This essay aims to examine the expressions of love in classical Persian poetry and the European, medieval courtly love. The main focus is to analyze the Persian divine love using a selection of poems from Jalal al-din Rumis Vassflöjtens sång and Fakhr al-din Araqis Gnistornas bok, both translated and commented by Ashk Dahlén. The method used for this study is to analyze the Persian divine love with the perspective of the courtly love using the questions how the love in the poems are expressed and how it relates to the rules of courtly love. The knowledge behind the Persian poetry is mostly provided by Ashk Dahlén, Bo Utas and Simon Sorgenfrei with Kärleken begär att detta tal skall fram. The divine love is in the analysis compared with different expressions of medieval courtly love throughout the century supported by Anders Cullheds chapter about courtly love in Tidens guld: essayer om kanon, liv, poesi and Carin Franzéns Jag gav honom inte min kärlek: Om hövisk kärlek som kvinnlig strategi. I do a comparative analysis between the Persian poetry and different examples from the courtly love highlighting mostly the similarities but also some important differences. It also examines the use of eros and agape with the help of Anders Johanssons Kärleksförklaring: Subjektiveringens dialektik for a more in depth analyze. In conclusion, I found that there are a lot of similarities in the expression of both worldly and divine contexts but that it is built on different foundations. The essay ends by discussing the predominant similarities and why it might be similar but also problematizes and highlights a few differences like the use of eros and agape and the use of motives. The intention of this essay is to open up for further research regarding the subject and examine why it is possible to find such similarities at the same historical time but in two different parts of the world. / Denna uppsats ämnar jämföra kärleksuttrycket i klassisk persisk poesi med den europeiska, medeltida höviska kärleken. Syftet med denna uppsats är att utifrån ett höviskt kärleksperspektiv analysera hur kärleken kommer till uttryck hos två namn inom den klassiska persiska poesin, Jalal al-din Rumi och Fakhr al-din Araqi. Den gudomliga kärleken har analyserats med hjälp av Rumis samling Vassflöjtens sång och Araqis Gnistornas bok, båda översatta och kommenterade av Ashk Dahlén. Metoden för denna uppsats är att analysera den persiska poesin med hjälp av den höviska kärleken som ett verktyg. Detta kommer att göras med hjälp av frågorna hur kärleken i poesin tar sig uttryck och hur den förhåller sig till den höviska kärleksmodellen. Vetskapen om den persiska poesin tillhandahålls av bland annat Ashk Dahlén, Bo Utas och Simon Sorgenfrei med antologin Kärleken begär att detta tal skall fram. Den gudomliga kärleken jämförs i analysen med olika uttryck av höviska kärlek genom århundradet med hjälp av Anders Cullheds kapitel om hövisk kärlek i Tidens guld: essay om kanon, liv, poesi och Carin Franzéns Jag gav honom inte min kärlek: Om hövisk kärlek som kvinnlig strategi. Jag gör en komparativ analys mellan den persiska poesin och diverse exempel från den höviska kärleken och framhäver framförallt dess likheter men också en del större olikheter. Uppsatsen undersöker också användningen av eros och agape med hjälp av Anders Johanssons Kärleksförklaring: Subjektiveringens dialektik för en djupare analys. Sammanfattningsvis visar analysen en rad likheter i uttrycket inom både värdsliga och andliga sammanhang men också att dessa likheter grundar sig på olika utgångspunkter. Uppsatsen avslutas med att diskutera de övervägande likheterna och varför dessa går att finna men problematiserar och framhäver även de olikheter som går att finna som användadet av eros och agape samt användningen av motiv. Intentionen med denna uppsats är att öppna upp för mer forskning inom området och att undersöka varför det är möjligt att finna dessa likheter under samma tidsperiod i olika delar av världen.

Scholarship has tended to focus exclusively on connections of Qawwali, a north Indian devotional practice and musical genre, to religious practice. A focus on the religious degree of the occasion inadequately represents the participant’s active experience and has hindered the discussion of Qawwali in modern practice. Through the examples of Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan’s music and an insightful BBC radio article on gender inequality this thesis explores the fluid musical exchanges of information with other styles of Qawwali performances, and the unchanging nature of an oral tradition that maintains sociopolitical hierarchies and gender relations in Sufi shrine culture. Perceptions of history within shrine culture blend together with social and theological developments, long-standing interactions with society outside of the shrine environment, and an exclusion of the female body in rituals. To better address Qawwali performances and their meanings, I foreground the perspectives of shrine social actors and how their thoughts reflect their community, its music, and gendered spaces. / text

MOROCCO'S RELIGIOUS POLICY SINCE 2003 The year 2003 marks a beginning of a new era in moroccan religious policy, which aims at an unification of religious field in the kingdom and a fight against islamic radicalism. Moroccan king Mohammed VI. succeeded in management of both internal and external threats to his kingdom's stability in past twelve years and in a comparison with his counterparts he managed to emerge strengthened out of crisis of the first decade of a new millennium. Main topic of this essay is to map an effort to control moroccan religious scene by state and its achievements and failures.

