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<p>Research has demonstrated repeatedly that income and income distribution are powerful determinants of health. While Ontario public health units are mandated to promote health and reduce health inequities, they have done little to help eliminate poverty, instead focusing on individual behaviours such as smoking, diet, and physical activity – an approach likely to worsen health inequities, rather than mend them. Public health nurses (PHNs) across Canada recognize poverty as a powerful determinant of health, yet have expressed challenges in their ability to take meaningful action to address it (Cohen, 2006b; Reutter & Ford, 1996). The study sought insight into how Ontario public health units can strengthen PHNs socio-political efforts to address the causes of poverty. A qualitative descriptive design was used to explore PHNs’ views, while an <em>Appreciative Inquiry</em> approach was used to draw on participants’ successful past experiences in addressing the causes of poverty and their thoughts for the future. Organizational factors thought to empower PHNs’ socio-political efforts to address the causes of poverty were identified using Kanter’s <em>Structural Theory of Power in Organizations</em> as a starting conceptual framework. Fifteen PHNs participated in face-to-face or telephone interviews. Qualitative content analysis was used to describe participants’ affirmative experiences, empowering organizational attributes, and desired actions and supports for the future. Three overall themes emerged with respect to empowering organizational attributes: authorities within the health unit ‘permit and provide’, active associates ‘help each other out’, and external allies ‘contribute and collaborate’. Factors beyond the health unit that would support anti-poverty work were also identified. Findings suggested that action to address the causes of poverty is within the reach of PHNs, and is consistent with their role and the public health mandate, but requires leadership support and political buy-in in order to maximize its effectiveness.</p> / Master of Science (MSc)

Text in Afrikaans / This study investigates postcolonial aspects of the prose oeuvre of André P. Brink, with specific reference to his historiographical texts `n Oomblik in die wind, Houd-den-Bek, Die eerste lewe van Adamastor, Inteendeel, Sandkastele and Donkermaan. The texts can be described as links in a textual history of South Africa: a history corresponding to the official version, revisioning it in an imaginative way. The texts also criticize political (mal)practices, and the pre-colonial, colonial and postcolonial social contexts of the country are critically scrutinized. The texts offer suggestions for a new political dispensation. Since the seventies the Brink oeuvre has developed a multi-dimensional postcolonial approach. Aspects of post-colonialism, post-structuralism, magical realism and feminism as articulated in the texts, are analyzed and interpreted. Brink's investigation of problems concerning historiography, and the relation between history and fiction, comprised an important aspect of the research leading to this report. / Afrikaans & Theory of Literature / D.Litt. et Phil

Text in Afrikaans / This study investigates postcolonial aspects of the prose oeuvre of André P. Brink, with specific reference to his historiographical texts `n Oomblik in die wind, Houd-den-Bek, Die eerste lewe van Adamastor, Inteendeel, Sandkastele and Donkermaan. The texts can be described as links in a textual history of South Africa: a history corresponding to the official version, revisioning it in an imaginative way. The texts also criticize political (mal)practices, and the pre-colonial, colonial and postcolonial social contexts of the country are critically scrutinized. The texts offer suggestions for a new political dispensation. Since the seventies the Brink oeuvre has developed a multi-dimensional postcolonial approach. Aspects of post-colonialism, post-structuralism, magical realism and feminism as articulated in the texts, are analyzed and interpreted. Brink's investigation of problems concerning historiography, and the relation between history and fiction, comprised an important aspect of the research leading to this report. / Afrikaans and Theory of Literature / D.Litt. et Phil

The exodus tradition was passed on for posterity among the Jewish descendants about God who delivered their ancestors from bondage in Egypt, who divided the Red Sea waters and provided them with manna in the desert. The exodus tradition motivated them in many problematic situations about "God of their fathers" who delivered them. The modern post-biblical world has drawn some motivation from the exodus liberation motif, namely: Latin America, USA, South Africa, Rhodesia and Zimbabwe, amongst others. The topic: Reading the Exodus Tradition from a Zimbabwean Perspective is necessitated by the Zimbabwean experience of oppression. The function of the exodus tradition during colonialism in Rhodesia is discussed because it forms the nucleus from which Zimbabwe was born. Recently, the Zimbabwean people have been subjected to unjust treatments by the Zimbabwean regime. The function of the exodus tradition in the Zimbabwean situation is explored in chapters five and six, respectively. / Biblical and Ancient studies / M.A. (Biblical Studies)

