No Estado moderno se, por um lado, parece intrínseca a uma ordem jurídica a sua pretensão coercitiva em relação aos diferentes aspectos da vida social, resta evidente que tal ordem deve ser dotada de um atributo de autoridade que lhe garanta primazia em relação a outras ordens (morais, religiosas, pessoais), para que se justifique dotá-la de atributos tão singulares como a coercitividade. A essa autoridade, contudo, no contexto democrático - mais especificamente no contexto do Estado Democrático de Direito contemporâneo - cumpre dotar-se de uma legitimidade ou, ao menos, uma aparência de legitimidade suficiente para imprimir efetividade àquela autoridade. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho busca redefinir, a partir da perspectiva bourdieuniana, a percepção dos principais argumentos de legitimidade e autoridade do Direito - visto não só enquanto ordenamento jurídico, mas principalmente a partir de sua produção no ambiente legislativo, tantas vezes ignorada pela doutrina jurídica que habitualmente toma o direito posto, já legislado, como ponto de partida, neutralizando as disputas do subcampo legislativo e ignorando, em ampla medida, a questão da legitimidade da produção normativa. A pesquisa demonstra, a partir da perspectiva da Teoria da Reprodução Social de Bourdieu & Passeron (1992) que coloca em cheque toda legitimidade, que é aqui vista como mero efeito de uma autoridade, como a própria democracia é um conceito em disputa, e que a legitimidade das ações legislativas, bem como a dos próprios agentes legislativos não pode ser pressuposta. / If, in modern State, the coercive pretension seems intrinsic to the legal order in respect to all the different aspects of social life, it is also evident that such an order must have an authority which guarantees its primacy over other (such as moral, religious or personal orders), so that we are able to justify its singular attributes. To this authority, however, in the democratic context of contemporary State (under the Rule of Law), we must also have at least a notion of legitimacy, enough to give effectiveness to that authority. In this context, the present work seeks to redefine, from the perspective of Bourdieu\'s theory, the perception of the main arguments to law\'s legitimacy and authority - especially in aspects of the legislative work, usually overseen by juridical doctrine that takes law for granted, neutralizing the disputes in legislative field and ignoring to some extent the different critics to legislative legitimacy. Our research demonstrates, from the perspective of the Social Reproduction Theory, developed by Bourdieu & Passeron (1992) and which questions all legitimacy, seen as mere effect of authority, how democracy itself is a concept in dispute, and that the legitimacy of the legislative actions, and that of its agents, can\'t be taken for granted.

