自從1995年菲律賓與中共在美濟礁發生衝突以來，雙方在南海主權議題上時而緊張、時而和緩。歷經羅慕斯時期(1992年~1998年)的對峙衝撞、埃斯特拉達 (1998年~2001年)的冷靜淡化、亞羅育 (2001年~2010年)的低調迴避，步入艾奎諾三世時期(2010年~)之後訴諸國際法庭的法律戰，菲、中關係轉為對立緊繃。 冷戰後的4位菲律賓總統大致是採行「避險」策略，以便在中、美的拉扯下夾縫求生。菲國的策略揉合了「扈從」與「制衡」的概念，此與東協各國盛行的「大國平衡」策略相近，既要拉攏美國與日本，也要扯進中國大陸。菲律賓國家政策堅守「區域安全仰仗美國」與「經濟發展緊抓中共」兩大主軸，難以避免地會陷入「地緣政治」與「地緣經濟」的角力之中。至於中共在處理與鄰國的南海爭端上，則是秉持「鬥而不破」的原則，對付菲律賓的各種挑釁行為，採取的是「裁剪式」策略，為菲律賓量身打造相應的各種手段與方法。 宥於菲國薄弱的軍事實力，以及菲、美同盟的夥伴關係，可以預期的，在艾奎諾三世任期結束之前，菲律賓在南海議題上仍會不斷發聲，並且以法律戰持續與中共抗衡，以便獲取更多籌碼來維護國家利益。至於艾氏的繼任者，預測將會大幅修補對中關係，擺回「親中」的外交路線。 / Since the Mischief Reef dispute broke out between the Philippines and China in 1995, the relations between the two countries have been unstable when it comes to sovereignty issues over South China Sea. From the confrontation period of Fidel Valdes Ramos (1992~1998), the relaxation strategy of Joseoh Ejercito Estrada (1998~2001), the avoidance attitude of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (2001~2010), to the Law War Stage of Benigno S. Aquino III (2010~ ), now the China-Philippines relation has turned into an antagonistic one. The 4 Philippines presidents after the end of the cold war have roughly adopted hedging strategies in order to survive from the tug-of-war between China and America. The Philippines employs a strategy that combines bandwagoning and balancing, similar to ASEAN’s equilibrium strategy among big countries, drawing America and Japan over to its side and forcing mainland China to get involved. The Philippine national policy sticks to two principles: “Relying on America for Regional Security” and “Grasping China for Economic Development”. The policy unavoidably makes the country fall into the wrestling of “Geo-Politics” and “Geo-Economics.” As for China, it maintains the principle of fighting over core interests but will not break the relationship. Facing the various provocative actions of the Philippines, China adopts a tailored strategy with corresponding means and methods to handle the Philippines. Due to the weak military capabilities and the alliance relations with America, it is predictable that before Benigno S. Aquino III finish his term as the Philippines president, the country will continue to bark on South China Sea issues and try to contend with China by law so as to obtain more advantages in protecting its national interests. As for Aquino’s successor, predictably he/she will substantially repair the relations with China and regain pro-china policies.

Arc-continent collisions are believed to be an important mechanism for the growth of continents. Taiwan is one of the modern day examples of this process, and as such, it is an ideal natural laboratories to investigate the uncertain behavior of continental crust during collision. The obliquity of collision between the northern South China Sea (SCS) rifted margin and Luzon arc in the Manila trench subduction zone allows for glimpses into different temporal stages of collision at different spatial locations, from the mature mountain-belt in central-northern Taiwan to the 'pre-collision' rifted margin and subduction zone south of Taiwan. Recently acquired seismic reflection and wide-angle seismic refraction data document the crustal-scale structure of the mountain belt through these different stages. These data reveal a wide rifted margin near Taiwan with half-graben rift basins along the continental shelf and a broad distal margin consisting of highly-extended continental crust modified by post-rift magmatism. Magmatic features in the distal margin include sills in the post-rift sediments, intruded crust, and a high-velocity lower crustal layer that likely represents mafic magmatism. Post-rift magmatism may have been induced by thermal erosion of lithospheric mantle following breakup and the onset of seafloor spreading. Geophysical profiles across the early-stage collision offshore southern Taiwan show evidence the thin crust of the distal margin is subducting at the Manila trench and structurally underplating the growing orogenic wedge ahead of the encroaching continental shelf. Subduction of the distal margin may induce a pre-collision flexural response along the continental shelf as suggested by a recently active major rift fault and a geodynamic model of collision. The weak rift faults may be inverted during the subsequent collision with the continental shelf. These findings support a multi-phase collision model where the early growth of the mountain belt is driven in part by underplating of the accretionary prism by crustal blocks from the distal margin. The wedge is subsequently uplift and deformed during a collision with the continental shelf that involves both thin-skinned and thick-skinned structural styles. This model highlights the importance of rifting styles on mountain-building. / text