The study discusses selected Shona novels‟ depiction of the theme of protest in the post-independence era in Zimbabwe. The ideas that these novels generate on protest are examined in the context of socio-political and socio-cultural issues in post-independent Zimbabwe. The study is an investigation of the extent to which protest literature is indispensable in the struggle of African people to liberate themselves from imperialist servitude. Novels on socio-political protest show how the government has failed to deliver on most of its promises because of neocolonialism and corruption. Novels on socio-cultural protest show how cultural innovations in post-independence Zimbabwe brought problems .The study comes to the conclusion that for literature to be reliable and useful to society it is not enough to highlight weaknesses in criticizing, but it should go beyond that and offer constructive and corrective criticism. This shows that protest literature is a vital tool for social transformation in Zimbabwe. / African languages / M.A. (African languages)

La présente recherche sur l'efficacité du système international des droits de l'Homme consiste à analyser les mécanismes de suivi et de surveillance des Nations Unies en matière des droits de l’Homme. L’impacte de ce système sur le traitement des femmes démontre que les institutions de contrôle et de promotion des droits de l’Homme de l'ONU ne parviennent pas à protéger pleinement les femmes contre ces mesures discriminatoires.Il résulte de cette analyse que le système international de protection des droits des femmes joue un rôle limité dans l’éradication de la discrimination à l’encontre des femmes. Le pouvoir restreint des comités de l'ONU dans le processus de rapports, de suivi et de contrôle constitue la principale raison de son inefficacité. Les comités n'ont pas de force d’opposition ni de pouvoir d’exécution. Les descriptions faites de la situation des femmes dans les rapports des rapporteurs spéciaux de l'ONU et dans les recommandations des comités ne permettent pas d’améliorer concrètement le statut des femmes. En outre, l’incapacité de l'ONU à imposer aux pays des mesures visant à faire respecter ses obligations relatives aux droits des femmes souligne la vulnérabilité structurelle du système international de protection des droits de l’Homme.Par conséquent, le système actuel de contrôle de l'ONU doit subir des modifications. Il serait opportun d'envisager la possibilité d'instaurer de tribunaux internationaux relatifs aux droits de l’Homme pour les États membres de culture commune, de croyances similaires et géographiquement proches. La compétence d’un tribunal international rendant des décisions contraignantes serait ainsi reconnue. / The present research on the effectiveness of the international Human Rights system consists of analyzing United Nations monitoring and surveillance mechanisms in the field of Human Rights. Their impact on the treatment of women demonstrates that the UN human rights monitoring and promotion institutions fail to fully protect women against discriminatory measures.As a result, the international system for the protection of women's rights plays a limited role in eradicating discrimination against women. The limited power of UN committees in the reporting, monitoring and control process is the main reason for its ineffectiveness. Committees have no opposition or enforcement powers.Simply reporting on women’s situation in the UN special rapporteurs and in the recommendations of the committees are insufficient to significantly improve the status of women. The inability of the UN to impose the measures needed to enforce its obligations relating to women's rights. The ineffectiveness of the UN’s enforcement of the measures needed related to women’s rights underlines the structural vulnerability of the international system for the protection of Human Rights.The current system of UN control must be modified. It would be appropriate to consider the possibility of establishing international Human Rights tribunals for Member States, which share a common culture with similar beliefs and are also close geographically. The jurisdiction of an international tribunal rendering binding decisions would thus be recognized.