O conceito da discricionariedade, quando aplicado na compreensão do sistema de justiça criminal e das instituições nele inseridas, tem produzido grande quantidade de debates acadêmicos e institucionais. Em geral, tal ideia é reconhecida enquanto um elemento de tensão no âmbito dos processos de aplicação da lei no moderno Estado Democrático de Direito. Ela tem sido usada, mais especificamente, para designar momentos em que há alguma ruptura ou ruído nos procedimentos racionais e formais do sistema de justiça. Apesar desse sentido mais geral do termo, não é possível obter nas literaturas especializadas, em especial das ciências sociais e das ciências jurídicas, definições precisas, muito menos consensuais, para essa ideia. Notavelmente, foi nos países de língua inglesa em que esse debate alcançou maiores nuances. Ali, a discricionariedade ora foi considerada um aspecto inerente da forma de se aplicar a lei, podendo produzir justiça ou injustiça. Ora foi entendida como um resquício de formas pré-modernas de administração da justiça, sendo necessária eliminá-la. Ainda, foi definida como um conceito a ser descartado, seja por não conseguir delimitar precisamente o fenômeno que procura descrever, ou por tentar definir algo que na verdade se encontra em outro nível de análise. Já no Brasil não é possível falar em termos de um debate sobre o conceito da discricionariedade, pois aqui vem se adotando diferentes conceitos para descrever os fenômenos geralmente enquadrados por essa ideia, como arbitrariedade e seletividade. Os objetivos dessa pesquisa, portanto, são realizar uma síntese bibliográfica crítica dos debates nesses dois conjuntos de literatura, subdivididos, por sua vez, de acordo com a matriz disciplinar de cada pesquisa; estabelecer os pontos de contato e de separação entre cada uma delas; e, por fim, indicar os temas que se abrem a partir disso para a melhor compreensão do sistema de justiça criminal brasileiro. Assim, verifica-se, em maior grau, distanciamentos entre os dois grandes grupos de pesquisas em função sobretudo da configuração específica do sistema de justiça brasileiro, baseado na civil law, e de sua doutrina, em comparação com o sistema da common law. Mesmo assim, também se argumenta que a incorporação da gramática da discricionariedade, conforme delineada aqui, pode ser produtiva para o avanço da compreensão do sistema de justiça brasileiro. Por fim, indica-se o Ministério Público enquanto objeto privilegiado para a realização dessa tarefa, pois nessa instituição se expressam mais nitidamente as tensões identificadas em ambas literaturas, tanto na sua constituição organizacional, quanto na sua configuração doutrinária. Além disso, afirma-se também que o Ministério Público tem sido palco de um movimento de aproximação com seu correlato da common law, o que torna ainda mais produtiva a adoção da gramática da discricionariedade para sua análise. / Discretion is a key concept to understand the criminal justice system and its institutions. It is also the focus of a large number of academic and institutional controversies. This phenomenon is generally acknowledged as a source of tension to the processes of law enforcement associated with the democratic state governed by the rule of law. More precisely, discretion has been used to describe defective aspects of justices rational and formal procedures. Despite this general statement, social sciences and law studies are far from asserting an unequivocal definition of discretion. If one looks through researches published in English, he will find numerous differences. Discretion is sometimes described as an intrinsic feature of law enforcement that can equally provide fair or unfair consequences. It is also sometimes described as a residual feature of pre-modern administration of justice that has to be suppressed. Finally, some researches argues that discretion is a concept that must not be used since it cannot precisely describe a single phenomenon. Or because it attempts to describe something that simply do not belong to its level of analysis. Yet, Brazilian researches provide a different scenario. Discretion it is not as often used as in the previous case. The phenomena frequently understood as discretion is more commonly described by concepts such as arbitrariness or selectivity. Henceforth, the objectives of this research are: provide a research synthesis of this controversial field; compare the Brazilian literature to the English literature by means of a critical approach; and, at last, point out the questions arose by such comparison and that can be helpfully used to interrogate Brazilian justice system. Therefore, it will be argued that the different comprehensions found between Brazilian and English studies are due to the specific development and configuration of their justice system, each one being based upon different traditions (common law or civil law). However, it will also be argued that the adoption of the grammar of discretion by Brazilian researchers may result in the advance of the comprehension of its justice system. Finally, it will be pointed out that the Ministério Público (Brazils public prosecutors office) is a key institution at which discretion framework can be usefully applied. Especially because this institution clearly express the controversies and tensions previously identified in its organizational and doctrinaire constitution. Finally, it will be argued that the Ministério Público is also at the center of a movement towards its approximation with the common law prosecutors office.

