台灣地區在80年代以後，由於面臨到政治上的解嚴、經濟上的後工業轉型以及社會的多元發展，國家機器不只在統治正當性及政權合法性遭到質疑，原本高度的自主性及強勢的能力也遭逢激烈的挑戰。當很強的國家遇上逐漸增強的民間社會時，國家的內在力量也許仍高，但是自主性降低，國家必須遷就民間社會的偏好，民間社會增加了表達意見的能力，及與國家談判議價的空間，國家機器超然自主於民間社會之上的情況已不復見。 「台北市中山舊橋存廢問題案」正是一個相當典型的個案。本案涉及交通、都市設計及景觀設計、古蹟保存與水利防洪等方面的專業判斷，而民間社會各部門基於自身的專業立場以及利益考量，對於此一問題的意見相當紛歧。再者，中山舊橋的拆遷自規劃至今已歷三任市長，然歷任市府的政策偏好皆不相同，並在後來衍生出中央與地方對於自治權限的認定爭議，更引發了中央與市府官員的公開論戰；總的來說，本案的爭議不僅存在於國家與社會當中，國家機器內部以及民間社會內部亦各自存有歧見。本論文即試圖透過對「台北市中山舊橋存廢問題案」的分析與研究，從國家機器及民間社會在政策偏好的選擇，來瞭解國家機器內部、民間社會內部及國家與社會間三方面的衝突，再經由理論與實務的印證，探討解決這類衝突的可能。 本論文引介80年代興起於西方政治學界，將國家視為獨立變數的新國家主義的研究途徑，運用Nordlinger對於國家自主性類型及策略的分類，來瞭解國家機器在衝突過程當中所扮演的角色，並輔以利益團體的相關理論，藉以對於民間社會內部的衝突提出更具說服力的解釋。 本論文在架構上共分為六章，首章緒論說明本論文研究的動機與目的，並就相關文獻及分析個案作一回顧，最後提出研究架構、研究假設與研究方法。第二章介紹研究途徑---新國家主義，並對於相關基本概念加以界定，再就利益團體的理論作一檢視。第三章從個案中討論國家機器內部的衝突，其重點在於國家機器的政策偏好是如何形成、決定和運作，國家機器之間為何產生偏好上的差異，國家機器內部因偏好差異而形成的衝突應循何種途徑解決。第四章從個案中討論社會各部門間的衝突，其重點在於社會各部門間的政策偏好是如何形成、決定和運作，社會各部門間為何產生偏好上的差異，社會各部門間因偏好差異而形成的衝突應循何種途徑解決。第五章從個案中討論國家機器與民間社會之間的衝突，其重點在於國家機器與民間社會之間的衝突分析，民意代表在其間所扮演的角色；國家機器與民間社會因偏好差異而形成的衝突應循何種途徑解決。第六章為結論，綜整研究成果，對照研究假設，說明本論文的優、缺點，並提出解決國家與社會衝突的可能途徑。 / In later 80’s, due to the political, economic and social transformation of Taiwan, the state has suffered great challenge from the civil society. When there comes a conflict between the very strong state and the growing civil society, the preference of the civil society should be respect, however, the superiority of the state is no longer existing. “Taipei Old Chung-Sheng Bridge” is the typical example. All involved departments of the civil society hold quite different attitude towards the problem based on their own professional position as well as their own interests. Furthermore, the different personal preference of three consecutive mayors give rise to not only the conflict between central and local government, but also the public debates between central and city officials. To sum up, the conflict not only exits between the state and society, but also lies in the inside of the state, and the inside of the civil society in this case. The purpose of the paper is trying to find the possibility of resolving the conflict through the theoretical and practical evidence. In this thesis, Nordlinger’s classification of the state autonomy and strategy, one approach of Neo-statism theory, is used to discuss the role that the state plays in the conflicts. In addition, the theory of interest groups is applied for more persuasive explication as civil society. The thesis is divided into six parts. Chapter 1, including the motives, the purpose of this research, the literature review, the introduction of this case, the analytic framework, research hypothesis and research methods. Chapter 2, including the approach of the research--- Neo-statism, to explicate the main related conception, and explain the primary theory of interest groups. Chapter 3, including a discussion of the inner conflicts in the state by individual cases. The point is that how the preferences of the state is formed and executed, why the differences occur inside the state, and how to resolve the appeared conflicts. Chapter 4, including a discussion to the inner conflicts of the civil society by individual cases. The point is to how the preferences of each department of society are formed and executed, why the differences occur inside the civil society, and how to resolve the appeared conflicts. Chapter 5, including a discussion to the conflicts between the state and civil society by individual cases. The point is the analysis of above, the role the legislators played, and how to resolve the conflict. Chapter 6, comparing the research hypotheses, stating research results, and suggesting of the possible solutions for resolving conflicts between the state and society are made as the conclusion.

