<p>U radu nastojimo da pokažemo da Hegelovi pojmovi spekulativne logike, povesti i objektivnog duha omogućuju da se u potpunosti shvati Aristotelov pojam praktičkog i njegovo razvijanje. Aristotelova praktčka filozofija bivstvo praktičkog dovodi do pojma=logosa, te vladajući pojam=logos praktičkih stvari, koji nije izvan onog alogičkog=žudnje, omogućuje delatnost=energeiju praktičkog. Pojam=logos praktičkog u Aristotela stoga nema teorijski i retrospektivni karakter u samom praktičkom kako to izvodi hermeneutička filozofija, već upravo jeste su&scaron;tina praktičkog odno&scaron;enja koju izlaže i ističe Aristotelova praktička filozofija. Spekulativni pojam onog praktičnog je tačka jedinstva Aristotelove i Hegelove filozofije. Hegel u pojmu političke=unutra&scaron;nje države kao običajnosnog organizma prevladava uz očuvanje Aristotelov logos entelehije polisa=pojam dejstvenosti grada-države. Razlika Aristotelove i Hegelove filozofije o praktičkom je povesna, sistemska i logička. Povesna razlika leži u Hegelovom situiranju modernog principa subjektivnosti kao prava posebnosti subjekta na zadovoljenje u pojam građanskog dru&scaron;tva sistema filozofije prava, te u sledstvenom specifičnom podru&scaron;tvljenju kako privatne sfere tako i sfere države. Logička razlika leži u Hegelovom određenju ideje praktičkog saznanja=ideje objektivnog duha i apsolutne ideje u sistemu spekulativne logike.</p> / <p>In the paper we are trying to show that Hegel&#39;s concepts of speculative logic, history and objective spirit are enabling us to fully understand Aristotle&#39;s concept of practical and its development. Aristotle&rsquo;s practical philosophy brings the being of practical down to the concept=logos, and the ruling concept=logos, that is not beyond the a-logical=desire, enables the effectiveness=energy of the practical. Therefore, with Aristotle, the concept=logos of practical does not have a historical and retrospective nature in the practical itself the way hermeneutic philosophy derives it, but it is the very essence of the practical relation proposed and accented by Aristotle&rsquo;s philosophy of practical.<br />Speculative concept of the practical is the point of unity between Aristotle&rsquo;s and Hegel&rsquo;s philosophy. Hegel, in the concept of political=inner state as ethical life overrules with retention Aristotle&rsquo;s logos of polis entelechy=concept of the effectiveness of the city-state. The difference between Aristotle&rsquo;s and Hegel&rsquo;s philosophy on practical is historical, systematic and logical. The historical difference is in Hegel&rsquo;s placement of modern principle of subjectivity as the right of one&rsquo;s individuality to satisfaction into the concept of civil system of the philosophy of right, and in the specific consequential socialization as both a private affair and a state one. Logical difference is in the Hegel&rsquo;s specification of the idea of practical cognition=idea of the objective spirit and an absolute idea in the system of speculative logic.</p>

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tania da Costa.pdf: 911265 bytes, checksum: 72aea3b8bca5e6e74eec7eec77900cea (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation has as its object the participation of the CPS in the deliberative dynamics of the CMS of Diadema/SP, in the period from 2008 to 2010. The general objective of the research was to analyze the participation of the CPS in the deliberative dynamics of the CMS, aiming at understanding the nature and the extent of this institutionalized participation. The driving question was: how did the participation of the CPS in the deliberative dynamics of the CMS of Diadema in the period from 2008 to 2010 take place? Our hypothesis is that the participation of the CPS in the deliberative dynamics of the CMS is institutionalized, the councilors possessing political representativeness as a result of having been directly elected by the population, but also exhibiting liabilities related to their lack of technical qualifications on health issues and to their limited political protagonism, especially with regard to issues of autonomy and articulation with the powers of political and civil society. The basic conceptual references adopted State/Civil Society; health; participation and councils were fundamented mostly on contemporary Brazilian authors. The adopted methodology was that of qualitative research, consisting of a literature review in the areas of Sociology, Social Service, and Collective Health; documental research in the private archives of local leaders, in the Municipal Institute of Studies, in Diadema s municipal offices, among others; fieldwork, comprising the realization of semi-structured interviews with nine research subjects, those being: six CMS councilors, two former mayors and a long-standing leader in the health