Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Hugo Thomas de Araujo Albuquerque.pdf: 975231 bytes, checksum: 9c4296c75aa4942ce2ad10aab42b8b24 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The problem addressed in the tension between majority rule and the protection of minorities in Brazilian Democracy Contemporary it is an very important issue for the brazilian Constitutional Law, even though the 1998 Brazilian Fundamental Law establishes a salutary rights system and warrants, including , protection of minorities, but, at the same time, it has a political order based on majority vote. This paradox reveals a cleavage within the constitutional system, which raises several questions: as a constitutional political system based on this principle can both realize the rights of minorities? Or, more accurately, what they are majorities and minorities? How can relate within a democratic regime? What would a democracy? What is the role of sovereign power? Raising such issues and raise possible ways of understanding is objective of this dissertation / O problema abordado em A Tensão Entre a Regra Da Maioria e a Proteção das Minorias na Democracia Brasileira Contemporânea se trata de um item caro ao Direito Constitucional pátrio, muito embora a Lei Maior de 1988 estabeleça um salutar sistema de direitos e garantias fundamentais voltado, inclusive, à proteção das minorias, mas ao mesmo tempo possui uma ordem política fundada no princípio majoritário. Tal paradoxo revela uma clivagem no interior do sistema constitucional, o que suscita várias questões: como um sistema político constitucional fundado em tal princípio pode ao mesmo tempo realizar os direitos das minorias? Ou, mais precisamente, o que são maiorias e minorias? Como podem se relacionar no seio de um regime democrático? O que seria uma democracia? Qual o papel do poder soberano? Levantar tais questões e suscitar possíveis caminhos de entendimento é objetivo da presente dissertação.

Tendo como fio condutor o uso da violência política em sua relação com o poder soberano, a Tese decifra um percurso que leva da crítica ao terror ao esvaziamento da política. O temor da transformação de questões sociais em questões políticas inaugura a desqualificação da ação política que busque instaurar outra hierarquia de valores e outros lugares às categorias e grupos sociais vítimas de uma ordem instituída. Como se essa decisão de exclui-los fosse expressão da vontade da maioria, a abstração que permite excluir grupos humanos inteiros no pós-Primeira Guerra Mundial, ao transformar direito em privilégio de alguns como no caso em que apátridas e desnacionalizados foram vítimas, é encontrada também no movimento que transforma a política em gestão e administração, e criminaliza as tentativas de ruptura da ordem vigente. No termo desse percurso, os limites à liberdade prático-política são pensados tanto sob o registro da luta emancipatória radical quanto sob o da criminalização da ação violenta como terrorismo a ser neutralizado ou exterminado. / This Thesis main focus is the analysis of the ways in which political violence can be used and its relations with the Sovereign Power. I argue that there is a link build by the years between the Terrors critics and the emptying of politics, alloying the creation of the idea that one must fear the transformation of social questions into political questions. Because of this situation, all political actions seeking another values hierarchy and another place to the status quos victims tend to be disqualified. Also, since the post-I Great War, the mass exclusion of entire social groups not only became possible but could be shared as a decision of the majority of the people, through the transformation of common wrights into privileges of some, as can be observed in the homelandless and stateless cases. I aim to demonstrate the functioning of the abstraction working in that process, and to sustain that is the same abstraction that gives basis to transform politics into management and administration, and to criminalize the ones who fight to disrupt the established order. Thus, the limits of the practical political freedom will be examined under the clash of two registers: one belonging to radical emancipatory fights and the other one to the movement that enforces violent political actions criminalization as terrorism needed to be neutralized or terminated.

Meta-governance recently emerged in the field of governance as a new approach which claims that its use enables modern states to overcome problems associated with network governance. This thesis shares the view that networks are an important feature of contemporary politics which must be taken seriously, but it also maintains that networks pose substantial analytical and political challenges. It proceeds to investigate the potential possibilities and problems associated with meta-governance on both theoretical and empirical levels. The theoretical discussion examines meta-governance in relation to governmentality, and it puts forward the claim that meta-governance may be understood as a specific type of neo-liberal governmentality. The meta-governance perspective regards networks as a complementary structure to traditional administration that can be utilized in the implementation and realization of public policy, but which also preserves the self-regulating and flexible character of networks. This generates a contradiction between the goals of public management and the character of networks that requires further investigation. The combination of the specific dynamics of the political field of security, the diminishing role of sovereign powers, the emergence of security networks, and the meta-governance stance adopted by the Swedish state constitutes a situation that should have been favorable for the successful employment of meta-governance. The empirical investigation of meta-governance is divided into two parts. The first part reviews the historical process involved and shows how the Swedish government and public authorities have adopted a meta-governance stance. The second analyzes the specific instruments and strategies that have been deployed in the governance of security communications and in the management of Sweden’s new security communications system which is an important aspect of security networks. The historical study together with the analysis of the meta-governance tools deployed reveals that the meta-governors neither reached the goals specified, nor fulfilled the overall purpose of successful security communications. I argue on the basis of the theoretical and empirical findings obtained in the present study that it is very difficult to successfully employ meta-governance in respect to security and crisis management, and that we have sound reasons to suspect that meta-governance will run into similar difficulties in other political fields as well. I conclude that meta-governance is a far more difficult practice than has been anticipated by existing theories and policy recommendations. Turning to meta-governance as a way to govern and control organizations may in fact lead to further fragmentation and distortion of public politics.

