published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

本論文共一冊，七章，都二十萬。 言第一章：緒論。旨在界定研究之範疇，說明撰述之旨趣，提挈論文之綱領。 第二章：中國書院制度之起緣起與發展。旨在剖析中國書院制度形成之內因、外緣及 流變。 第三章：宋代書院興盛之原因及其功能。旨在考察宋代書院何以興盛及對社會之頁獻 。 第四章：宋代書院之教育宗旨與內涵。旨在論述宋代書院教育之方針及實質。 第五章：宋代書院教育之精神特色。旨在論述宋代書院教育自由講學、尊師重道、教 訓合一及循序漸進之教學精神。 第六章：宋代書院與宋代學術之關係。旨在探討書院講學對宋代學風、經學及理學之 影響。 第七章：結論。旨在評議書院之得失，期以其精神濟當代學風之弊。

本論文以南宋遺民詩為研究主體，全文分為緒論、木論、綜論三篇，共十章，約十二 萬言，各章大要如下： 上篇緒論 第一章：前言。首釋遺民一詞之名義。次敘遺民詩人之界定，蓋南宋之亡也，遺民特 多，然何者當入遺民詩之人之列，可者當擯而不取，又文天祥可否稱為遺民詩人，本 節皆有詳述。期能為本文之研究，確立範疇與標的。 第二章：南未遺民詩之時伐背景。遺民詩之產生，係由於時代環垃以促成，是以本章 擬就南宋之政治環境、社會習尚、學術風氣三方面分論南宋遺民詩之時代背景。 中篇本論：重要詩人及其作品研究 南宋遺民詩人固多，然志節特出且有較多詩作傳世，足資研究者，但文天祥、謝枋得 、鄭思肖、謝翱、汪元量、林景熙六人耳，茲分六章，分生平傳略、作品分析、集評 三點探論其人及其詩。此外，並附錄南宋遺民詩人一覽表，就載籍所錄，詳加稽考， 以見南宋遺民詩人之概貌。 下篇綜論 第一章：南宋遺民詩之特色。本章以重要詩人之作品為主，再參諸其餘詩人之作，從 內容、風格、形式三方面，對南宋遺民詩所蘊含之特色，逐一剖析。 第二章：評價。就南宋遺民詩於時代上之意義，予以評價。

Poetry occupies an eminent position in the history of Chinese literature because almost all the traditional men of letters had experience in composing poems. However, it was not until the Sung Dynasty that the criticism of poetry became very popular; this was singled out by the appearance of a number of books called, shih-hua (icons omitted) (remarks on poetry). Since the Sung period on, shih-hua has received both praise and censure. Traditional critics tended to evaluate shih-hua from a practical viewpoint. For example, Wang Shih-han (icons omitted) criticised the content of shih-hua as trivial because it deviated from the subjects of filial piety, trust, and other Confucian merits. On the other hand, Kuo Shao-yu (icons omitted) proclaimed that shih-hua preserved a great deal of worthy materials for the study of poetry. Modern scholars tend to evaluate shih-hua from the aesthetic viewpoint. For instance, Yen Yuan-shu (icons omitted) describes shih-hua as "vague and obscure" and "lacking systematic discourse." Yet other scholars such as Yeh Wei-lien (icons omitted) claim that the shih-hua offers readers a chance to recapture the world of rich imagery in poetic composition. In order to make a more objective judgement between the above two extremely different evaluations of shih-hua, the following issues must first be resolved: the definition of shih-hua which is related to Ou-yang Hsiu's (icons omitted) Liu-i shih-hua (icons omitted) the first book titled shih-hua, what kind of poetic tradition the Liu-i shih-hua inherited, what kind of person its author was, under what kind of literary environment it was produced, what were the contents of the work, and what kind of influence it exerted on the development of the shih-hua genre. Then we may tentatively reach an answer: the practical criticism of poetry only covers one part of the content of shih-hua. To make a complete evaluation of a shih-hua book or the shih-hua genre itself, a critic must take all the issues above into consideration.