area. For the analysis of these data, the techniques of documental analysis and content analysis were used. The results of the research show, on the one hand, the relevance of the participation of the CPS in the deliberative dynamics of the CMS, due to the fact that the former s councilors are elected by the users of the healthcare system, and on the other hand, the liabilities of this participation, resulting from both the parallel institutionalization involving the CPS and the CMS and the councilors lack of technical qualifications and limitations in their political protagonism / A presente dissertação teve por objeto a participação do CPS na dinâmica deliberativa do CMS de Diadema/SP, no período compreendido entre os anos de 2008 a 2010. O objetivo geral da pesquisa foi analisar a participação do CPS na dinâmica deliberativa do CMS, tendo em vista compreender a natureza e alcance dessa participação institucionalizada. Elaborou-se como pergunta norteadora: Como se efetivou a participação do CPS na dinâmica deliberativa do CMS de Diadema no período de 2008 a 2010? A hipótese formulada foi de que a participação do CPS na dinâmica deliberativa do CMS revela ser institucionalizada, com legitimidade política dos conselheiros, por terem sido eleitos diretamente pela população, mas com fragilidades, em virtude de seu despreparo técnico sobre questões de saúde e de limitações em seu protagonismo político, notadamente nas questões de autonomia e articulação com os poderes da sociedade política e da sociedade civil. As referências conceituais básicas adotadas Estado/Sociedade Civil; Saúde; Participação e Conselhos foram fundamentadas em autores contemporâneos, em sua maioria brasileiros. A metodologia utilizada foi a pesquisa qualitativa, compreendendo levantamentos bibliográficos nas áreas de Sociologia, Serviço Social e Saúde Coletiva; pesquisa documental em arquivos pessoais de lideranças locais, Instituto de Estudos Municipais, órgãos municipais de Diadema e outros; pesquisa de campo, com a realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas com nove sujeitos da pesquisa, sendo: seis conselheiros do CMS, dois ex-prefeitos e uma liderança histórica da área da Saúde. Para análise dos dados foram aplicadas as técnicas de análise documental e de conteúdo. Os resultados da pesquisa demonstraram, principalmente, de um lado, a relevância da participação do CPS na dinâmica deliberativa do CMS, pelo fato de serem os conselheiros eleitos pela população usuária da Saúde; e de outro lado, a fragilidade dessa participação, tanto pelo fato da institucionalização paralela entre o CPS e o CMS, como pelo despreparo técnico e limitações do protagonismo político dos conselheiros

Policy networks is a body of literature dedicated to modelling state-civil society relationship formats. In this particular relationship, an interest group with privileged (insider) access to the party in power gains advantage in the policy-making process by utilizing party’s ability to make political appointments in the civil service. The parentela (or type 1 parentela) was first discovered by Joseph La Palombara (1964) in 1960s Italy and was documented later again by Greer (1994) in 1920s-1970s Northern Ireland. Still, there has been no parentela research since 1994, save for Yishai (1992), who argued the parentela did not exist in Israel in 1980s. It seems the concept is considered of little utility to the academic community today. At the same time, as a category of policy networks, the parentela is also susceptible to the wider criticism of Thatcher (1997) and Dowding (1995; 2001) that the policy network literature is unable to introduce causal dynamics in its models and distinguish between network features and network independent variables. This study, therefore, addresses both criticisms by studying the party-group-civil service relationship in Bulgaria, for the period 2013-2015, using 26 elite interviews and a number of cases. Results show that this particular policy network is still viable today. They support Yishai (1992) that hegemonic parties have no effect on parentela formation. The study demonstrates that the cooperation between ruling parties, in need of funds, and organised businesses (groups), in need of market advantage, produces the parentela. In a case study on construction tenders, the study demonstrates La Palombara’s parentela, by exposing the process of how ruling parties intervene in the civil service through political appointees to ensure construction projects are granted to their party insider groups. The study also discovers a new parentela dynamic, labelled as type 2 parentela, where the party intervention extends further to the free market by affecting party insider’s market competitors through prejudiced regulatory inspections that disrupt targeted businesses’ operations temporarily or altogether.