Derived from a marxist/liberal humanist view of power, conventional critiques and historical accounts of the socio-medical sciences in South Africa see only their power to repress and negate the true bodily attributes and authentic person of the African. In so doing, they ignore the productive capacity of these knowledges and practices as a manifestation of what Michel Foucault termed "disciplinary" power, by which the human body is manufactured and made manageable as an object of medical knowledge and industrial utilisation. Accordingly, this thesis offers just such a Foucaultian reading of western socio-medical knowledge in South Africa to demonstrate how it has operated to fabricate the bodies of Africans as visible objects possessed of distinct attributes that have provoked particular strategies for their surveillance, management, and government in health and disease. / Psychology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Psychology)

The present work indeed to analyze the development of the concept of the sovereign in the West, considering the traffic history of this concept throughout the development process of the western state. Therefore, taking the initial concept developed by Jean Bodin, in his work, the Six Books of the Republic, seeking a revision considering already in Antiquity the presence of the opposition of power necessary to the birth of the sovereign. This new perspective of dialogue, passing notions contractualists developed between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the study seeks to theorize the idea of violence according to a notion linked to a concept originating. Accordingly, the finding of secularization theological, conceptual politics, as a product of monism basic Judeo-Christian, it is necessary, following the basic theory and basic schmttian its dialogue with the matrix of Benjamin. As a result of this speech three analyzes arise relating (1) the idea of mythical violence and its essential connection to the power and legitimacy, as well as (2) on the relational self versus other and finally an attempt to (3) homogenization of the body politic seconds a dispersion of power centers, based on coordination structures and plurality and not more bodinian the concepts of hierarchy, absolutism and perpetuity. / A presente dissertação tem como escopo a análise do desenvolvimento do conceito do soberano no ocidente considerando o trânsito histórico desse conceito ao longo do processo de desenvolvimento do Estado ocidental. Para tanto, tomado o conceito inicial desenvolvido por Jean Bodin, em sua obra Os Seis Livros da República, busca-se uma revisão considerando-se já na antiguidade a presença da oposição de poder necessária ao nascimento do soberano. No diálogo revisional, perpassando as noções contratualistas desenvolvidas entre os séculos XVII e XVIII, o estudo teoriza a ideia de violência segundo uma noção ligada a um conceito originário. Nesse sentido, a constatação da secularização teológica, conceitual político, como um produto do monismo de base judaico-cristã, faz-se necessária, seguindo a teorização básica schmttiana e seu diálogo com a matriz benjaminiana. Como decorrência desse discurso três análises surgem relacionando (1) a ideia de violência mítica essencial e sua ligação ao poder e a legitimidade; assim como (2) sobre a relacional eu versus outro e; finalmente, a uma tentativa de (3) homogeneização do corpo político segundo uma dispersão de centros de poder baseada em estruturas de coordenação e pluralidade e não mais nos conceitos bodinianos de hierarquia, absolutismo e perpetuidade. / Mestre em Filosofia