何繼文. / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1999. / 參考文獻 (leaves 129-145) / 附中英文摘要. / He Jiwen. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi) -- Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1999. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 129-145) / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 、硏究範圍 --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- 西崑體的定名´ؤ´ؤ《西崑酬唱集》 --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- 西崑體一詞內容的演變 --- p.3 / Chapter 2.1 --- 專指李商隱 --- p.6 / Chapter 2.2 --- 晚唐穠艷詩體 --- p.8 / Chapter 3. --- 西崑體與駢文 --- p.12 / Chapter 第二節、 --- 硏究方法及目的 --- p.14 / Chapter 1. --- 西崑體的硏究槪況 --- p.14 / Chapter 1.1 --- 西崑體的基礎硏究 --- p.14 / Chapter 1.2 --- 西崑體的評價 --- p.16 / Chapter 2. --- 本文的硏究目的及方法 --- p.21 / Chapter 第二章 --- 西崑體的背景 --- p.23 / Chapter 第一節、 --- 文學背景 --- p.23 / Chapter 1. --- 宋初詩風的發展 --- p.23 / Chapter 1.1 --- 宋初詩分三體說 --- p.23 / Chapter 1.2 --- 白體詩與晚唐體詩 --- p.27 / Chapter 1.2.1 --- 詩歌語言 --- p.27 / Chapter 1.2.2 --- 詩歌內容 --- p.34 / Chapter 2. --- 宋初其他文體的發展 --- p.37 / Chapter 2.1 --- 古文運動 --- p.38 / Chapter 2.2 --- 詞的發展 --- p.42 / Chapter 第二節、 --- 政治社會背景 --- p.46 / Chapter 1. --- 右文政策 --- p.46 / Chapter 1.1 --- 書籍的刊行搜求 --- p.47 / Chapter 1.2 --- 獎勵讀書 --- p.49 / Chapter 2. --- 科舉制度 --- p.50 / Chapter 3. --- 唱和風氣 --- p.52 / Chapter 第三章 --- 西崑體的特色 --- p.55 / Chapter 第一節、 --- 歷代有關西崑體的評論 --- p.55 / Chapter 1. --- 楊億的文學觀 --- p.55 / Chapter 2. --- 其他論者對西崑體的批評 --- p.59 / Chapter 第二節、 --- 《西崑酬唱集》與李商隱詩 --- p.62 / Chapter 1. --- 語句方面 --- p.62 / Chapter 2. --- 題材方面 --- p.65 / Chapter 3. --- 結構方面 --- p.70 / Chapter 第三節、 --- 西崑體的特色與其盛衰之關係 --- p.75 / Chapter 1. --- 一洗五代蕪鄙之氣 --- p.75 / Chapter 1.1 --- 西崑體出，詩風一變 --- p.75 / Chapter 1.2 --- 宋初三體詩比較 --- p.78 / Chapter 2. --- 梅堯臣、歐陽修與西崑體 --- p.80 / Chapter 2.1 --- 歐陽修與西崑體 --- p.80 / Chapter 2.2 --- 梅堯臣與西崑體 --- p.81 / Chapter 第四章 --- 西崑體對「宋詩」發展的影響 --- p.84 / Chapter 第一節、 --- 以議論爲詩 --- p.85 / Chapter 1. --- 以議論運古事 --- p.86 / Chapter 1.1 --- 李商隱的詠史詩 --- p.86 / Chapter 1.2 --- 《西崑酬唱集》的詠史詩 --- p.88 / Chapter 1.3 --- 西崑體對宋詩議論的影響 --- p.92 / Chapter 2. --- 以唱和議論 --- p.94 / Chapter 2.1 --- 《西崑酬唱集》的唱和形式與議論 --- p.95 / Chapter 2.2 --- 明妃曲及其和詩 --- p.99 / Chapter 第二節、 --- 西崑體與宋詩用事 --- p.102 / Chapter 1. --- 西崑體與「宋詩主意」 --- p.103 / Chapter 2. --- 崑體工夫與黃庭堅 --- p.105 / Chapter 第五章、 --- 結語 --- p.112 / 附錄一：《西崑酬唱集》體裁統計表 --- p.115 / 附錄二 ：《西崑酬唱集》與李商隱詩之詩句比對表 --- p.117 / 參考書目