[pt] Não há política sem direito e nem direito sem política. A relação de interdependência deve-se estabelecer tendo em vista a justiça. E é a razão que deve estruturar o direito visando o exercício da política, em nome da justiça. São essas interseções que emergem da obra de Norberto Bobbio, formando o pano de fundo de suas reflexões. Neste sentido, o seu pensamento é duplamente convergente. Primeiramente, porque busca, de forma permanente, a ligação entre direito e política, examinando as suas fundamentações e influências recíprocas. Em segundo lugar porque constroi, com espírito conciliador e reformador, o diálogo entre campos ideológicos opostos. Um diálogo estabelecido com base na razão, que, por sua vez, deve convergir em direção à justiça. A sua obra nos campos da Filosofia Política, da Filosofia do Direito e da Teoria do Estado insere-se num período de forte polarização da Europa no pós-Segunda Guerra. O filósofo e jurista italiano esteve entre os mais importantes interlocutores dos embates travados no século XX. Sua fecunda produção intelectual, de notável abrangência, constitui uma ferramenta segura para a análise isenta dos acontecimentos políticos no mundo contemporâneo. / [en] There can be no politics without law and no law without politics. The interdependent relationship of these two concepts must be established with Justice as its goal. Reason must shape law for the exercise of politics in the name of Justice. These are the elements that continually intersect in the works of Noberto Bobio and form the background of his thinking. Thus, his thoughts are doubly convergent. Firstly, because they seek a permanent link between Politics and Law, and secondly, because they attempt, both in a conciliatory and reforming manner, to pave the way for a dialogue between opposing ideological camps, a dialogue based on reason pointed in the direction of Justice. Bobio s works in the fields of Political Philosophy, The Philosophy of Law and the Theory of State emerged during a period of intense polarization in Europe after the Second World War. He was at the forefront of the most important debates on these matters that took place during the XX Century. Bobio s profound intelectual production, noteworthy for its all embracing scope, is certainly a dependable instrument for analyzing the political events in the world today.

[pt] Esta dissertação tem como objeto de análise o livro de contos O sol na cabeça (2018) do autor carioca Geovani Martins. O estudo pretende investigar as imagens dos contos que retratam o cotidiano do Rio de Janeiro, analisando a dinâmica social da cidade, bem como a dinâmica de existência dos personagens que representam a população periférica carioca. A partir do complexo desenvolvimento das práticas governamentais que subjugam os corpos periféricos, e que exercem um tipo de poder verticalizado na forma de biopoder, assim como o executa sobre eles na forma de biopolítica, esta pesquisa busca demonstrar, a partir de O sol na cabeça (2018), como despontam através de pequenas insurgências um tipo de força que engana a submissão exercida pelo biopoder e por sua biopolítica, manifestando-se através da biopotência que se cumpre em confronto aos poderes investidos contra os corpos no trânsito da cidade. / [en] The dissertation has as object of analysis the tales book The sun on my head (2018) written by the carioca autor Geovani Martins. The study intends to investigate the images of the tales that represents the everyday of Rio de Janeiro, analysing the social dynamic of the city, as well the dynamic existence of the characters that represents the carioca peripheral population. As from the complex development of government practices that subjugates the peripheral bodies, and that exerts a type of verticalized power in the form of biopower, as execute over them a biopolitics, this researche desires demonstrate, as from The sun on my head (2018), how emerges through little insurgences a kind of force that tricks the submission exercised by the biopower and for your biopolitics, manifesting through the biopotency that carries out by the confront with the powers that are invested against the bodies in transit in the city.