Cette thèse porte sur le rôle des organismes communautaires entre 1994 et 2002 dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté au Québec et en Irlande et ce, dans un contexte de gouvernance. Au cours de années 1980 et 1990, des gouvernements, dont ceux du Québec et de l’Irlande, ont fait appel à des organismes communautaires pour que ceux-ci participent à la gestion des services sociaux ainsi qu’à la formulation des politiques sociales. Cette participation s’est inscrite dans le cadre de nouveaux arrangements politiques, soit des nouvelles formes de gouvernance alors que les gouvernements éprouvaient des difficultés à remédier à l’accroissement des inégalités sociales. Cependant, il demeure difficile de discerner en quoi l’établissement de ces nouvelles formes de gouvernance a façonné le rôle des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration des politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. De plus, les partenariats sociaux en Irlande relèvent d’un processus davantage institué que la concertation au Québec, ce qui a entraîné des différences au plan des mobilisations sociales. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc celui de mieux cerner le lien entre les nouvelles formes de gouvernance et la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. L’hypothèse mise en avant est que l’efficacité de l’action collective dépend de la manière dont les organismes communautaires s’y prennent pour pallier l’incertitude qui caractérise les modes de gouvernance. Sur le plan théorique, cette thèse mise sur les interactions entre acteurs et, plus particulièrement, sur la formation de réseaux de politiques publiques. Cela implique plus précisément de cerner comment les acteurs coordonnent des activités entre eux et se rallient autour d’un même thème, comme celui de la lutte contre la pauvreté. Lorsque la coordination des activités est forte et que le ralliement autour d’un même thème est important, on parle de coalition de cause. La nécessité de former une coalition se produit dans le contexte d’un champ institutionnel incertain, comme c’est le cas pour les mécanismes de concertation au Québec. Mais le caractère incertain du champ institutionnel entraîne aussi des divergences à l’intérieur de la coalition instaurée à cette occasion, ayant pour effet d’affaiblir la mobilisation sociale. Ainsi, l’interprétation que font les organismes communautaires des nouvelles formes de gouvernance façonne la manière dont ces organismes vont définir la lutte contre la pauvreté et élaborer leurs stratégies. Sur le plan méthodologique, le choix des cas de l’Irlande et du Québec repose dans les différences qui existent en termes de gouvernance et ce, alors qu’ils partagent de fortes similarités. Tant l’Irlande que le Québec sont caractérisés par des économies de marché ouvertes, des régimes d’État-providence de type libéral ainsi que l’emprise, par le passé, de l’Église catholique dans les services sociaux. Cependant, ces deux cas diffèrent en ce qui concerne le rôle de l’État, le système électoral, le statut juridico-politique, le caractère de leur économie et la place occupée par le milieu communautaire par rapport à l’État. Ces différences permettent de rendre compte du moins en ce qui concerne le Québec et l’Irlande, de la manière dont l’action collective découle de la relation entre les stratégies des acteurs et le contexte dans lequel ils se situent. Cette thèse montre comment, dans un processus davantage institué, comme c’est le cas des partenariats sociaux en Irlande, la mobilisation sociale s’avère plus efficace que lorsqu’elle se situe dans le cadre d’un processus moins institué, comme ce qu’on peut observer avec la concertation au Québec. Bien que, dans les deux cas, l’influence du milieu communautaire en matière des politiques sociales demeure mitigée, la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires irlandais s’est avérée plus efficace que celle de leurs homologues québécois eu égard de la formulation de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. Au Québec, bien que les organismes communautaires sont parvenus à former une coalition, soit le Collectif pour une loi sur l’élimination de la pauvreté, leur mobilisation s’est trouvée affaiblie en raison de la prédominance de divergences entre acteurs communautaires. De telles divergences étaient aggravées en raison du caractère incertain du champ institutionnel lié à la concertation. En Irlande, bien que