The once pristine and rich marine environment of the South China Sea is degrading at an alarming rate due to the rapid socioeconomic development of the region. Despite this, and because mainly of complicated sovereignty and maritime boundary disputes, coastal States have not been able to develop effective regional cooperation to safeguard the shared marine environment. This dissertation, “Towards a Network of Marine Protected Areas in the South China Sea: Legal and Political Perspectives”, researches legal and political measures to support the development of a network of marine protected areas in the South China Sea. Such a network, if properly developed, would not only help to protect the marine environment and resources of the region but also contribute to lower the tension among its coastal States. These measures should be developed in accordance with international law, based on the specific geopolitical context of the South China Sea region and take into consideration experiences in developing regional networks of marine protected areas from other marine regions. Consequently, three optional categories of measures for the development of a network of marine protected areas in the South China Sea are suggested at the end. They include national-focused measures; measures to enhance the regional cooperation; and measures to build a regime for marine protected areas and network of marine protected areas in the South China Sea. These measures could be taken alternatively or on a step-by-step basis.

南海海域以往僅不過是來往商船的航路與漁船作業的漁場，在1960 年代末期，該區域被認定蘊藏豐富的資源後，南海周邊國家開始爭相佔領附近島礁。再加上南海是某些國家戰略物資之必經航路，南海頓時轉變為重要的戰略要域，因多方國家經濟利益交錯複雜的牽扯下，地區亦時有摩擦事件發生，南海從此成為亞太地區的熱點。 外交是內政的延續，外交政策應在維護或爭取國家利益的先決條件下制定，並主導國家整體對外的作為，謀求國家在國際地位中的生存與發展。南海問題涉及國家事務，亦屬外交政策項下之一環，所以中國大陸南海政策，亦受其外交政策指導。中國大陸因為經濟力的發展，帶動了軍事力的茁壯，而使其遠在南海海域的諸島主權得以有軍事力量予以維護。也因其在南海地區的軍力強化，造成南海聲索國 普遍的不安。相對之下，各聲索國亦增購軍備，加強南海防務。再加上美國與東協組織的介入，使南海地區各方較勁的意味濃厚。 當南海各聲索國增購軍備，加強維護其南海所佔島礁主權時，同是南海聲索國的中華民國，雖對於軍事武力的建置從未懈怠，只不過所增強的軍事武力均建置於台澎金馬區域，而對於東沙群島的東沙島及南沙群島的太平島而言，中華民國是不是應當有完善的南海軍事戰略，足以維護其安全。 / The area of the South China Sea was route of the merchant ships coming and going and fishing ground for the fishing boats in the past. In the late 1960s, after this area was found with abundant resources, the surrounding countries of the South China Sea began to occupy the nearby islands and reefs. In addition, the South China Sea is the passage of some countries’ strategic materials; hence, the South China Sea tends to be an important strategic point. Regional frictions occur under the conflict of interests involving a number of surrounding countries. This is why the South China Sea becomes the flash point of Asian-Pacific area. Diplomacy is the continuity of the internal affairs. The foreign policy should be made under the preconditions of maintaining or striving for the interests of the State as well as the guideline for the State，s foreign affairs , seeking the State，s survival and development in the international arena. The issue of the South China Sea involves the national affairs, also affected under the foreign policy, so the policy of the South China Sea should be guided by their individual foreign policies. Mainland China，s military power is supported by its economic growth and cause an uneasy atmosphere for claimant in the area. As each claimant purchases arms and equipments along with the involvement of the U.S. and Association of South-east Asian Nations, the South China Sea becomes the hub of tension. When every claimant of the South China Sea purchases the arms, strengthening to safeguard the islands and reefs sovereign right in the South China Sea, Republic of China , one of the claimants of the South China Sea, although the building of the military power has never been stopped, but the focus has been placed only in Taiwan、Penghu、Kinmen and Matsu area. For Dongsha islands and Taiping island, whether the government of Republic of China should build a complete strategy of the South China Sea to maintain its security remains debatable.

