南中國海內有零星島群，其中以南沙群島為最，乃是世上最多國家涉及主權爭端的海域，其背後有當年殖民主義所遺留下來的歷史因素、現代海洋法公約所造成的曖昧不清的劃界以及主權權利劃分的問題，以及海洋資源的爭奪與政治上戰略地位的考量。上述因素相互關連並交織成南沙群島的主權爭議，中華民國、中華人民共和國、越南、菲律賓、馬來西亞與汶萊六方各執一詞，從法理、歷史甚至是國土安全等論點來宣示主權，不過各爭端國在論點上各有利弊，所以南沙群島的主權劃歸至今仍無解。但是即便各方在主權議題上互不相讓，然而就南沙群島主權爭議而言，這些理性的行為者在幾番考量下仍願意共同合作。就目前的情況來看，先行暫時擱置主權，再進行共同開發似乎是唯一可行的方法，特別是合作的目標物為海上石油與油氣資源，因為能源資源乃是具有高度價值的不可再生性資源，而據相關單位估計，目前全球已開發的石油資源即將面臨耗竭狀態，因此潛在的石油存量才更加吸引各國的目光。 / 依照各方的合作意願與態度，本論文將以新自由制度主義中理性選擇下的合作精神與建制概念分析南海共同開發的可適用性與限制性。先論述共同開發的意涵，再闡述新自由制度主義與共同開發的關連性。接者為了配合南海的共同開發，筆者先介紹學者針對南海合作的觀點，再針對一九九零年馬來西亞與泰國暹邏灣大陸架資源共同開發案、二零零二年中國與越南北部灣劃界與漁業協定、二零零五年中、菲、越三國南海聯合海洋地震工作協議與二零零八年中國與菲律賓所發表的有關共同捕魚區的合作建議等四項案例作分析，從實際合作中探討未來針對南沙群島水域的共同開發可行性，並從新自由制度主義探討合作的展望與限制。 / Of all the islands in the South China sea, the island groups of the Spratlys is one of the most keenly disputed territories in Southeast Asia, where overlapping claims for sovereignty and territorial jurisdiction are hotly debated. There are a lot of reasons giving rise to the debate. First some scholars view the problem over the Spratlys as part of the historical legacies left behind by the former Western colonial powers. Second, other scholars place greater emphasis on ambiguous legal aspects of territorial jurisdiction. Third still other scholars emphasize political and geo-strategic considerations to explain the complex situation. Lastly nowadays a lot of studies focus on the possibilities of the discovery of major gas and oil field. Those perspectives above can explain why there is no concrete agreement among the six parties including the Republic of China, the People’s Republic of China, the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia and Brunei. Although the issue of sovereignty and territorial jurisdiction is too complicate to deal with now, those rational actors still may cooperate and jointly explore and exploit. At present the only possible way to joint development is to first put sovereignty aside and then collaborate. / In this thesis, the objective is to analyze the feasibility and limitation of joint development from Neo-liberal Institutionalism which is mainly about cooperation and regime. First I explain what joint development is and then analyze the linkage between Neo-liberal Institutionalism and joint development. And the next part focuses on the Spratly islands and I analyze four cases including the agreement between Malaysia and Thailand on the constitution and other matters relating to the establishment of the joint authority, the agreement between China and Vietnam on Beibu gulf, the joint authority agreement on joint seismic survey of the South China Sea among the oil companies of China, Vietnam and the Philippines, and the recommendation of common fishing zone. I analyze and predict whether the joint development is feasible in the future through the analysis of practical cooperation.