les organismes communautaires ont dû faire face à des contraintes qui rendaient difficiles la formation d’une coalition, ceux-ci ont pu néanmoins se mobiliser autrement, notamment en raison de liens formés avec des fonctionnaires dans le cadre des ententes partenariales. / This dissertation concentrates on the role community organisations played between 1994 and 2002 in the development of anti-poverty policies in Québec and in Ireland. The elaboration of these policies took place within a context characterized by new forms of governance, that is new political arrangements designed to include non-governmental actors in the policy process. Indeed, since the 1980s and 1990s, community organizations have been called upon by their governments to take part in the delivery of social services and, in particular, in the development of anti-poverty policies. This comes at a time when governments are having difficulty addressing social inequalities. But despite greater inclusion of community organizations into the policy process, the extent of their role in social policy development remains difficult to ascertain. This is made all the more difficult on account of institutional differences, like those that exist between social partnerships in Ireland and cooperation-based initiatives (« la concertation ») in Québec. The objective of this dissertation is therefore to understand how new forms of governance shaped community organizations’ efforts to mobilize around the fight against poverty. The hypothesis put forth in this dissertation is that collective action is shaped by the way in which community organizations compose with the uncertainty which characterizes new modes of governance. The theoretical framework focuses on the way in which actors interact in the course of the development of anti-poverty policies. These interactions are characterized by the formation of policy networks. Their cohesion depends on the extent to which actors coordinate their activities and also rally around a similar theme, like that of fighting against poverty and social exclusion. When a policy network is highly cohesive, it resembles an advocacy coalition. This happens when actors’ mobilization efforts take place within a less institutionalized process. Because such a process is marked by uncertainty, it becomes necessary for actors such as community organizations to form a coalition. However, with that uncertainty differences emerge over strategy within such a coalition. As a result, the formation of a coalition does not, in and of itself, guarantee a strong mobilization. Put simply, community organizations’ efforts depend on the way in which they interpret the new forms of governance in which they participate. From a methodological standpoint, the choice to study Québec and Ireland on a comparative basis lies in the fact that although the two cases share strong similarities, they differ sharply when it comes to governance. Both are small open economies, have liberal welfare states and have, in the past, been characterized by the Catholic Church’s predominance in social services. However, these cases differ in terms of the role of the state, their electoral systems, their judicial and political status, the nature of their economies and the role of the community sector in public policy. Such a comparison renders it possible to better understand in what way actors’ strategies are related to the wider context in which they find themselves. This dissertation has found that while social mobilization may, in the context of an institutionalized process, seem weak, it is more effective in enabling community organizations to exert influence in the development of anti-poverty policies. This was the case in Ireland. Indeed, while the social partnership process constrained community organizations in forming a coalition, it also enabled them to form ties with key civil servants. This gave community organizations the opportunity to tailor their demands in an effective manner. Such a margin of manoeuver did not exist for community organizations in Québec. Moreover, the need to form a coalition resulted in community organizations diverging over strategy. Their divergences stemmed from the uncertain form « la concertation » took in the development of Bill 112, the anti-poverty bill. While community organizations did form a coalition, the Collective to Eliminate Poverty, disagreements over strategy took over, thus weakening mobilization efforts.