冷戰結束之後，亞太地區的情勢因蘇聯內部共黨勢力的瓦解，而美國也因內部經濟問題無法負擔龐大的軍事費用而逐漸退出亞太，造成亞太地區的權力真空。這段期間內，中共已從1979年後的改革開放中取得綜合國力的提升，使中共得以在亞太地區竄起，逐漸發展成為區域強權，到現在被視為是美國潛在對手的世界強權。 中共之所以能取得今天的地位，主要靠的就是經濟的持續成長，然成長的動力乃來自於對能源之需求。目前中共為僅次於美國的全球第二大石油消費國，不過，這背後卻是高度依賴進口石油，其中80 %是經印度洋、麻六甲海峽及南海運抵大陸。從安全及經濟戰略的角度切入，中共沒有不掌握南海控制權的理由。這也道出後冷戰時期國家戰略的轉變，逐漸從陸地轉為重視海上的主權與安全，由此，中共在南海戰略布局，建立海軍基地，正是為了維護在南海的利益。 　　然而這樣的利益卻因為南海議題至終仍僵持不下，影響中共在南海戰略的目標與規畫，例如1982年的海洋公約法各自宣布經濟海域之範圍，使得各國主權的行使上具有相互重疊的部分，加上南海區域所蘊含著可觀的石油資源和航線價值，導致各個當事國皆不願放棄其主權的擁有。更不用說是境外勢力的介入，都使得南海問題變得更加複雜，進而改變中共在南海的戰略。 　　由此，本文將從這個錯綜複雜的問題中，先探討南海爭議的源頭與脈絡，有助於了解中共制定南海政策的背景。其次再從政治、經濟以及軍事方面來分析中共在南海的意圖和戰略，包括了在海南設立海軍基地、加速發展潛艦和航母等，研究中共海軍建軍的進程與南海戰略之關係。最後，再評估中共的南海戰略對區域安全所造成的衝擊，以及如何影響周邊國家和區外國家的行為。 / After the Cold War, there is no strong power in the Asia Pacific region as a result of the collapse of the communist Soviet Union while the United States (U.S.) had the economic problem which also made it to withdraw forces from that region. During this timeframe, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has improved its overall national power by reforms and transformations since 1979 which gave it opportunity to raise and become regional superpower and is being recognized as a potential global superpower and adversary to the U.S. 　　PRC gained today’s position mainly through its continued economic growth and its growing momentum is constructed upon the energy requirement. Currently, PRC is the second largest oil consumer besides the U.S. and is heavily dependent upon the imports in which 80 percent come from the Indian Ocean, Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea. From the security and economics point of view, there is no reason PRC should give up the control of the South China Sea which explains its national strategy has shifted from continent thinking to focusing on the maritime sovereignty and security. Thus, PRC’s strategy in South China Sea and the construction of naval bases are to protect its interest in that area. 　　However, the territorial disputes of the South China Sea have influenced PRC’s strategic goal and planning. For instance, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in 1982 has the clause to announce economic zone which would overlap with neighboring countries. Furthermore, the potential undiscovered oil underneath the South China Sea and the critical sea lanes made relevant nations unwilling to give up their claims, not to say the involvement of foreign powers. All these have made the South China Sea a complicated issue which also affected PRC to change its South China Sea strategy. 　　Thereby, this paper will examine the origin of this complicated South China Sea issue which will help readers to understand the background of the forming of PRC’s South China Sea policy. Next, we will analyze PRC’s intent and strategy from political, economical and military aspects, including its set up of naval bases in that area and the speedup of the development of aircraft carrier and submarine, and also the relationship between PLA Navy’s buildup and the South China Sea. Finally, we will analyze the security impact to that area by PRC’s South China Sea strategy and how it affects peripheral nations’ behavior and nations outside that area.