O objetivo principal do trabalho é investigar como defensores públicos de São Paulo compreendem o papel da Defensoria Pública e de que forma eles têm conduzido as demandas sociais de caráter político advindas da sociedade civil. A pesquisa se enquadra no campo da Sociologia Política do Direito, pois pretende analisar dentro do contexto jurídico-político brasileiro a dinâmica e atuação da Defensoria Pública frente as demandas apresentadas pelos usuários, a partir das explicações sobre a relação entre Direito e Política oferecidas pela ideia de responsividade do direito. O estudo parte desses referenciais para verificar como a atuação da defensoria afeta o fenômeno de judicialização da política e a crença de que o Poder Judiciário é capaz de promover significativas transformações sociais. Para essa análise, a metodologia contou com duas partes de base empírica. A primeira levantou dados referentes a ações judiciais propostas pelos defensores públicos de São Paulo no período de 2007 a 2017, bem como dados referentes às propostas aprovadas em três ciclos de conferências estaduais da instituição, ambos em bases informatizadas da Defensoria Pública. Esse levantamento, ainda em etapas exploratórias da pesquisa, constatou um aumento considerável de ações judiciais propostas pelos defensores nos últimos anos e identificou que grande parte do conteúdo das propostas aprovadas pela sociedade civil nos ciclos de conferências demanda intervenção no campo político. Após a coleta inicial desses dados, na segunda parte, foram realizadas dez entrevistas semiestruturadas em oito unidades da defensoria paulista, posteriormente organizadas em cinco categorias analíticas: a) visão dos defensores sobre o Direito; b) percepção acerca do Poder Judiciário; c) compreensão do papel da defensoria Pública; d) a atuação ordinária dos defensores públicos; e, e) o impacto das conferências estaduais e do plano anual de atuação. As três primeiras categorias observaram como defensores públicos atribuem sentido ao papel institucional a partir de suas distintas percepções acerca do direito e do Poder Judiciário. O exame das demais categorias verificou como a atuação desses defensores tem sido desempenhada e se as propostas advindas da sociedade civil influenciam a atuação no campo político. O estudo empírico permitiu concluir que: embora tenham dedicado, quase exclusivamente, suas atividades ao campo judicial, os defensores não enxergam o Poder Judiciário como capaz de responder efetivamente às demandas sociais de ampla repercussão; os defensores reproduzem um discurso que visa reafirmar a Defensoria Pública como um instrumento de transformação social no campo político; e, há um descompasso entre essas narrativas acerca do papel institucional e as atribuições ordinárias. / The main objective of this study is to investigate how public defenders in São Paulo understand the role of public defence and in what ways they have dealt with the social demands of a political nature coming from civil society. The research falls within the field of Political Sociology of Law, since it intends to analyze within the Brazilian legal-political context the dynamics and action of the public defender against the demands presented by the users, starting from explanations of the relation between Law and Politics offered by the idea of responsive law. The study begins from these references to verify how the actions of the defence affects the phenomenon of judicial control of politics and the belief that the Judiciary Power is capable of promoting significant social transformations. For this analysis, the methodology had two empirical parts. The first examines data on lawsuits filed by public defenders in São Paulo from 2007 to 2017, as well as data regarding the proposals approved in three cycles of state conferences of the institution, both found on the computerized databases of the Public Defender\'s Office. This survey, still in the exploratory stages of the research, has seen a considerable increase in lawsuits filed by defenders in recent years and has identified that much of the content of the proposals approved by the civil society in cycles of conferences demands intervention in the political arena. Following the initial collection of these data, in the second part, ten semi-structured interviews were carried out in eight units of São Paulo public defenders, subsequently organized into five analytical categories: a) the defenders\' view of the Law; b) perception about the Judiciary Power; c) understanding the role of the Public Defender; d) the ordinary performance of public defenders; and, e) the impact of the state conferences and the annual action plan. The first three categories observed how public defenders attribute meaning to the institutional role from their different perceptions about the law and the Judiciary. The examination of the other categories verified how the actions of these defenders has been performed and if the proposals from civil society influence the performance in the political field. This empirical study allowed us to conclude that: although they have almost exclusively dedicated their activities to the judicial field, defenders do not see the Judiciary as capable of responding effectively to social demands that have a wide repercussion; the defenders reproduce a discourse that aims to reaffirm public defence as an instrument of social transformation in the political field; and there is incongruity between these narratives about the institutional role and the ordinary tasks.

<p>The purpose of this study was to investigate how directors of preschool apply the mandatory reporting and what information they say is important in the decision to report child maltreat-ment. The study was built on five semi-structure interviews with five directors of preschool working in Greater Stockholm. The perspective of this paper is sociology of law theory. This means to study how out of law information makes sense when director of preschool applies the mandatory reporting. The result was analysed with three different analytic tools: action plan, consulting social services and the considerations of the directors of preschool them-selves. The result showed that the information from the preschool teachers is very important the decision to report child maltreatment. None of the directors referred to an action plan that was written down. Clear signs of maltreatment, as physical and psychological signs, were information that directly was reported. When anxiety was explained to lack clear physical and psychological signs the directors were left alone with their own subjective feelings. The pos-sibility to consult with social services was told to be a very important support.</p>

<p>This paper discusses honour related crimes and the judicial process within the legal system in a Swedish context. The empirical base of the study is four cases, with an honour background, and we have used discourse analysis as our method. We have developed four tools for analysing the sentences with which we observed aspects such as; language, the roles of victim and perpetrator that the involved can undertake, the different identities that the sentence might create and finally how the stories change when they enter the legal context. We connect our results to our theoretic backgrounds such as Kolfjord who discusses the legalization of conflicts, the holistic and individual perspective, the legal system as a theoretic background and finally the UN:s definition of honour crimes. These four theoretic perspectives have helped analyse the empiric base. The study reveals that the courts handle cases of honour without discussing that fact. It emerges aspects from the stories that are specific for honour crimes. The courts show a difficulty when handling cases with an honour background, there is a conflict between the group norms and the individualistic perspective. The courts describe honour in the empirical material despite the fact that honour has no legal grounds in the Swedish laws.</p>