美國「南海」政策旨在為其「再平衡」戰略服務,並透過此一政策,能夠作 為深入亞洲地區的切入點。華府希冀南海爭端各方遵守國際規範、透過多邊機制 的談判與整合,來促使南海主權爭端議題和平解決,以及南海海域的航行自由等 均視為美國的國家利益。不過,美國實際舉措某種程度上而言仍存在著圍堵中共 之意味,尤其從「再平衡」政策推廣以來,無論是透過與亞洲地區傳統盟邦的軍 事同盟關係更新,拓展新型夥伴關係,不斷增強與東協國家互動密度,並在亞太 區域各處執行聯合軍事演習,種種作為都宣告著美國致力於亞太事務及其區域霸 權維護之決心。而美國「南海」政策挾其既有優勢以遏制中共的崛起與擴張,也 正逢此一適切時機,為美國爭取更大更多的戰略空間以及時間,來形塑美國所預 期的有利態勢與結果,包括符合美國利益的《南海行為準則》,更長遠的目標則 是透過這樣一個區域戰略創造出最佳的地緣戰略,奠定其未來放眼全球戰略上, 增加更多正面的選項,延長並維繫美國之超強霸權。 / The United States has enacted South China Sea policy. The main purpose of the policy is to support its rebalance strategy in the Asia Pacific. Moreover, it can be as the entry point which is driven deeper into the Asia Pacific. Washington intend to multi-national parties who involved in territorial sovereignty in South China Sea resolve the disputed issue peacefully by abiding international norms and multilateral mechanisms’ negotiation and integration. Also, the U.S. desires to maintain the freedom of navigation in South China Sea. From the viewpoint above, it seems like the solutions are beneficial to the multi-national parties, however, the U.S. would have more benefits on it. On the other hand, to certain extent, the intention of the U.S. is to contain the Mainland China. The progress of rebalance strategy mainly demonstrates (1) The U.S. is ramping up the relationship with allies in Southeast Asia, (2) They hold joint military drills in Asia Pacific frequently. From the rebalancing policy, it can be clearly seen that the United States determine to maintain and strengthen its power in the region. To sum up, the U.S.’ South China Sea policy may not only curb the Mainland China rising and expansion but also provide opportunities for the U.S. gaining greater strategic space. Whether the 12 July 2016 arbitral award will be incorporated into the South China Sea Code of Conduct is indeed a problem which in conflict with the national interest between the United States and Mainland China. Additionally, a long-term goal of the U.S. can be built such as creating a regional strategy based on geostrategic policy in order to ensure that they may extend and maintain their hegemony.

過去有關南海問題的研究，多是從法律的角度探討南海主權的紛爭，可是若能配合國家間的互動關係、權力政治、國家利益、衝突等面向，似乎更能有效觀察到整個事件的。因此本論文從這個角度切入來探討南海問題的癥結以及中共南海政策的演變，並從外交與軍事手段的運用分析中共對南海的經營以及對主權的維護。有關南海主權問題的糾紛，不但涉及南海諸島主權歸屬問題，同時也涵蓋了整個海域礦產資源（如石油、天然氣）的開發與漁業資源分配的糾紛。同時南海居太平洋與印度洋的交通要衝，也是亞洲各國經濟發展的生命線。因此，爭端的多邊性，使得南海的局勢更加複雜化。本論文歸納了自中共建政以來同鄰國發生領土主權及國家利益的紛爭，即一九五○年的「抗美援朝」戰爭、一九六二年「中印邊界」戰爭、一九六九年中蘇共「珍寶島衝突」及一九七九年中共「懲越戰爭」。從中共當時的國際環境、國內環境、與對手國的關係演變、決策中心內部的意見為決策產出的依據，並分析其處理過程中外交與軍事手段運用的特質。在探討中共南海政策中外交與軍事手段運用的特質中，筆者從中共海權發展的角度切入，從一九四九年至今，分析中共海軍及其戰略演變以及對於內、外環境的認知和對海洋法態度的轉變，依此決定在同南海週邊國家進行捍衛主權「鬥爭」時所採取的手段。同時對中共爭奪南海加以評估，以作為我國南海政策的參考。