Les XIVe et XVe siècles sont une époque de bouleversements des valeurs spirituelles et morales accompagnés d’un éveil de l’opinion publique. L’État se construit et autour du roi une société politique se constitue : ce sont les principaux protagonistes des chroniques. L'étude du scandale aux XIVe et XVe siècles d'après les chroniques contemporaines offre un panel d'exemples variés permettant l’analyse de pratiques ou de discours que l’on peut qualifier d’émotionnels. Ces recherches se tournent vers une histoire politique plus attentive aux acteurs qui jouent un rôle important dans l’histoire des pouvoirs. Les textes permettent de retrouver la définition du scandale donnée par les chroniqueurs. Elle sort des cadres officiels pour devenir celle de l'auteur, lui-même se faisant le reflet des sensibilités. C’est un événement qui choque, sort de la norme et provoque du bruit et du tapage. Il heurte la morale et cause l'indignation lorsque les affaires sont mises au grand jour. Les chroniqueurs partagent avec leurs contemporains une peur réelle du scandale et de ses conséquences. Il faut le dénoncer et y mettre fin pour échapper à la colère divine qu'il peut susciter. L'analyse du vocabulaire et de la communication construite autour de cette notion permet de comprendre comment le scandale est perçu et défini par ses acteurs. Le rôle joué par le pouvoir royal dans la gestion de ces affaires montre que celui-ci, à la fin du XVe siècle tend vers une institutionnalisation du scandale. / The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries are times of upheavals in spiritual and moral values followed by a wakening of public opinion. The State is arising as well as a political society which represents, along the king, the main actors in chronicles. The study of scandal in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries according to contemporary chronicles offers a range of diversified examples which enable the study of practices or speeches that can be qualified as emotional. These studies are part of a political history more attentive to the actors who seem to play an important role in the history of powers. Texts allow to find the definition of the scandal given by the chroniclers. It goes beyond official frameworks to become that of the author who reflects himself the sensibilities. Scandal appears to be shocking and it represents what oversteps the norm and triggers rumour and fuss. It goes against all conventions and causes indignation when the light is thrown on. Chroniclers share with their contemporaries a real fear of scandal and its consequences so it has to be denounced and ended in order to avoid the divine wrath that can be lead to.The analysis of the vocabulary and the communication built around this notion allow to understand how the scandal is perceived and defined by the actors. The role played by the royal power in the management of its affairs shows that this one, at the end of the fifteenth century, moves towards an institutionalization of the scandal.

