais (análises society-centered e state-centered). A dissertação aborda o desenvolvimento das agremiações após a redemocratização brasileira e chilena, em especial as transformações das políticas sociais propostas nos programas de governo para as eleições, nos documentos partidários internos e as políticas implementadas durante os referidos governos (mudança programática). Analisa também a mudança organizacional dos partidos e as relações entre forças internas após a conquista do governo. A pesquisa recorre à revisão e análise de trabalhos acadêmicos, programas de governo, documentos internos dos partidos, relatórios e dados estatísticos publicados pelos governos e outras instituições, matérias em periódicos e dados obtidos junto aos órgãos eleitorais e aos próprios partidos. Conclui-se que a mudança organizacional reforçou a ligação entre os partidos e seus governos e favoreceu a mudança nas idéias sobre políticas sociais. Contudo, a transformação observada é coerente com as tendências estabelecidas antes da chegada ao poder. As políticas sociais implementadas pelos governos são mais próximas aos programas de governo do que das idéias dos partidos. / The thesis realizes a research about Workers Party (Brazil) and Socialist Party (Chile) and it objectives to analyze social policies' impact in Lula (2003-2006) and Lagos' (2000-2006) governments and governmental experience's reflex on the parties. As theoretical elements, the thesis presents a comparative literature revision about political parties (functional and organizational analysis, party changing) and social policies (society-centered and state-centered analysis). The thesis describes groups' development after Brazil and Chile's redemocratization, especially social policies transformations proponed on governmental programs to elections, in party's intern documents and policies implemented during the governments (program changing). It also analyzes organizational changing in the parties and its relationship between intern groups after government achievement. The research uses revision and academic paper analysis, governmental programs, party's intern documents, reports and statistic data published by government and other institutions, articles in magazines (periodicals) and data from electoral organs and parties. It concludes that organizational changing reinforced the bridge between parties and its governments and also it benefited ideas changing about social policies. However, the transformation in analysis is coherent with tendencies established before power achievement. Social policies implemented by governments are closer of governmental programs than parties' ideas.

So badly wounded that he had to be propped up in a chair to face the firing squad, James Connolly was executed by the British on May 10, 1916 in Dublin's infamous Kilmainham Jail. He had been one of the leaders of the abortive Easter 'Rising against English control of Ireland. This event in itself was sufficient to guarantee him a significant place in Irish history but Connolly had achieved prominence in other activities as well. Besides being a revolutionary nationalist he had been a Marxist and a labor leader, had founded the Irish Socialist Republican Party and had played a major role in the general strike in Dublin from August, 1913 through March, 1914. Altogether, it is not surprising that all the biographies of Connolly have concentrated on his role in Irish history and that little if any attention has been given to his significance in the history of American radicalism.

This thesis focuses on the evolution of the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party between 1926 and 1929. The thesis focuses primarily on the internal development of the political party in this period and its opposition status. In the case of development are studied the causes of intra-party crisis in 1926, the reasons why Stříbrný and his supporters were expelled from the party by the XI. party congress in Brno in September 1926 and the consequences that followed as expelling members of the party, financial problems and break-up of the political alliance. This thesis also focuses how the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party acted as an opposition to the Gentlemen's coalition and its influence of mitigation government policy, which limited social legislations.

Esta tese tem como objetivo o estudo e a análise da evolução dos partidos políticos de matriz socialista na política argentina durante um século (1880 e 1980). Ainda notamos a ausência no âmbito acadêmico de uma análise minuciosa e coerente de e do conjunto das organizações que formaram parte do Partido Socialista (PS). O mesmo ocorre com suas múltiplas divisões e incorporações ou com os vários aspectos políticos, sociais e culturais que sua praxis implicou. Neste sentido, esta tese tem dois objetivos, por um lado cobrir a mencionada lacuna e por outro colaborar com a reconstrução da memória histórica das classes subalternas. Relaciona os partidos socialistas argentinos com o socialismo internacional, o marxismo e seu impacto na América Latina, no marco da formação econômico-social argentina e dos processos políticos argentinos em sua interação com outras esquerdas, os dois grandes movimentos nacionais, o radicalismo e o peronismo, os conservadores e os militares. / The object of this thesis is the study and analysis of the evolution processes of the socialist political parties in argentinian politics during a century (1880 to 1980). We can even now notice the absence in the academic level of a minute and coherent analisys of the hole picture involving the organizations that took part in the formation of the Socialist Party (PS). The same happens in the multiple divisions and mergers or the various political, social and cultural aspects involved in its praxis. So, this thesis has two objectives, in a way, tends to cover the absence of academic literature about the subject and, in another sense, cooperate with the reconstruction of the working clases memory history. It draws the relation between the argentinian socialist parties, the marxism and its social and economic impacts in Latin America, and, finally, the mayor argentinian political processes like the radicals, the peronismo, the conservatives and the military.