Este trabalho busca refletir sobre as aproximações e afastamentos entre as políticas que se utilizam de projetos urbanos e as de desenvolvimento local. Para isto debate os conceitos de desenvolvimento local extraindo seus elementos definidores para serem utilizados como categorias de análise dos estudos de caso selecionados. O conceito de projeto urbano também foi objeto de discussão, destacando sua faceta de instrumento de gestão e o princípio de apoiar o desenvolvimento de segmentos da cidade de modo amplo, promovendo melhorias físicas, econômicas e sociais. Foram selecionados seis estudos de caso, bastante diversos entre si, com o propósito de discutir a amplitude da prática dos projetos urbanos, suas aderências ou não com o desenvolvimento local e as contradições entre a teoria e a prática. Foram selecionados o Puerto Madero e o Distrito de Design em Buenos Aires, na Argentina; o Complexo Estação das Docas e o Complexo Ver-o-Peso em Belém, capital do Pará; o projeto Eixo Tamanduatehy em Santo André-SP; e o projeto Centro Vivo em São José dos Campos-SP. Este último possibilitou a reflexão sobre a prática da intervenção urbana, uma vez que a autora participou de sua elaboração, enquanto os demais propiciaram uma reflexão a partir da análise feita por outros autores sobre os projetos. Ao final do estudo é possível esboçar a ideia de que o projeto urbano, dependendo das características que assume, pode ser um exemplo territorializado de desenvolvimento local. / This work aims for a reflection about the correspondences and dissimilarities between the policies that utilize urban projects and those of local development. In order to do that, it debates the local development concepts and extracts its key defining elements so these can serve as categories of analysis for selected case studies. The concept of urban project is also an object of discussion, specially its role as a management means to support the development of segment of a city in an ample way, thus promoting spatial, economical and social improvements. Six diverse case studies were selected with the goal of discussing the amplitude of the practice of urban projects, its similarities or not with local development and the contradictions between theory and practice. The selected case studies were Puerto Madero and the Distrito de Design in Buenos Aires, Argentina; the Complexo Estação das Docas and the Complexo Ver-o-Peso in Belém, capital of Pará (a state in Brazil); the project Eixo Tamanduatehy in Santo André, a city in the state of São Paulo in Brazil; the project Centro Vivo in São José dos Campos also a city in the state of São Paulo in Brazil. The latter case allowed a reflection about the practice of urban intervention from the perspective of the author who participated in its elaboration. The other five case studies supported a reflection based on the analyses performed by other authors. At the end of this study, it is possible to outline the idea that the urban project, depending on the characteristics that it assumes, can be a territorialized example of local development.

Este trabalho busca refletir sobre as aproximações e afastamentos entre as políticas que se utilizam de projetos urbanos e as de desenvolvimento local. Para isto debate os conceitos de desenvolvimento local extraindo seus elementos definidores para serem utilizados como categorias de análise dos estudos de caso selecionados. O conceito de projeto urbano também foi objeto de discussão, destacando sua faceta de instrumento de gestão e o princípio de apoiar o desenvolvimento de segmentos da cidade de modo amplo, promovendo melhorias físicas, econômicas e sociais. Foram selecionados seis estudos de caso, bastante diversos entre si, com o propósito de discutir a amplitude da prática dos projetos urbanos, suas aderências ou não com o desenvolvimento local e as contradições entre a teoria e a prática. Foram selecionados o Puerto Madero e o Distrito de Design em Buenos Aires, na Argentina; o Complexo Estação das Docas e o Complexo Ver-o-Peso em Belém, capital do Pará; o projeto Eixo Tamanduatehy em Santo André-SP; e o projeto Centro Vivo em São José dos Campos-SP. Este último possibilitou a reflexão sobre a prática da intervenção urbana, uma vez que a autora participou de sua elaboração, enquanto os demais propiciaram uma reflexão a partir da análise feita por outros autores sobre os projetos. Ao final do estudo é possível esboçar a ideia de que o projeto urbano, dependendo das características que assume, pode ser um exemplo territorializado de desenvolvimento local. / This work aims for a reflection about the correspondences and dissimilarities between the policies that utilize urban projects and those of local development. In order to do that, it debates the local development concepts and extracts its key defining elements so these can serve as categories of analysis for selected case studies. The concept of urban project is also an object of discussion, specially its role as a management means to support the development of segment of a city in an ample way, thus promoting spatial, economical and social improvements. Six diverse case studies were selected with the goal of discussing the amplitude of the practice of urban projects, its similarities or not with local development and the contradictions between theory and practice. The selected case studies were Puerto Madero and the Distrito de Design in Buenos Aires, Argentina; the Complexo Estação das Docas and the Complexo Ver-o-Peso in Belém, capital of Pará (a state in Brazil); the project Eixo Tamanduatehy in Santo André, a city in the state of São Paulo in Brazil; the project Centro Vivo in São José dos Campos also a city in the state of São Paulo in Brazil. The latter case allowed a reflection about the practice of urban intervention from the perspective of the author who participated in its elaboration. The other five case studies supported a reflection based on the analyses performed by other authors. At the end of this study, it is possible to outline the idea that the urban project, depending on the characteristics that it assumes, can be a territorialized example of local development.