This dissertation explores how Chan Buddhists made the unprecedented claim to a level of religious authority on par with the historical Buddha Śākyamuni and, in the process, invented what it means to be a buddha in China. This claim helped propel the Chan tradition to dominance of elite monastic Buddhism during the Song dynasty (960-1279), licensed an outpouring of Chan literature treated as equivalent to scripture, and changed the way Chinese Buddhists understood their own capacity for religious authority in relation to the historical Buddha and the Indian homeland of Buddhism. But the claim itself was fraught with complication. After all, according to canonical Buddhist scriptures, the Buddha was easily recognizable by the “marks of the great man” that adorned his body, while the same could not be said for Chan masters in the Song. What, then, distinguished Chan masters from everyone else? What authorized their elite status and granted them the authority of buddhas? According to what normative ideals did Chan aspirants pursue liberation, and by what standards did Chan masters evaluate their students to determine who was worthy of admission into an elite Chan lineage? How, in short, could one recognize a buddha in Song-dynasty China? The Chan tradition never answered this question once and for all; instead, the question broadly animated Chan rituals, institutional norms, literary practices, and visual cultures. My dissertation takes a performative approach to the analysis of Chan hagiographies, discourse records, commentarial collections, and visual materials, mobilizing the tradition’s rich archive to measure how Chan interventions in Buddhist tradition changed the landscape of elite Chinese Buddhism and participated in the epochal changes attending China’s Tang-to-Song transition.

This dissertation identifies a paradox at the heart of the visual culture of Song-dynasty (960-1279) Buddhism. On the one hand, as the celestial pantheon expanded, it was conceptualized in ever more bureaucratic ways, mirroring the growth of the terrestrial government itself. On the other hand, the boundary separating that supramundane realm from the human world became decidedly more permeable; ghosts and deities became an omnipresent part of daily life. How to treat these two contradictory phenomena--one pointing to rational orderliness, the other pointing to unpredictable unruliness--posed a distinct problem for Song visual artists, spurring the development of new strategies of pictorial representation and forcing reflection upon the nature of representation itself. Chinese Buddhist art was never to be the same again. I argue that the key to understanding these new forms of art lies in the Water-Land Retreat (Shuilu zhai), a massive, icon-filled ritual of decidedly cosmic pretensions. The patterns of practice and strategies of visual representation associated with this ritual constitute a system that radically broke with earlier Chinese tradition. Practitioners of the liturgy created an open ritual syntax that allowed it to take on myriad forms in accordance with its sponsors’ needs, while also allowing it to absorb deities and practices from non-Buddhist traditions. This dissertation examines these phenomena in three parts. Part 1 excavates the social place, methods of practice, and visual profile of the Water-Land Retreat in and around the Song. Relying extensively on paintings from the Jiangnan region, cliff carvings from Sichuan, and numerous liturgical manuscripts, I argue that image and practice are inextricably bound in this ritual. Part 2 focuses on the motif of the cloud in Water-Land-related images and texts. Through an examination of images of cloud-borne descending deities, I contend that this nebulous motif became the locus for reflection on the mediational nature of representation. Finally, Part 3 addresses the bureaucratization of ritual practice and pictorial production in Song Buddhism. I argue that practitioners of the Water-Land Retreat simultaneously embraced and transcended a bureaucratic idiom drawn from Daoism and contemporary government to create a new Buddhist vision of the cosmos. / History of Art and Architecture