“The Proletarian Prometheus: Socialism, Ethnicity, and Revolution at the Lakehead, 1900-1935” is an analysis of the various socialist organizations operating at the Canadian Lakehead (comprised of the twin cities of Port Arthur and Fort William, Ontario, now the present-day City of Thunder Bay, and their vicinity) during the first 35 years of the twentieth century. It contends that the circumstances and actions of Lakehead labour, especially those related to ideology, ethnicity, and personality, worked simultaneously to empower and to fetter workers in their struggles against the shackles of capitalism. The twentieth-century Lakehead never lacked for a population of enthusiastic, energetic and talented left-wingers. Yet, throughout this period the movement never truly solidified and took hold. Socialist organizations, organizers and organs came and went, leaving behind them an enduring legacy, yet paradoxically the sum of their efforts was cumulatively less than the immense sacrifices and energies they had poured into them. Between 1900 and 1935, the region's working-class politics was shaped by the interaction of ideas drawn from the much larger North Atlantic socialist world with the particularities of Lakehead society and culture. International frameworks of analysis and activism were of necessity reshaped and revised in a local context in which ethnic divisions complicated and even undermined the class identities upon which so many radical dreams and ambitions rested. / Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2007-12-14 20:26:40.652

Esta tese tem como objetivo o estudo e a análise da evolução dos partidos políticos de matriz socialista na política argentina durante um século (1880 e 1980). Ainda notamos a ausência no âmbito acadêmico de uma análise minuciosa e coerente de e do conjunto das organizações que formaram parte do Partido Socialista (PS). O mesmo ocorre com suas múltiplas divisões e incorporações ou com os vários aspectos políticos, sociais e culturais que sua praxis implicou. Neste sentido, esta tese tem dois objetivos, por um lado cobrir a mencionada lacuna e por outro colaborar com a reconstrução da memória histórica das classes subalternas. Relaciona os partidos socialistas argentinos com o socialismo internacional, o marxismo e seu impacto na América Latina, no marco da formação econômico-social argentina e dos processos políticos argentinos em sua interação com outras esquerdas, os dois grandes movimentos nacionais, o radicalismo e o peronismo, os conservadores e os militares. / The object of this thesis is the study and analysis of the evolution processes of the socialist political parties in argentinian politics during a century (1880 to 1980). We can even now notice the absence in the academic level of a minute and coherent analisys of the hole picture involving the organizations that took part in the formation of the Socialist Party (PS). The same happens in the multiple divisions and mergers or the various political, social and cultural aspects involved in its praxis. So, this thesis has two objectives, in a way, tends to cover the absence of academic literature about the subject and, in another sense, cooperate with the reconstruction of the working clases memory history. It draws the relation between the argentinian socialist parties, the marxism and its social and economic impacts in Latin America, and, finally, the mayor argentinian political processes like the radicals, the peronismo, the conservatives and the military.

The diploma thesis Svobodné slovo 1945-1948: Central Organ of the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party deals with a development of the party newspaper Svobodné slovo in the aforementioned period. The author describes all the aspects of the edition of this newspaper as well as related circumstances on the basis of archive sources, press of that time and specialized literature. The thesis focuses on the restoration of Svobodné slovo after the end of the World War II, its subsequent evolution within newly established condition and provides coherent survey not only of the internal functioning of Prague editorial office of Svobodné slovo, but also of the general content orientation of the newspaper in the given period. With reference to the party character of Svobodné slovo, the author writes also on its interconnection and narrow relation with the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party. The thesis is completed with a historical context of Czechoslovakia of the second part of 1940's. In this connection, the emphasis is laid namely on parliamentary elections realized in May 1946 and the communist coup d'état occurred in February 1948. Both these events are presented especially from the point of view, which was published in Svobodné slovo including the consequences caused to this newspaper by them. For...

This study focuses on the importance of Petroleum of Venezuela (PDVSA) in Venezuelanpolitics. Specifically, it focuses on the role that the state-owned oil company has played in thesurvival of Nicolás Maduro in the presidency of the country, despite the serious political andhumanitarian crisis that the country is going through. To analyze the importance of PDVSA, wefocus on the relationships that the company has established with key social actors such asmembers of the socialist party, the military, and civil society. Our analysis is supported byclientelist and function fusion theories. / Este estudio se centra en analizar la importancia de Petróleos de Venezuela en la políticavenezolana. En específico se centra en el papel que la compañía petrolera estatal ha tenido en lasupervivencia de Nicolás Maduro en la presidencia del país, a pesar la grave crisis política yhumanitaria que a traviesa el país. Para analizar la importancia de PDVSA nos centramos en lasrelaciones que la empresa ha establecido con actores sociales clave como los miembros del partidosocialista, el ejército y la sociedad civil. Nuestro análisis está apoyado en las teorías clientelistasy de fusión de funciones.