本論文採取歷史文獻分析與理解社會學(verstehende Soziologie)的研究途徑，從「以中國說中國」的方法入手，重視歷史事實作為論證基礎的功能與意義。 對中共「民主集中制」的研究在廣度與深度上都超乎中國大陸內部與外部學者在這方面的論述，系統化地借助中共黨史反映了民主集中制一般不為人所注意的關鍵面向。對民主集中制之作用的分析引導筆者發現，中國大陸總體面出現一個「黨、國家、社會」的三角形，這是在現階段與可預見之未來的人類文明中一個非常態的國家總體結構。筆者進而對照西方權力制衡的理論，反映出在民主集中制下是不可能發展出真正的權力制約與監督的機制的，民主集中制的內涵處處體現「一元化整體性控制意識」，民主與民主集中制之間無論就理論或現實運作都存在不可調和的矛盾。 改革開放以來的中共文化戰略奠基者為鄧小平，他的基本方法是將重心放在寄望以經濟建設的成果支持行為層面的紀律，進而鞏固精神思想層面的意識形態。順此，他主張「不搞爭論」與「堅持四項基本原則」，希望大力發展生產力，強調的是「工具理性」。這些其實都是受民主集中制之「一元化整體性控制意識」的影響。 筆者採用各種型態的資料與具體數據說明「『民主集中制』對文化戰略的影響」與「『民主集中制』對改革開放以來文化戰略與戰略造成的困難與挑戰」，呈現出中共文化戰略的不合理與不合時的性質。從文化戰略的視角可以看到許多中國大陸現今不易從單純的政治、經濟、社會的角度所能觀察到的問題。本論文針對此方面的解決方案與方向提出了一些線索與頭緒。 最後，解釋在第一章提出之胡錦濤表現的反差現象。其次，論證中國大陸的政治體制改革應為不可迴避的必要之務，民主改革未必對中共不利，可能更有利。同時回答第一章中共如何統治的問題。 / Adopting the approaches of historical document analyses and understanding sociology, this dissertation brings the method of explaining China in terms of China into bear and places importance on the function and meaning of historical facts as the departing basis of its discussions. Based on the Chinese Communist Party’s (the CCP hereafter) history, the dissertation systematically presents some key points of the CCP’s democratic centralism, to which attention was not paid. It shows wider and deeper understanding of the CCP’s democratic centralism. The understanding leads the author to notice the “party, state and society” triangle, which reflects the uniqueness of the structure of China as a country in the contemporary world. The CCP’s democratic centralism reflects “consciousness of unitary holistic control” and is in fact incompatible with democracy by its normal definition in respect of theory and practice. The foundation of the CCP’s cultural development since the reform and opening was laid by Deng Xiaoping, whose methodology laid stress on economic development. Deng hoped to accomplish some economic achievements to secure behavioral discipline among people and finally consolidate the party’s ideologies and theories. He therefore advocated “no disputes” and “insistence on four fundamental principles” and did his best to promote development of productivity, namely instrumental rationality. All he did embodied “consciousness of unitary holistic control,” so has the CCP’s cultural strategies done the same. Basing on different types of materials and data, the author analyzed the influences of the CCP’s democratic centralism on its cultural strategies and presented the difficulties and challenges to the strategies caused by the democratic centralism since the reform and opening. In the final chapter, the author explained Hu Jintao’s surprising reaction and answered the question how the CCP has been ruling the country. Both were mentioned in Chapter one.

Quel est le pouvoir des normes internationales de droits humains ? Ces normes ont-elles un pouvoir politique? En s’appuyant sur le cas mexicain (entre 1988 et 2006), la thèse tente de répondre à trois questionnements. Le premier est lié à la trajectoire des normes: les défenseurs mexicains des droits humains cherchent-ils l’appui d’acteurs internationaux pour promouvoir les droits humains vis-à-vis leur gouvernement, tel que le suggère le modèle du boomerang ? Deuxièmement, il s’agit de comprendre l’impact du processus de diffusion des normes sur le respect des droits humains : les acteurs internationaux et nationaux qui défendent les droits humains parviennent-ils à influencer les décisions politiques gouvernementales, en matière de protection des droits humains ? Et finalement: ces groupes contribuent-ils à changer le cours du processus de démocratisation d’un État ? Les résultats de la recherche permettent de tirer quelques conclusions. La thèse confirme dans un premier temps la théorie du boomerang de Keck et Sikkink (1998), puisque les pressions domestiques en matière de droits humains deviennent efficaces au moment où les acteurs domestiques gagnent l’appui des acteurs internationaux. En ce qui concerne l’impact de la diffusion des normes internationales des droits humains sur leur protection gouvernementale, il semble que le gouvernement mexicain entre 1988 et 2006 réagisse aux pressions des acteurs qui diffusent les normes de droits humains par la mise en place d’institutions et de lois et non par une protection effective de ces droits. Un deuxième type d’impact, lié à la diffusion des normes en droits humains, est observé sur le processus de démocratisation. La thèse montre que les acteurs qui diffusent les normes en droits humains jouent un rôle dans la mise en place de réformes électorales, tout en contribuant à une redéfinition plus démocratique des rapports de pouvoir entre la société civile et l’État. / What is the power of international human rights norms ? Do those norms have the capacity to change the political course of a State ? More precisely, can they contribute to a better human rights protection and the democratization of a State ? This thesis tackles these questions and tries to figure out how the international human rights norms are participating to the political evolution of a country. Examining the case of Mexico, this thesis seeks to provide answers to three main questions. The first one is related to the path followed by norms : are the domestic human rights groups bypassing their State to search out international allies to bring pressure on the government, as suggested by the boomerang model, or are they able to display effective pressure for human rights changes? This thesis also tries to understand the impact of human rights groups on human rights domestic changes : are the international and national human rights groups able to bring out domestic human rights changes ? Finally, the impact of human rights groups on democratization is examined : do international and national human rights groups play a role within the democratization of the mexican State ? The analysis of data helps to draw the appropriate conclusions. First, the thesis argues that domestic human rights groups are using the boomerang effect, seeking international allies in Mexico to put effective pressure on their gouvernment. Indeed, the human rights domestic pressure became effective only when the international community started to get involved in the protection of human rights in Mexico. Secondly, it shows that international and national human rights groups have been efficient in encouraging the Mexican government to adopt human rights policies between 1988 and 2006. As the human rights sector expanded in Mexico, the government has put into place many reforms and institutions to promote human rights.