The label ‘Muslim’ is increasingly being used to exclude migrants and non-ethnic Germans from German society. Although this process began after 2000 when Germany’s citizenship laws changed from jus sanguinis to incorporate an element of jus soli and minority subjects could no longer be ‘othered’ by their passports alone, it intensified shortly afterwards due to the terrorist attacks of 9/11 (Spielhaus 2006). Specifically within the German context, the discovery that Mohamed Atta, one of the perpetrators of 9/11, had lived and studied in Hamburg, the foiled bomb plots of 2006 and 2007, and the 2011 Frankfurt Airport shooting all served to buttress this paradigmatic shift from national/ethnic difference to religious. Yet, rather than responding in kind to this identitarian entrenchment, the work of Zafer Şenocak, SAID, Feridun Zaimoglu and Navid Kermani (all minority writers of varying Muslim backgrounds) suggests new ways of thinking about community, identity and religiosity that are fluid, non-foundational and open to an undecided future, which can all be illuminated by Jean-Luc Nancy’s theories of the ‘inoperative community’ (2000 and 1991) and the deconstruction of monotheism (2008).For Nancy, the traditional understanding of community as the fusion of immanent individuals with a common identity must be resisted, as this disguises our actual ontological interrelatedness as ‘singular beings’ who are radically open to one another. This non-foundational approach regards the spacing of interconnected singular beings (their ‘being-in-common’) as the sense of the world, and rejects universalising ideologies that seek to confer sense upon the world from the outside, since these act to close down meaning and divide us up into polarised communities. In Nancy’s terms, whether these ideologies be political or religious, they are both defined by the monotheistic paradigm that operates through a separate ideal world that acts as our world’s guiding principle. This is why Nancy himself rejects the term cosmopolitanism, as its philosophical roots in the metaphysics of the Enlightenment stem from the ideal world of pure Reason. Nevertheless, just as the inoperative community can be understood as a non-foundational route to cosmopolitan solidarities, the deconstruction of monotheism too leaves space for a non-foundational religiosity that resists traditional identities and symbolism. Nancy proposes, borrowing from mysticism, a God not as ‘the “other world” [...], but the other of the world’ (2008, p. 10), that is to say, a religiosity that does not position God as the subject of the world and its organizing principle, but concerns itself instead with glimpsing the divine in the alterity in our world, which results from the very nothingness of its origins. These arguments, that I place at the forefront of post-9/11 debates surrounding cosmopolitanism and religion, can shed light on the literary writing of Şenocak, SAID, Zaimoglu and Kermani, who draw upon the immanentist tradition within Islamic mysticism in order to intimate a non-identitarian religiosity that figures in the alterity of the world and leaves open all possibilities for the future. In this regard, their fiction hints at an affective and worldly spirituality that can be found in love, sex, music and the natural world, which, whilst also serving to dispel stereotypical associations between Islam and sexual conservatism, hints at a post-monotheistic religiosity beyond identity and ideology. Thus, rather than creating a homogenous foundation through dialogue (the approach of the German state and often of interkultureller Germanistik), the non-foundational and cosmopolitan conceptualisations of the self, community and religiosity found in the writing of these authors both undermine the closed identities that are clashing violently across the globe at the start of the twenty-first century and also open up the space for us to imagine new ways of coexisting.