每隔一段時間，就會有專家、學者出面預測中國大陸即將崩潰，只是實際情況的發展似乎與他們的預期有所出入。換言之，儘管中國大陸目前有許多問題，但是尚未有證據顯示，這些問題在短期內可能引發重大危機。 中國大陸曾經被視為約十年會有一個週期的政治危機週期，上次危機發生在一九八九年，在時序進入二○○五年之後，似乎已逐漸脫離危機週期的規律。 任何國家都可能發生各式各樣的危機，危機的結果卻不見得會帶來崩潰，其關鍵在於國家與社會如何面對及應付危機，雙方關係究竟在危機前後是如何彼此定位？ 以天安門民主運動事件為例，在事件發生之前，中國大陸正面臨自改革開放以來最大的經濟危機—通貨膨脹。 然而危機的結果是以軍隊鎮壓收場，使得中國大陸社會運動就此陷於沉寂之中，晚近社會抗議事件雖然有增加的趨勢，但距離真正形成持續性的社會運動尚遠。 由此可知，政權出現正當性危機進而使得社會自主性增加，就必須具備兩項條件：一是引發正當性危機的事件出現；二是正當性危機出現後，社會力量興起與各方政治勢力透過妥協安排後，增加其本身的自由性。 本研究的目的要解答的問題是「天安門事件後中國大陸國家能力與社會自主性的關係」，此外社會力量之興起及政治勢力會否妥協，牽涉到各種菁英及一舨民眾對政治的態度問題，故本文亦藉用政治文化的研究途徑來探討國家能力與社會自主性之關係。

Cette thèse porte sur le rôle des organismes communautaires entre 1994 et 2002 dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté au Québec et en Irlande et ce, dans un contexte de gouvernance. Au cours de années 1980 et 1990, des gouvernements, dont ceux du Québec et de l’Irlande, ont fait appel à des organismes communautaires pour que ceux-ci participent à la gestion des services sociaux ainsi qu’à la formulation des politiques sociales. Cette participation s’est inscrite dans le cadre de nouveaux arrangements politiques, soit des nouvelles formes de gouvernance alors que les gouvernements éprouvaient des difficultés à remédier à l’accroissement des inégalités sociales. Cependant, il demeure difficile de discerner en quoi l’établissement de ces nouvelles formes de gouvernance a façonné le rôle des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration des politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. De plus, les partenariats sociaux en Irlande relèvent d’un processus davantage institué que la concertation au Québec, ce qui a entraîné des différences au plan des mobilisations sociales. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc celui de mieux cerner le lien entre les nouvelles formes de gouvernance et la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. L’hypothèse mise en avant est que l’efficacité de l’action collective dépend de la manière dont les organismes communautaires s’y prennent pour pallier l’incertitude qui caractérise les modes de gouvernance. Sur le plan théorique, cette thèse mise sur les interactions entre acteurs et, plus particulièrement, sur la formation de réseaux de politiques publiques. Cela implique plus précisément de cerner comment les acteurs coordonnent des activités entre eux et se rallient autour d’un même thème, comme celui de la lutte contre la pauvreté. Lorsque la coordination des activités est forte et que le ralliement autour d’un même thème est important, on parle de coalition de cause. La nécessité de former une coalition se produit dans le contexte d’un champ institutionnel incertain, comme c’est le cas pour les mécanismes de concertation au Québec. Mais le caractère incertain du champ institutionnel entraîne aussi des divergences à l’intérieur de la coalition instaurée à cette occasion, ayant pour effet d’affaiblir la mobilisation sociale. Ainsi, l’interprétation que font les organismes communautaires des nouvelles formes de gouvernance façonne la manière dont ces organismes vont définir la lutte contre la pauvreté et élaborer leurs stratégies. Sur le plan méthodologique, le choix des cas de l’Irlande et du Québec repose dans les différences qui existent en termes de gouvernance et ce, alors qu’ils partagent de fortes similarités. Tant l’Irlande que le Québec sont caractérisés par des économies de marché ouvertes, des régimes d’État-providence de type libéral ainsi que l’emprise, par le passé, de l’Église catholique dans les services sociaux. Cependant, ces deux cas diffèrent en ce qui concerne le rôle de l’État, le système électoral, le statut juridico-politique, le caractère de leur économie et la place occupée par le milieu communautaire par rapport à l’État. Ces différences permettent de rendre compte du moins en ce qui concerne le Québec et l’Irlande, de la manière dont l’action collective découle de la relation entre les stratégies des acteurs et le contexte dans lequel ils se situent. Cette thèse montre comment, dans un processus davantage institué, comme c’est le cas des partenariats sociaux en Irlande, la mobilisation sociale s’avère plus efficace que lorsqu’elle se situe dans le cadre d’un processus moins institué, comme