L’apparition de la démocratie au Bénin a favorisé l’émergence des élitesreligieuses et traditionnelles sur la scène publique. Ces dernières ont saisil’opportunité que leur offraient les changements institutionnels au niveau de l’Étatpour s’organiser en groupes d’intérêts et essayer d’améliorer leur situation sociale.Mais leurs ambitions vont bien au-delà de leurs sphères de prédilection, car cesélites religieuses et traditionnelles entendent être associées à l’élaboration despolitiques publiques et participer au développement de l’État béninois. Ce souhaitmet en exergue la probabilité de l’existence d’une gouvernance conjointe ouplurielle, à échelons différents, de la cité, notamment au niveau local, entre élitespolitiques, religieuses et traditionnelles. D’autre part, si la position de l’Étatbéninois à l’endroit des chefferies religieuses et traditionnelles a varié depuis laproclamation de l’indépendance et qu’il leur est reconnu une certaine importance,le statut de ces institutions sociales n’est toujours pas éclairci. Il n’en demeure pasmoins que les gouvernements et les élites politiques au Bénin peuvent avoir uneconception instrumentale de ces relations. Par ailleurs, les élites religieuses ettraditionnelles ne restent pas passives face à l’action de l’État et des élitespolitiques. Aux questions de savoir quand, où et comment ces élites politiques,religieuses et traditionnelles se rencontrent, il peut y avoir plusieurs modalités deréponses qui entraînent à leur tour certaines configurations relationnelles non sansconséquences sur l’État béninois. / The apparition of democracy in Benin has contributed to the emergence ofreligious and traditional elites on the public stage. These elites have seized theopportunity that the institutional state transformations have offered them to organizethemselves into lobbies and to try to improve their social situation. However, theirambitions go beyond their traditional domains, and these religious and traditional eliteswish to participate in the development of public policy and of the Beninese state. Thisambition underlines the probability of the development of a joint or plural managementof cities, notably on a local level, between political, religious and traditional elites.Also, although the position of the Beninese state concerning religious and traditionalchieftainships has varied since the declaration of independence and the state recognizesthat these chieftainships have a certain importance, these the status of these socialinstitutions remains unclear. However, the country’s successive governments andpolitical elites can have an instrumental conception of these relations. It is also worthnoting that the religious and traditional elites do not remain passive concerning the stateand political elites’ actions. There can be several different kinds of response to thequestion of how these political, religious and traditional elites come together, responseswhich imply certain relational configurations which have an impact on the Beninesestate.

The objective of this thesis is to analyze the bilateral relations between the US and Saudi Arabia in the period between 1990 and 2003. In this context, the aim is to find out an answer to the question of how the relations between the US-Saudi Arabia have strained after September 11. Accordingly, the thesis contains four main parts. In the first part of the study, the historical background of US-Saudi relations up to the 1990-1991 Gulf Crisis, which was based on oil for security exchange, is studied. In the second part of the study, the security dilemma of Saudi Arabia, the challenges Saudi Arabia faced during the 1990s, and how these challenges affected its relations with the US are discussed. In the third part, September 11 and how global issues like war on terrorism, war in Iraq and democratization in the Middle East came into the agenda of the relationship is scrutinized. Accordingly, this thesis has reached to the following conclusions: First, after September 11, the relations between the two countries became more problematic and have affected by both global issues as well as domestic debates in both countries. Second, despite increasingly problematic nature of the relationship, the two countries managed to continue their strategic relationship, particularly as regards to &ldquo / war on terrorism&rdquo / .

This thesis addresses the conflict traditionally found within moral philosophy between deontological and utilitarian schools of thought. Using the example of the serious moral ambivalence experienced by individuals who are deciding whether to end or continue a difficult pregnancy, it is argued that this ambivalence is the result of both absolute principles (such as the intrinsic value of human life) and outcome based considerations (such as the desire to avoid causing pain and suffering) appearing to be morally reasonable, while also being fundamentally opposed: Each course of action is at once morally defensible on the basis of its own reasonableness, and, conversely, reprehensible due to the reasonableness of the other. This lived experience of moral ambivalence is directly reflected by the tension between deontology and utilitarianism as it occurs at the moral philosophic level, where the deontological emphasis on the unconditional rightness of certain principles is seen to be at irreconcilable odds with the utilitarian emphasis on the attainment of certain ends. The thesis’ central claim is that such ambivalence strongly indicates that human morality is neither exclusively one type or the other, and that both types of moral property are in fact reasonable, and thus have moral value. It is theorised that accounting for this dual reasonableness would lead to the most accurate and helpful representation of the human moral experience – but that the philosophic ‘divide’ between the two types of principle has led to an either/or situation, which has largely prevented this sort of understanding from being developed. The thesis argues that Victorian philosopher Henry Sidgwick developed a view in which neither deontological nor utilitarian principles can be fully realised without reference to the other, precisely on the basis that both can be found to be ultimately rational. This thesis aims to revitalise that theory – represented by the term ‘Rational Benevolence’ - to show that Sidgwick reconciled the divide between absolute and end based principles in such a way that the relationship between them becomes a ‘synthesis’. In this synthesis, deontological and utilitarian concepts are both seen as essential components of morality, that combine to form a dynamic whole in which the value of each principle is both indicated and naturally limited by the value of the other, on account of their respective rationalities. It is argued that this provides a more comprehensive understanding of the reality of the human moral experience, and better moral justification for either course of action in situations of complex and sensitive ethical decision making.