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Východiska k řešenínežádoucíchnásilných jevů jsou koncipována křest'anskou etikou, jeŽ májedinečnou propojenost s humánními aspekty, z kterých trvale vychází. V teoretické části je etika členěna optikou různýchteologů, filosofu čisociologů dřívě.iŠÍi dneŠnídoby. Empirická část předkládá aktuální výzkum ke školskésociální Práci, která k nám díkyCharlottě a Alici Garrigue Masarykové historicky patří. Tato ProÍ'esrríČinnost u nás po Ii. světové válce jižale nepokračovaia. K jejíabsenci jsou PřidánY relevantní reflexe, u výzkumu .ie analýza a sumarizace, Poslední slova Ch, MasarYkové nesla všem lidem úžasnéposelství ,,Zmocněte se cJobra, pravcla je přece krásná". Křest'anská etika má ve svém poslání stejný význam, KlíČováslova: dobro a zlo, vývoj křest'anské etiky, morálka, humanismus, Školskásociálrrí práce, stav dnešníspolečnosti zřetelný na dětech. negativa technického rozvoje, nutnost redukce nežádoucích násiJných jevů. Annotation Methods of handling undesirable violent phenomena are embedded in Christian ethics, which is inextricably linked to the humane aspects that it originates from. In the theoretical part of this work the ethics is divided by the perspectives oť various theologians, Philosophers or sociologists of previous and present times. The empirical Part Presents relevant research in...

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This history investigates the beginnings of community foundations in general and the creation of the Indianapolis Foundation specifically and its eventual funding of the Indianapolis Symphony Orchestra. My findings reveal that, contrary to previous histories that have been written, the creation of community foundations was not driven by benevolence but by changes in federal and state banking laws starting in 1913 that allowed banks to have trust departments that broke the monopoly that trust companies had long enjoyed. In response, trust company executives chartered community trusts to publicly position themselves as benevolent, community-minded businessmen. This distinguished them as trustworthy compared to the greedy bankers of the day, which helped trust companies gain trust customers. Community trusts were responsible for identifying and disbursing funds to deserving beneficiaries, thereby relieving trust companies of a costly and time consuming burden. Even more important, the trust companies retained control over the community trusts by appointing surrogate board members. In addition, none of the trust companies that chartered the Indianapolis Foundation donated their own money, yet appeared charitable. All of these factors made community foundations a very lucrative arrangement. Funding the areas of arts and culture was not designated in the Indianapolis Foundation’s original purpose statement, yet the Indiana State Symphony Society was funded at the height of the Great Depression while many Indianapolis citizens went hungry. The love of music played a very small part in efforts by the wealthy elite to garner support from the Indianapolis Foundation for the Indianapolis Symphony Orchestra. The public justifications for funding the symphony began with giving psychological relief to the citizens of Indianapolis from the pressures of the Great Depression, to the need of employment for musicians, then the importance of musical education of children, expanding to the importance of the symphony to the city’s reputation, and finally, in the 1980s, the symphony as a community asset that helped rejuvenate downtown Indianapolis. However, the real reason for funding was that the wealthy elite wanted the symphony to use as a flattering cultural institution that would elevate their social status and attract fellow elites and businesses to Indianapolis.