Tendo como fio condutor o uso da violência política em sua relação com o poder soberano, a Tese decifra um percurso que leva da crítica ao terror ao esvaziamento da política. O temor da transformação de questões sociais em questões políticas inaugura a desqualificação da ação política que busque instaurar outra hierarquia de valores e outros lugares às categorias e grupos sociais vítimas de uma ordem instituída. Como se essa decisão de exclui-los fosse expressão da vontade da maioria, a abstração que permite excluir grupos humanos inteiros no pós-Primeira Guerra Mundial, ao transformar direito em privilégio de alguns como no caso em que apátridas e desnacionalizados foram vítimas, é encontrada também no movimento que transforma a política em gestão e administração, e criminaliza as tentativas de ruptura da ordem vigente. No termo desse percurso, os limites à liberdade prático-política são pensados tanto sob o registro da luta emancipatória radical quanto sob o da criminalização da ação violenta como terrorismo a ser neutralizado ou exterminado. / This Thesis main focus is the analysis of the ways in which political violence can be used and its relations with the Sovereign Power. I argue that there is a link build by the years between the Terrors critics and the emptying of politics, alloying the creation of the idea that one must fear the transformation of social questions into political questions. Because of this situation, all political actions seeking another values hierarchy and another place to the status quos victims tend to be disqualified. Also, since the post-I Great War, the mass exclusion of entire social groups not only became possible but could be shared as a decision of the majority of the people, through the transformation of common wrights into privileges of some, as can be observed in the homelandless and stateless cases. I aim to demonstrate the functioning of the abstraction working in that process, and to sustain that is the same abstraction that gives basis to transform politics into management and administration, and to criminalize the ones who fight to disrupt the established order. Thus, the limits of the practical political freedom will be examined under the clash of two registers: one belonging to radical emancipatory fights and the other one to the movement that enforces violent political actions criminalization as terrorism needed to be neutralized or terminated.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alex Pereira Leuterio.pdf: 838505 bytes, checksum: a7414fa464ac399804446b7e123f8acc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-10 / This research objectives at the investigation of the state of emergency in the light of the work of Giorgio Agamben, in the sense of an instrument capable of, by law, stop the life and rights inherent to it by its own suspension in empty space of law, a zone of anomie. Thus, Agamben historically reports the zone of indifference from institutes of Roman law that produced the stoppage of the law and therefore a legal loophole. Given this finding, Agamben correlates such institutes to the state of contemporary Exception, which is, in fact, permanent, put that in this vacuum, standard and life are connected by force-in-law, which applies, diapplying. Will point out that Agamben begins his argument by examining the political power and its relation to biological life (zoé), analysis of biopower and the movement of inclusive exclusion of biological life in the field of politics and law. Then, we stress that the political work of Giorgio Agamben records the infamous debate between Carl Schmitt and Walter Benjamin, about the sovereign power, from which it extracts the state of permanent exception and the field are paradigms of contemporary politics - like Auschwitz , "homo sacer" and "Muselmann - legitimized by the founding violence of law, the considerations discussed here is done on biopolitics, bare life, the state of exception and force of law, whose solution, for Agamben, is a new form of life, achieved by the desecration, which reflects a community coming, endowed with the ability to disable biopower mentioned, creator of a-bando-ned, and not necessarily linked to the law. In conclusion, upon the concepts and profanation inoperosidade the proposed Agamben turns out something totally new, since this community requires that comes a new ethos, a new use, a shutdown of the old use, rendering them inoperable, since being any will be neither a people united by their similarities (aryans, africans, indians) or divided groups or subgroups, shredded by differences singularity without identity, common and absolutely exposed, the actual path of contemplation of the evangelicmessage of zoé aiónios, of eternal life / Este trabalho tem por objetivo a investigação acerca do Estado de Exceção à luz das obras de Giorgio Agamben, no sentido de um instrumento capaz de, pelo direito, deter a vida e os direitos a ela inerentes pela sua própria suspensão, em espaço vazio de direito, uma zona de anomia. Assim, Agamben reporta historicamente a referida zona de indiferença a institutos de direito romano que produziam a paralisação da lei e, consequentemente, uma lacuna jurídica. Diante desta constatação, Agamben correlaciona tais institutos ao Estado de Exceção contemporâneo, o qual é, em verdade, permanente, posto que, neste vácuo, norma e a vida estão ligadas pela força-de-lei, que se aplica se desaplicando. Apontaremos que Agamben inicia seu raciocínio pelo exame do poder político e sua relação com vida biológica (zoé), pela análise de biopoder e pelo movimento de exclusão inclusiva de vida biológica no campo de vida política e direito. Em seguida, ressaltase que a obra política de Giorgio Agamben registra o famigerado debate entre Carl Schmitt e Walter Benjamin, acerca do poder soberano, donde se extrairá que o Estado de Exceção permanente e o campo são paradigmas da política contemporânea - assim como Auschwitz, homo sacer e Muselmann -, legitimados pela violência fundadora do direito, aqui discutidos nas considerações que se faz sobre biopolítica, vida nua, estado de exceção e força de lei, cuja solução, para Agamben, está em uma nova forma de vida, alcançada pela profanação, que espelha uma comunidade que vem, dotada da capacidade de desativar o mencionado biopoder, criador de a-bando-nados, e não vinculada necessariamente ao direito. Em conclusão, mediante os conceitos de profanação e inoperosidade, a proposta de Agamben revela-se algo totalmente novo, posto que essa comunidade que vem exige um novo ethos, um novo uso, uma desativação do velho uso, tornando-os inoperantes, porquanto o ser qualquer não vai ser nem um povo unido pelas suas semelhanças (os arianos, os negros, os índios) nem grupos ou subgrupos divididos, retalhados pelas diferenças, singularidade sem identidade, comum e absolutamente exposta, a caminho da contemplação efetiva da mensagem evangélica da zoé aiónios, da vida eterna

Bill C-25, The Truth in Sentencing (TIS) Act legislates the reduction of credit awarded for time served in pre-sentencing custody. The Act is but one initiative that reflects a shift toward punitiveness by the West. In reading the literature, a gap was identified concerning TIS activities in relation to the current Canadian predicament of crime control, and a socio-legal perspective provided a creative means of looking at this gap. The primary data was coded and analyzed using sensitizing categories derived from a leading theoretical framework. This framework posited the existence of conflicting criminologies and resulting strategies together forming the present regime of truth. This thesis concludes that 'truth' in sentencing is premised upon contradictory understandings as defined by the framework, that conflicting rationalities are reproduced within TIS and that although the Act is touted as an administrative reform, it also reasserts sovereign power over issues of crime and its control.

Bill C-25, The Truth in Sentencing (TIS) Act legislates the reduction of credit awarded for time served in pre-sentencing custody. The Act is but one initiative that reflects a shift toward punitiveness by the West. In reading the literature, a gap was identified concerning TIS activities in relation to the current Canadian predicament of crime control, and a socio-legal perspective provided a creative means of looking at this gap. The primary data was coded and analyzed using sensitizing categories derived from a leading theoretical framework. This framework posited the existence of conflicting criminologies and resulting strategies together forming the present regime of truth. This thesis concludes that 'truth' in sentencing is premised upon contradictory understandings as defined by the framework, that conflicting rationalities are reproduced within TIS and that although the Act is touted as an administrative reform, it also reasserts sovereign power over issues of crime and its control.