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現時對於「唐宋派」的研究，學者往往以流派論爭的角度，把唐宋派置於復古派的對立面，認為四人的文論主要都是針對「前、後七前子」而發。此說固有道理，問題是，王、唐、茅、歸都是獨當一面的作家，但在流派的框架下，則只著重他們的一致性，以及與「復古派」針鋒相對的情況，而四人的差異，及其現實關懷，都在此大敘述中隱而不見了。故本文將把四人的文學主張，結合社會、政治制度及生平經歷加以考察，希望呈現出他們文學思想的差異性。並以此為基礎，說明王、唐、茅、歸四人當時是不同角度出發，希望在「文必秦漢」的風氣下，建立一道從「唐宋」上達「秦漢」的學文路徑。全文分成六章。第一章是緒論，說明研究動機及價值。第二章則先說明歸有光不與王、唐、茅三人結交的原因，並藉以呈現歸有光與王、唐、茅三人在文壇的不同佔位，以此為基礎，重新探討「唐宋派」作為一個流派的特質，提出以「陣營」取代「流派」來描述四人的關係，從而說明「唐宋派」文論主張的產生，除了為回應擬古風氣，其實還針對著當時八股文衰落的問題。第三章則討論唐宋派四人的主張，如何建構從「唐宋」到「秦漢」的復古路徑。第四章則討論唐宋派「以古文為時文」的理論內涵，探討四人從不同的角度理解時文的衰落，何以最後都得出「以古文為時文」的結論。第五章則討論唐宋派如何面對當時古文創作的困境，到了明中葉，明代立國已近百年，但古文創作一直較為沉寂，台閣文人及「復古派」先後領導文壇，但是問題始終未能解決。「唐宋派」各人為了提升古文創作的水平，提出師法唐宋，希望把古文從剽竊的困境中解救出來，由於各人對古文問題的定性不同，故以不同的策略嘗試提升古文創作的水平，本章即以此為中心，旨在呈現出四人文論主張的差異性。第六章為餘論，旨在討論文學史的撰寫方式與及唐宋派文論的局限。 In the field of researching "Tang-Song School" (唐宋派) now, scholars tend to view the object via an angle that they are just debate and struggle between schools, juxtaposing "Tang-Song School" with "Classical school" (復古派) in a binary opposition and thinking that literary claims of four leaders' are pinpointed on the "Classical school". This discourse undoubtedly has its plausible proof yet the main overlook is that Wang(王慎中), Tang（唐順之）, Mao（茅坤） and Gui（歸有光） are independent writers and literary theorists whose differences and human concerns are neglected in such a grand narrative which only puts emphasis on their homogeneity and their countering role against "Classical school". This thesis, hence, is going to examine the four's literary claims altogether with their relations to the society, the institution and the individual life respectively so as to show the difference of literary claims among the four. With the foundation of knowing their differences, it is proved that amidst the social atmosphere of "QinHan is the best for learning prose"(文必秦漢), Wang, Tang, Mao and Gui indeed aspired to found a literary learning path that approaches QinHan's level through studying Tang-Song prose from their respective angles. The thesis is divided into 6 chapters. Chapter 1 is introduction which shows the motive and value of this research. Chapter 2 will firstly discuss why Gui You Guang does not make acquaintance with Wang, Tang, Mao so as to show the different nature and occupations of theirs in the Ming literary community. Based on this clarification, the features of Tang-Song School as a school is called into re-examination that "a camp which shares similar belief" is more suitable to define their relationship, and subsequently, it is hoped to show that claims of Tang-Song Camp also aim to react to the decline of "Eight-part Essay" (八股文) except echoing to the literary trend of imitating the ancient classics. Chapter 3 discusses the fours' claims of how to construct a renaissance path from TangSong to QinHan. Chapter 4 discusses the theoretical idea of Tang-Song Camp's "regarding classic work as present work" (以古文為時文), telling how four theorists view the decline of "Eight-part Essay" in their respective angles and why they finally too share this same conclusion. Chapter 5 discusses how Tang-Song Camp faces the plight of classical prose writing. Until the period of Mid-Ming, Ming Dynasty has been found for almost a hundred year, classical prose writing however remains silent and is not actively embraced. Taige School (台閣派) and "Classical school" have led the literary community once but the problem of decline have never been solved. For levitating the level of classical prose writing, Tang-Song Camp then raises the idea of learning Tang-Song prose with the hope of saving classical prose writing from the plight of plagiarism. Due to the four have their own understandings and perspectives on the decline issue, they suggest different strategies to enhance the quality of classical prose writing. This chapter then focuses on these strategies to manifest the differences among four literary claims. And lastly, Chapter 6 is remark which aims to discuss ways of writing literature history and limits of Tang Song Camp's theories.