ce qu’on peut observer avec la concertation au Québec. Bien que, dans les deux cas, l’influence du milieu communautaire en matière des politiques sociales demeure mitigée, la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires irlandais s’est avérée plus efficace que celle de leurs homologues québécois eu égard de la formulation de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. Au Québec, bien que les organismes communautaires sont parvenus à former une coalition, soit le Collectif pour une loi sur l’élimination de la pauvreté, leur mobilisation s’est trouvée affaiblie en raison de la prédominance de divergences entre acteurs communautaires. De telles divergences étaient aggravées en raison du caractère incertain du champ institutionnel lié à la concertation. En Irlande, bien que les organismes communautaires ont dû faire face à des contraintes qui rendaient difficiles la formation d’une coalition, ceux-ci ont pu néanmoins se mobiliser autrement, notamment en raison de liens formés avec des fonctionnaires dans le cadre des ententes partenariales. / This dissertation concentrates on the role community organisations played between 1994 and 2002 in the development of anti-poverty policies in Québec and in Ireland. The elaboration of these policies took place within a context characterized by new forms of governance, that is new political arrangements designed to include non-governmental actors in the policy process. Indeed, since the 1980s and 1990s, community organizations have been called upon by their governments to take part in the delivery of social services and, in particular, in the development of anti-poverty policies. This comes at a time when governments are having difficulty addressing social inequalities. But despite greater inclusion of community organizations into the policy process, the extent of their role in social policy development remains difficult to ascertain. This is made all the more difficult on account of institutional differences, like those that exist between social partnerships in Ireland and cooperation-based initiatives (« la concertation ») in Québec. The objective of this dissertation is therefore to understand how new forms of governance shaped community organizations’ efforts to mobilize around the fight against poverty. The hypothesis put forth in this dissertation is that collective action is shaped by the way in which community organizations compose with the uncertainty which characterizes new modes of governance. The theoretical framework focuses on the way in which actors interact in the course of the development of anti-poverty policies. These interactions are characterized by the formation of policy networks. Their cohesion depends on the extent to which actors coordinate their activities and also rally around a similar theme, like that of fighting against poverty and social exclusion. When a policy network is highly cohesive, it resembles an advocacy coalition. This happens when actors’ mobilization efforts take place within a less institutionalized process. Because such a process is marked by uncertainty, it becomes necessary for actors such as community organizations to form a coalition. However, with that uncertainty differences emerge over strategy within such a coalition. As a result, the formation of a coalition does not, in and of itself, guarantee a strong mobilization. Put simply, community organizations’ efforts depend on the way in which they interpret the new forms of governance in which they participate. From a methodological standpoint, the choice to study Québec and Ireland on a comparative basis lies in the fact that although the two cases share strong similarities, they differ sharply when it comes to governance. Both are small open economies, have liberal welfare states and have, in the past, been characterized by the Catholic Church’s predominance in social services. However, these cases differ in terms of the role of the state, their electoral systems, their judicial and political status, the nature of their economies and the role of the community sector in public policy. Such a comparison renders it possible to better understand in what way actors’ strategies are related to the wider context