The purpose of this study was to investigate how directors of preschool apply the mandatory reporting and what information they say is important in the decision to report child maltreat-ment. The study was built on five semi-structure interviews with five directors of preschool working in Greater Stockholm. The perspective of this paper is sociology of law theory. This means to study how out of law information makes sense when director of preschool applies the mandatory reporting. The result was analysed with three different analytic tools: action plan, consulting social services and the considerations of the directors of preschool them-selves. The result showed that the information from the preschool teachers is very important the decision to report child maltreatment. None of the directors referred to an action plan that was written down. Clear signs of maltreatment, as physical and psychological signs, were information that directly was reported. When anxiety was explained to lack clear physical and psychological signs the directors were left alone with their own subjective feelings. The pos-sibility to consult with social services was told to be a very important support.

This paper discusses honour related crimes and the judicial process within the legal system in a Swedish context. The empirical base of the study is four cases, with an honour background, and we have used discourse analysis as our method. We have developed four tools for analysing the sentences with which we observed aspects such as; language, the roles of victim and perpetrator that the involved can undertake, the different identities that the sentence might create and finally how the stories change when they enter the legal context. We connect our results to our theoretic backgrounds such as Kolfjord who discusses the legalization of conflicts, the holistic and individual perspective, the legal system as a theoretic background and finally the UN:s definition of honour crimes. These four theoretic perspectives have helped analyse the empiric base. The study reveals that the courts handle cases of honour without discussing that fact. It emerges aspects from the stories that are specific for honour crimes. The courts show a difficulty when handling cases with an honour background, there is a conflict between the group norms and the individualistic perspective. The courts describe honour in the empirical material despite the fact that honour has no legal grounds in the Swedish laws.

International climate change agreements and the European Union legislation have an influence on different levels of governance, including national legal systems and administrative schemes. The following research question is addressed in the doctoral dissertation: “How does Lithuania, specifically the industrial sector, implement GHG reduction requirements under the Kyoto Protocol and the European Union regulations?” Implementation of GHG emission reductions is analyzed from a perspective of multi-level governance and sociology of law. The research is carried out on four levels – supra-state; state; sub-state and societal. These are described as international; national; administrative and industrial arenas in the dissertation. Hence the implementation of climate change legal rules is based on authoritative decision-making across multiple territorial levels. In the dissertation, legal frameworks regarding reductions of GHG emissions are described - and the institutions along with their mandates are identified. There is a hierarchical top-down regulated implementation of legal rules and actors involved at different levels. A perspective based upon Sociology of Law makes it possible to relate the top-down implementation of legal rules to society. In the dissertation the most dominant driving forces and norms affecting actors on each level of implementation are evaluated, by interviewing respondents from state and administrative institutions and industrial companies... [to full text] / Tarptautiniai klimato kaitos susitarimai ir Europos Sąjungos teisės aktai veikia skirtingus valdymo lygmenis, įskaitant nacionalines teisės sistemas ir administravimo modelius. Disertacijoje iškeltas tyrimo klausimas – kaip Lietuva, konkrečiai pramonės sektorius, įgyvendina šiltnamio efektą sukeliančių dujų (toliau – ŠESD) emisijų mažinimo reikalavimus, nustatytus Kioto protokolu ir Europos Sąjungos teisės aktais. Reikalavimų mažinti ŠESD emisijas įgyvendinimas yra analizuojamas daugiapakopio valdymo perspektyvoje. Analizuojami keturi lygmenys – viršvalstybinis, valstybinis, subvalstybinis ir visuomeninis, kurie disertacijoje gretinami su tarptautine, nacionaline, administracine ir pramonės plotmėmis. Taigi klimato kaitos teisės aktų įgyvendinimas paremtas valdžios sprendimų priėmimo dispersija skirtinguose lygmenyse. Disertacijoje apibūdintos teisės sistemos, susijusios su ŠESD mažinimu, identifikuojant institucijas ir jų įgaliojimus. Remiantis teisės sociologijos perspektyva, hierarchinis teisės normų įgyvendinimo principas siejamas su teisės poveikiu (ir atsaku) pramonės sektoriuje. Atlikus kokybinį tyrimą imant interviu iš tyrimo dalyvių, kurie dirba valstybės ir administracinėse institucijose ir pramonės įmonėse, išnagrinėti ir įvertinti skatinantys veiksniai ir normos, veikiančios dalyvių elgseną kiekviename tiriamajame lygmenyje. Ištirtas pramonės sektoriaus atsakas politikos įgyvendinimo procese bei pateikti pasiūlymai dėl Kioto protokolo ir Europos Sąjungos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