二次世界大戰結束後，以美國為首的民主國家採取長期的對蘇聯的社會主義國家圍堵不接觸的「冷戰」作為，此種兩極體系發展產生一種軍備競賽方式取代戰爭模式，1991年蘇聯共產體制瓦解，原已經於一九八九年宣告結束的東西「冷戰」正式結束，冷戰結束後，世界軍事格局脫離了兩極對峙，1978年鄧小平掌權後，判斷世界新形勢，修正社會主義路線，經濟上遂行改革開放政策，帶動了中共國力崛起。 崛起的中共在軍事上不斷現代化，威脅著南海爭議相關國家，同時也代表美國在亞洲的利益受到挑戰，中共近期將南海島礁主權列為國家重大利益，軍力部署轉向海洋及東南方，也使中國威脅論升高，導致東協部份國家紛紛加強軍備，增加亞太地區的不穩定性，促使東協國家引進美國力量介入。 美國持續在東亞地區透過雙邊同盟或軍事關係，維持美國的國家利益，美國第44任總統歐巴馬也以重返亞洲為國務外交重大政策，因此美國與中共兩國在亞洲地區的合作或競爭作為，未來將左右南海爭議走向，這也是南海問題複雜的原因。 南海領土主權爭議是二戰結束後，亞洲國家戰後紛紛掙脫殖民國控制，先後完成各種制度的國家獨立開始，另外1952年國際海洋法公佈領海及鄰接區公約，也喚起世界各海洋國家的重視，然而國際法著重現實主義立場，使得南海周邊各國莫不以島礁「先佔」（Occupation）的行為爭取國家利益。 本文以南海地區的情勢發展為基礎，探究中共與美國對南海的國家戰略，首先從國際海洋法論南海主權問題，接續再由政治外交、經濟貿易、軍事等戰略面向分析，最後比較兩個大國的戰略互動行為，以求更進一步認識南海問題。 / Since the end of WWII, the democratic countries which led by U.S. have been adopting a policy with isolating and encircling measures to against former USSR and its follower communist countries for more than 3 decades which known “Cold War”, instead of traditional warfare, the pattern of these two poles of the political bodies gradually developed another situation of armament competition, in 1991, the communist body of the Soviet has collapsed, it was also a formal declaration of the end of West-East confrontation which we called Cold War. Ever since the Cold War, the pattern of the military strategy has been changed, in 1978, under Deng, Xiao-Ping’ ruling, he re-aligned its original socialist route by judging reality of world environment and adopted open policies on the aspect of economy, this movement has caused China’s power rising. China’s rising continuously keeping PLA modernized militarily, that also caused significant threats to countries who involve the dispute of South China Sea issues, mean while, it represent that the U.S. interests in Asia have been challenged as well, China has claimed the sovereignty of isled of South China Sea as critical interests of PRC recently, the deployment of forces has been moved to south east of China and its coastal areas, this move has elevated the possibility which known as “theory of China’s threat” and relatively increased Pac-Asia regions unstable and caused armaments enforcement themselves, it also welcome US power involve by ASEAN. The US continuously intent to maintain it’ interests in South Asia through bi-lateral allies and military relations cooperation, the President Obama has announced that return to South Asia will be a significant policy for US, thus the competition between US and China in the area will affects the dispute among the countries and makes it more complex. The dispute of South China Sea sovereignty had started after WWII and countries which out of colonial controlled and had all their policies established, on the other hand, in 1952, the United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea (UNCLOS) issued has reminds and abstracts oceanic countries attention, however, international laws tend to reality, so that there is no country around the South China Sea without struggling for its own interests which by measure of pre-occupying isled on that. The context is base on the development of South China Sea as fundamentals so as to explore the strategies both US and PRC whom involved South China Sea disputes, first will start to discuss the problems of sovereignty base on international ocean laws, and then to discuss on analysis of various aspects such as political diplomacy, economic trade and military and will be wrapped up by the comparison of US-PRC on strategic interaction so as to make readers gain more understanding on the issues of South China Sea.

Abstract The South China Sea (SCS) is the largest marginal sea in the world and connects with the East China Sea (ECS) through the Taiwan Strait (TS). This study investigates the distribution and biogeochemical behavior of both particulate and dissolved organic matter in the SCS and the TS based on samples collected on several cruises of the R/V Ocean Researchers I and III. Dissolved inorganic nitrogen and phosphorus (DIN and DIP), particulate organic carbon and nitrogen (POC and PON) as well as dissolved organic nitrogen and phosphorus (DON and DOP) concentrations were determined. Concentrations of DON and DOP in the SCS are in the range of 1.2-9.9 mMN and 0.04-0.21 mMP, respectively. The surface DON concentration is the highest in the northern SCS, whereas it is the lowest in the southern part. The DOP does not show a similar trend. DON and DOP concentrations all decrease with depth but increase slightly near the bottom, perhaps on account of sediment resuspension. Because of the preferential degradation of DOP over DON, the maximum concentration of DOP appears at a shallower depth than that of DON. Approximately 11 % and 2 % of DIN and DIP respectively are attributed to the degradation of DON and DOP above 500 m in the SCS. Concentrations of POC and PON in the SCS are in the range of 1.06-2.84 mMC and 0.07-0.36 mMN, respectively. The distributions of POC and PON show similar patterns with a correlation coefficient of 0.97. The concentrations of these are the highest at the surface layer, decrease with depth, but then increase slightly near the bottom, perhaps again because of resuspension of the bottom sediments. The ratio of PON/POC is 0.138 in the euphotic zone, a value close to the Redfield ratio of 0.15. In the TS and the adjacent coastal zones, the effect of terrestrial input is obvious and results in higher POC, PON, DON and DOP nearshore. Ranges of these concentrations are 0.06-59.6 mMN, 0.01-1.29 mMP, 3.80-57.1 mMC and 0.19-3.4 mMN, respectively. There was an attempt to use the one-dimensional diffusion-advection model to estimate the DIN and DIP production rates and the DON and DOP consumption rates over the depth range of 900-2500 m. These values are, respectively, 0.036, 0.006, 0.021 and 0.002 mmol/kg/yr.

Gas hydrate is a very complicated reservoir system characterized of temperature, pressure, gas composition, pore-water geochemical features, and gas sources, gas hydrate distribution within the gas hydrate stability zone. Temperature, pressure and the gas composition of the sediments were suitable for gas hydrate formation in the gas hydrate reservoir system of Shenhu Area, north slope of South China Sea. The high-resolution seismic data and the gas hydrate drilling getting high concentrations of hydrate (>40%) in a disseminated form in foram-rich clay sediment showed that gas hydrate is distributed heterogeneously at all spatial scales in all drill holes, and the hydrate-bearing sediments ranged several ten meters in thickness are located in the lower part of gas hydrate stability zone (GHSZ), just above the bottom of gas hydrate stability zone (BGHSZ). It is likely seem that the methane to crystallize gas hydrate is from in-situ microbial methane.