La construction européenne fut entre la conférence de La Haye en 1969 et la signature de l’Acte unique européen en 1986, une entreprise d’intégration des sociétés européennes principalement économique, notamment fondée sur la libre circulation des marchandises, des hommes mais aussi des services et des capitaux. Ce projet de marché unique transnational fut un défi inouï lancé aux Etats et aux partis politiques qui organisent l’expression politique au sein de chaque nation. Deux partis, profondément enracinés par leur identité socialiste et démocratique dans la vie de leur nation et également mus par l’idéal européen, le parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne (SPD) et le Parti socialiste français (PS), furent, par l’action de leurs dirigeants au pouvoir, étroitement associés à la réalisation du projet européen.Ces partis furent-ils des acteurs qui imprimèrent la marque du socialisme démocratique à la construction européenne ou l’accompagnèrent-ils sans en corriger les traits originaux ? Ont-ils façonné le modèle économique de l’intégration européenne ou s’est-il imposé à eux ? Partant, cette expérience européenne les conduisit-elle à préserver ou à modifier leur identité ? Notre recherche nous conduit ainsi à étudier la rencontre entre deux utopies, l’utopie européenne et l’utopie du socialisme démocratique et à mesurer l’extrême difficulté pour ces deux partis de créer un modèle qui fasse converger ces deux caractéristiques du PS et du SPD et leur permette de rester des forces politiques d’avenir, riches de propositions partagées à l’échelle européenne. / Between the conference of The Hague (1965) and the signing of the Single European Act (1986), the European Construction was foremost an economic endeavour aiming at integrating the European societies and based on the free movement of goods, people, services and money. The creation of the common market was an extraordinary challenge for the nation states and for the political parties which are responsible for the expression of the political life of their nation. Two parties, the French socialist party (PS) and the social-democratic party of Germany (SPD), both deeply rooted in the political life of their own nation, with a socialist and democratic identity, but also moved by European ideals, were greatly involved in the realisation of the European project, mainly through the action of their leaders when these were exercising their national responsibilities and ruling their nation.Thus the questioning: did these parties leave the mark of democratic socialism on the European construction or did they only accompany it without correcting the original features? Did they participate in the definition of the European economic model or not? And in turn, did the European construction lead them to preserve or to modify their identity?Our inquiry leads us to study how two utopian ideas, the path towards democratic socialism and the path towards European unity, interfere. The extreme difficulty for both parties to create a convergence between these two paths could prevent them from remaining political strengths with great future at national and European scale.

Un cycle réformiste et républicain est initié après les expériences de la guerre et de la Résistance. Le programme coordonné dès 1944 par le Conseil national de la Résistance (CNR) apparaît ici comme une réponse à la carence de démocratie politique créée par le gouvernement de Vichy et l’occupation allemande. Le moment de la reconstruction ne pourra se contenter d’être un simple retour à la situation d’avant-guerre. Les nationalisations, la mise en place d’une sécurité sociale, la liberté syndicale sont les jalons de ce programme réformiste auquel le MRP et la SFIO adhèrent pleinement. A partir de 1944, ils deviennent deux composantes majeures du paysage politique français et sont les pivots de tous les gouvernements de la IVe République jusqu’en 1951. Malgré des cultures politiques très différentes, ils collaborent à la refondation des institutions républicaines et posent le cadre de ce qui sera l’État providence. Les difficultés du « compromis républicain » n’en sont pas moins réelles. Elles se lisent entre autre au sein des commissions parlementaires, possibles lieux de réformes. Majorité gouvernementale fragile et instabilité ministérielle chronique paralysent le pouvoir. Les guerres de décolonisation condamnent finalement le régime en 1958. Dans cet intervalle relativement long, la SFIO et le MRP ont poursuivi et réalisé un programme ambitieux de réformes. Ils se sont aussi affrontés sur le terrain de la laïcité et de l’école. In fine, leurs actions communes, leurs accords, leurs divergences profondes et leurs contradictions interrogent sur la manière dont la IVe république a participé à la transformation du modèle républicain. / The experience of war and Resistance has initiated a “reformist” and republican cycle. The National Council of Resistance (CNR) has coordinated in 1944 a program as an answer to the lack of political democracy, which resulted of the government of Vichy and the German occupation. Going back to the pre-war situation would not be enough to rebuild. The MRP and the SFIO plainly joined the “reformist” program, based on nationalizations, the creation of a welfare insurance and trade union freedom. From 1944 to 1951, they both became a major part of the French political landscape, backbone of all major governments of the IVth Republic. Setting aside their entirely different political cultures, they worked together for a renewal of the republican institutions, making the welfare state a future reality. Thus, it still has been difficult to set this « republican agreement » on track. The study of the parliamentary committee as a place of reformism easily acknowledge that statement. Moreover, weak government majority, added to a chronical instability of the ministries, seemed to paralyse the decision making process. Eventually, in 1958, the wars of decolonization put an end to it. During this period, ambitious reforms were conceived and applied, leaded by the MRP and the SFIO together. They nonetheless had to face each other about subjects of dissension, such as secularism and school. As a consequence, the question of how the IVth Republic of France changed its republican model can be asked, given the joint actions, contradictions, agreements and disagreements of those two parties.