This dissertation offers an explanation of cross national incarceration rate variation for 17 industrialized countries for the second half of the 20th century. Both historical case studies and time-series cross-section analyses are used to provide an institutional explanation of incarceration rate differences. Borrowing from Weber’s Sociology of Law and comparative legal scholarship, it is suggested that three types of legal thinking exist among western democracies—Common, Romano-Germanic, and Nordic law. A regime approach commonly applied in political economic explanations of welfare state development is used to quantify the legal and criminal justice institutional differences between 1960 and 2002 to assert that there are ‘three worlds of western punishment’ in the post-War period. The countries used in this analysis are similar in numerous ways, but historically embedded legal differences have resulted in different trial structures, judge-attorney relationships, rules of criminal evidence, and lay participation that influence the amount of incarceration in each country. The historical case studies demonstrate how important events set countries on particular developmental paths such as the power of defense attorneys in common law, despite their original exclusion from trials; the choice of scientific legal principles as a basis for an objective law blending Roman and Germanic legal principles; and the Nordic’s amalgamation of common and Romano-Germanic legal principles. These legal institutions are complimented by political economic variables that suggest that the presence of more left leaning political parties, centralization of wage bargaining, and labor organization provide a further break on the drive to incarcerate. The quantitative findings support the legal regime approach as well as political economic variables while controlling for crime and homicide rates.

A partir de la reconstruction et de l’analyse du processus d’apparition de la question des femmes victimes du conflit armé en Colombie comme une cause de mobilisation féministe, cette recherche rend compte du rôle structurel du droit dans sa gestation et sa consolidation. Grâce à une approche qui articule les perspectives de la sociologie du droit, de la sociologie des mouvements sociaux, ainsi que de la critique féministe du droit, l’analyse met en exergue les conditions d’émergence des dénonciations publiques et juridiques des femmes affectées par les violences armées, qu’elles se mobilisent d’elles-mêmes ou que la mobilisation se fasse en leur nom. A partir d’une enquête empirique fondée principalement sur des entretiens, l’analyse des discours et l’observation du fonctionnement des instances judiciaires, outre la compréhension du rôle axial du recours au droit et à la justice dans ces processus, l’analyse de la cause permet d’enquêter sur la place de la question des femmes et des victimes dans l’action publique en Colombie, notamment dans les politiques qui visent la « sortie du conflit ». Des concepts tels que « justice transitionnelle », « droits humains des femmes » ou les « politiques constitutionnelles » sont aussi revus conformément à une perspective constitutive du droit. L’histoire contemporaine du conflit armé colombien, des mobilisations sociales pour la paix ou contre la guerre, ainsi que des efforts institutionnels pour gérer les effets des violences se trouvent ainsi interpelées. D’une part, du fait de la perspective doublement genrée que les objets « femme victime » et « mobilisation féministe » introduisent. D’autre part, en raison des dynamiques générées par le surgissement de la question des femmes victimes comme étant à la fois un objet de mobilisation, un sujet de dénonciation, et une « sujette de droits ». / This research focuses on the reconstruction and analysis of the process of the emergence of the issue of women victims of the armed conflict in Colombia, as a result of feminist mobilization. The research shows the structural role of law and legal mobilization in its birth and consolidation. With an approach that articulates the perspectives of sociology of law, sociology of social movements, and the feminist critique of law, the analysis highlights the conditions for the emergence of legal and public denunciations of women affected by armed violence. Grounded on an empirical research based primarily on interviews, discourse analysis and observation of court proceedings, the analysis of the cause allows to investigate the place of the issue of women and victims in public policies, including the efforts for achieve the "end of the conflict", in addition to understanding the pivotal role of recourse to law and justice in these processes. Concepts such as "transitional justice", "the human rights of women" or "constitutional politics" are also reviewed and discussed through a "constitutive" law perspective. In this way, the contemporary history of the Colombian armed conflict, and of the social mobilization for peace and against war, and also the history of institutional efforts to manage the effects of violence, are also revisited. On one hand, the discussion of those topics is determined by the fact that they can be thought as an effect of the double gendered perspective that topics such as "women victims" and "feminist mobilization" introduce. On the other hand, they are also part of a more global discussion due to the dynamics generated by the public emergence of the issue of women victims, who are simultaneously an object of mobilization, a subject of denunciation, and a "subject of rights".