Temporal variations in gas hydrate related geochemical signatures under different deposition conditions are the primary purposes of this study. Accreted wedge located offshore Southwestern Taiwan receives high terrigenous river materials, 100 MT/yr, at present time. It is not clear how seep environment varied during the past glacial. A 25 meters long piston core was taken offshore Southwestern Taiwan on r/v Marion DuFresne. Short piston cores and box cores were also taken on r/v OR-1. Samples were analyzed for pore water dissolved sulfide, sulfate, methane, chloride, del O18, calcium, magnesium, alkalinity, pH, and sediment AVS, pyrite, inorganic carbon, del O- 18, C13. Changes in deposition environment play a major role in the study area. Three stages of geochemical processes are identified in the 25 meters long core, interchange between reduce and oxic depositional environments, with reducing condition in the top 10 m, oxic in between 10-20 meter and reducing below the 20 meter. High concentrations of dissolved sulfide, rapid sulfate depletion, increase of methane, decrease of calcium were found in pore water in the top 10 m of sediments together with high concentrations of pyrite, relatively higher proportion of coarsegrained sediment. Concentrations of pyrite were very low in sediments between 15 to 20 meters but increased rapidly from 20 to 25 meters with a maximum concentration at 400 umol/g. Chloride concentrations also increased to a maximum concentration of 630 mM at 20 m. The rapid increase of chloride indicated gas hydrate formation at this depth. Authigenic carbonate nodules were found in sediments below 20 m. The carbonate content also increased rapidly beneath this depth. Stable isotopic carbon composition of the carbonate varied rapidly beneath 20 m with a low at -28 per mil. The existence of oxic/reducing alterations indicates that methane seep may vary in the past in the study area.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of New South Wales, 2004. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Aug. 4, 2006). Includes bibliographical references (p. 423-490).

O presente trabalho visa analisar a tensa relação sino-americana no Mar do Sul da China. Para tanto, começa por trazer as principais características que tornam este mar o epicentro dos novos conflitos na região Ásia-Pacífico, para em seguida, por meio de conceitos inovadores, verificar os reais interesses sino-americanos em jogo, no Mar do Sul da China. Em esforço exemplificativo da “disputa” entre Washington e Beijing naquele Mar, trazemos o Impeccable Incident, para no fecho conclusivo da pesquisa, analisar se a tensa relação sino-americana é fruto de um determinado padrão, ou apenas uma ruptura nas políticas externas dos dois países. / The present paper analyzes the tense sino-american relationship in the South China Sea. To do so, we start by bringing the main features that make this Sea, the “epicenter” of the new maritime conflicts in the region of Pacific-Asia, for then through innovative concepts, verify the real sino-american interests in the South China Sea. In an exemplary effort concerning the "dispute" between Washington and Beijing on that Sea, we bring the Impeccable Incident, for in the ending chapter analyze whether the tense sino-american relationship is the result of a pattern, or just a rupture in the external policies of the two countries.

Este trabalho possui como tema a política externa da Indonésia, constituindo-se como um estudo de caso. A dissertação está estruturada em três capítulos. O primeiro procura identificar os elementos estruturais que condicionam a inserção internacional do país. O segundo capítulo aborda a situação regional do sudeste asiático, avaliando a influência da ascensão chinesa e a atuação de demais potências extrarregionais: Estados Unidos, Japão, Coreia do Sul, Austrália, Índia e Rússia. O terceiro capítulo tem por objetivo analisar a formulação da política externa indonésia, levando em consideração os pontos descritos nos capítulos anteriores. Metodologicamente, partiu-se de uma livre operacionalização do método das três imagens de Kenneth Waltz (o Homem, o Estado e a Guerra). Por fim, conclui-se que o aumento do número de potências e da anarquia oferece paradoxalmente uma janela de oportunidade para uma atuação mais autônoma da Indonésia no Sistema Internacional. / This work has as its theme the foreign policy of Indonesia, constituting itself as a case study. The dissertation is divided into three chapters. The first seeks to identify the structural elements that affect the international integration of the country. The second chapter discusses the regional situation in Southeast Asia, assessing the influence of China's rise and the action of other extra-regional powers: the United States, Japan, South Korea, Australia, India and Russia. The third chapter aims to analyze the formulation of Indonesian foreign policy, taking into account the points described in the previous chapters. Methodologically, it uses a free adaptation of the three images method of Kenneth Waltz (Man, State and War). Finally, it is concluded that the increasing number of powers and anarchy, paradoxically offers a window of opportunity for a more independent role of Indonesia in the International System.