in which they find themselves. This dissertation has found that while social mobilization may, in the context of an institutionalized process, seem weak, it is more effective in enabling community organizations to exert influence in the development of anti-poverty policies. This was the case in Ireland. Indeed, while the social partnership process constrained community organizations in forming a coalition, it also enabled them to form ties with key civil servants. This gave community organizations the opportunity to tailor their demands in an effective manner. Such a margin of manoeuver did not exist for community organizations in Québec. Moreover, the need to form a coalition resulted in community organizations diverging over strategy. Their divergences stemmed from the uncertain form « la concertation » took in the development of Bill 112, the anti-poverty bill. While community organizations did form a coalition, the Collective to Eliminate Poverty, disagreements over strategy took over, thus weakening mobilization efforts.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:17:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Lucia Sanches.pdf: 5839954 bytes, checksum: 662abb93707e6f0316ee6e5f9fdfb59c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work was carried out to examine the experience of the Board of commitment, included in the Shared Action Program, as an alternative to reframe participation in Diadema, Brazil. Was formulated as a hypothesis that the implementation of the Board of commitment, rooted in popular education, represents a path of solidarity and education for the reclassification of Participation in the context of the history of participatory culture of Diadema. The object of this research is the study of the Councils commitment to running the Garden Canhema in Diadema, from 2002 to 2009, while articulating new subjects, residents of communities, which clump together for action, solidarity and conviviality in the territory. The terms of reference were adopted: civil society, state expanded, the Public Sphere, Democracy, Participation, Adult Education and Pedagogy of Democratic Management. Bibliographic search was performed and document the character of the research was qualitative, with semi-structured interviews conducted with nine subjects participating in the Councils of Commitment, and Participant Observation. The reflections of the research on the construction of the public sphere show that the Councils commitment to provide new experiences of participation, to establish associative links, imbued with a sense of belonging and solidarity, through the Adult Education and weaved in the daily relations between civil society and the State experiences democratic / A presente dissertação foi realizada com o objetivo de analisar a experiência dos Conselhos de Compromisso, inserida no Programa Ação Compartilhada, como uma alternativa de ressignificação da participação em Diadema-SP. Formulou-se como hipótese que a implementação dos Conselhos de Compromisso, ancorada na Educação Popular, representa um caminho solidário e educativo para a ressignificação da Participação no contexto da história da cultura participativa de Diadema. O objeto desta pesquisa constitui-se no estudo dos Conselhos de Compromisso em funcionamento no Jardim Canhema em Diadema, de 2002 a 2009, enquanto articuladores de novos sujeitos, moradores dos bairros, que se agregam para ações, e convivências solidárias no território. Os conceitos de referência adotados foram: sociedade civil, Estado ampliado, Esfera Pública, Democracia, Participação, Educação Popular e Pedagogia da Gestão Democrática. Foi realizada pesquisa bibliográfica e documental e o carater da pesquisa foi qualitativo, com entrevistas semiestruturadas com nove sujeitos participantes dos Conselhos de Compromisso, além de Observação Participante. As reflexões da pesquisa sobre a construção da esfera pública demonstram que os Conselhos de Compromisso constituem novas experiências participativas, ao estabelecerem vínculos associativos, imbuídos de sentimento de pertença e solidariedade, através da Educação Popular e cotidianamente tecida nas relações entre sociedade civil e Estado em vivências democráticas