Recent developments in the South China Sea have shed light on the motivations and capabilities of China. A multilateral ASEAN defense community based on collective security would better situate claimant states to offset a rising China. Unfortunately, the lessons learned from SEATO, and the current internal characteristics of ASEAN, leave little hope for collective security to be achieved in Southeast Asia without superpower intervention.

China’s military modernization has allowed it to take a more assertive position on the territorial disputes it currently has with Japan and its Southeast Asian neighbors. The South China Sea (SCS) dispute is a clear example. Meanwhile, Japan is normalizing its military status to play a more proactive security role in the region. Japan’s normalization process has been greatly influenced by China’s growing military capabilities as it fears that China could pose a threat to its sea lanes of communications. Although Japan does not have territorial claims in the SCS, it regards the SCS as a strategically vital area. It is this particular concern that has brought Japan into the current territorial disputes in the SCS. This thesis analyzes how Japan has tried to forge partnerships with Southeast Asian countries in the form of foreign aid and the provision of military equipment and training that can potentially offset China’s assertiveness.

This thesis analyses the American policy of sustaining freedom of navigation on the seas through its Freedom of Navigation Program (FON Program). It analyses Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs) as a means of maintain the current system of the law of the sea as put forth by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. (UNCLOS) The thesis deals with law of the sea history, it also describes and analyses the Convention itself. Another topic discussed is the unique position of United States as a power guaranteeing the current regime of the seas, while staying out of the provision of UNCLOS. The thesis analyses the American debate about joining the Convention and analyses the consequences of American absence as a party to the treaty. The FON Program and FONOPs in the South China Sea are thoroughly analysed by the thesis. The South China Sea is a troubled region suffering from excessive maritime claims of local states. These claims are closely connected to the militarization of the region. The People's Republic of China is an important force as a rising power striving for the position of a regional hegemon. The thesis describes, how FONOPs are conducted and it observes, how they are received by the target states. The thesis is set in the South China Sea region between October 2015 and May...

The South China Sea has been already for several centuries the root of a dispute among states neighbouring along its borders, namely the People's Republic of China (China), Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia, Brunei, and Malaysia. Since the Sea is very geopolitically and geostrategically important, China attempts to claim itself to be a sovereign. However, its activities face the demands of other states, especially Vietnam and the Philippines, which are also interested in gaining control over the islands in the South China Sea. For that reason, the dispute still persists, and the continuous activities of all concerned countries have created an endless spiral of events in which it is difficult to distinguish between the action and the reaction of individual actors in the dispute. My diploma thesis therefore focuses on the analysis of actions of the three selected countries, China, Vietnam, and the Philippines, from the perspective of structural realism that is split into two contradictory streams, defensive and offensive. Their different views on the world help me to clarify whether the behaviour of the chosen actors is defensive of offensive. For the analysis, the period from 2011 to 2018 was chosen. During that time, several major incidents have appeared between selected countries, especially...

The master thesis called US-India Strategic Partnership as a Balance for China's Increasing Power examines development of relationship between USA and India in the years 2000-2011. American foreign policy toward India has been transformed in this period; it has evolved from open hostility during Cold War and mistrust in the nineties to the position when it is helping India to gain status of global importance. Improvement of US-India ties are explained by the need of the United States to contain increasing Chinese power. Main arguments of the analysis are based on the realistic balance of power theory, which is further enhanced by the by Joseph Nye's three dimensional concept of power. The thesis therefore distinguishes three different sources of threat to American dominant position caused by China. These sources are following: expanding China's sphere of influence into Indian Ocean and South China Sea; US-China bilateral trade deficit and high amount of American bonds owned by China, challenge to the legitimacy of American power by soft power of China. American efforts to establish cooperation with India in order to balance Chinese influence can be founded in all of these issues. The thesis concludes that motivation of the United States to enter into a strategic partnership with India can be...