Cette recherche se propose de suivre le développement en islam de la piété centrée sur la figure du Prophète, à travers la pratique de la « prière sur le Prophète ». Elle part de la place de cette prière dans les textes fondateurs et dans la tradition juridico-théologique. Elle se livre ensuite à l'analyse philologique d'un choix significatif de formules de « prière sur le Prophète » (taṣliya, pl. taṣliyāt ) depuis le début de l'islam jusqu'au XIXème siècle, en mettant l'accent sur la tradition maghrébine, marocaine plus précisément. Il s'agit non seulement de recenser ce que disent ces formules sur Muhammad, son caractère, ses vertus, sa fonction prophétique, son rôle spirituel, mais encore de relever les implications doctrinales de ces textes. Ce travail d'analyse aboutit à une synthèse thématique montrant le développement progressif, surtout à partir du XIIème siècle, de formules de prière qui mettent en valeur la dimension métaphysique et cosmique du Prophète plus précisément de la « Lumière » ou de la « Réalité muhammadienne ». Les maîtres soufis qui composent ces taṣliyāt mettent ainsi le Prophète au coeur de la doctrine et de la pratique spirituelles. / This research project aims to chart the development of Islamic piety centered on the figure of the Prophet, through the practice of the « prayer on the Prophet ». It begins with the prayer itself which is present in the founding documents of the legal-theological tradition. It continues with a philological analysis of a significant selection of prayer formulas (taṣliya, pl.taṣliyāt ) spanning the beginning of Islam through to the 19th century, with a special emphasis on the traditions of the Maghreb, specifically Morocco. The purpose of such an overview is to identify what these formulas reveal about Muhammad, his character, his virtues, his prophetic office and spiritual role, as well as uncover the doctrinal implications of these texts. This analysis leads to a thematic synthesis showing the progressive development, particularly from the 12th century on, of prayer formulas that put emphasis on the metaphysical and cosmic dimensions of the Prophet, more precisely of the « Light » or « Muhammadan reality ». The Sufi masters who composed these texts thus put the Prophet at the heart of both doctrine and spiritual practice.

Cette thèse s’intitule : « Les Zaouïas Darqâwiyyas au Maroc ; Zaouïa d’al-Basîr comme exemple ». Elle présente une confrérie marocaine active basée sur une méthode d’éducation spirituelle d’origine Darqâwiyya. Cette Zaouïa joue un rôle important dans la société marocaine à plusieurs niveaux : le savoir et la culture religieux, le social et la politique, illustrant ainsi la pratique des anciens soufis. A travers les chapitres de cette thèse, je donnerai une vue d’ensemble sur l’histoire du soufisme marocain et des différentes étapes qu’il a franchies ainsi que les raisons de la permanence ou de la disparition de certains courants soufis. La Tariqa Darqâwiyya ainsi que son origine la Shâdhiliyya vont être abordées dans un second temps. Je présenterai la genèse de la tariqa Darqâwiyya ainsi que son fondateur le Shaykh Mulay al-‘Arabi al-Darqâwi. La Tariqa Darqawiyya a donné naissance à différentes voies soufies. Les modalités de son expansion en Orient et en Europe, ainsi que les principes employés dans l’éducation spirituelle seront abordés aussi. Enfin, je traiterai en détail un exemple vivant de l’enseignement issu de la Darqâwiyya : la «Zaouia Basîriyya», son origine, son fondateur le Shaykh Ibrâhîm al-Basîr et les caractéristiques de cette Tariqa. / This thesis is entitled "The Zaouïas Darqâwiyyas in Morocco; Zawiya al-Basir as an example." It has an active Moroccan Tariqa based on an original method Darqawiyya spiritual education. This Zaouïa plays an important role in Moroccan society on several levels: Knowledge and religious culture, social and political, reflecting the practice of early Sufis. Through the chapters of this thesis, I will give an overview on the history of Moroccan Sufism and the various stages it has crossed and the reasons of permanence or disappearance of some Sufi currents. Tariqa Darqawiyya as well as its origin the Shadhiliyya will be addressed in a second time. I will present the genesis of Darqawiyya tariqa and its founder Shaykh al-Arabi Mulay al-Darqawi. Tariqa Darqawiyya gave birth to various Sufi paths. The terms of its expansion in the East and in Europe, and the principles used in spiritual education will be addressed too. Finally, I will discuss in detail about "Zaouia Basîriyya", its origin, its founder, Shaykh Ibrahim al-Basir and characteristics of this Tariqa.

Au Sénégal, l’essentiel de la population musulmane est affilié au soufisme. Quatre principales confréries soufi, dont la tajaniyya, la mouridiyya, la qadiriyya et la layiniyya, organisent la vie islamique et définissent, en partie, l’identité du musulman sénégalais. Mais, depuis la fin des années 1970, des sénégalais revendiquent d’autres façons d’être musulman hors du soufisme et de ces confréries tout en restant sunnites (il existe une petite minorité de chiites). Ils se constituent en associations et mouvements islamiques très dynamiques. Leur rigorisme les mène à catégoriser les croyances et pratiques d’islam au Sénégal en orthodoxes (les leurs) et hétérodoxes (celles des soufi). Ainsi, ils se coupent de toute filiation confrérique soufi, critiquent des croyances et pratiques soufi et affichent leur différence par des codes vestimentaires, des pratiques islamiques, des comportements sociaux, etc. Ces logiques religieuses et identitaires les font appeler d’abord « arabisants » (par opposition aux sortants de l’école français, européenne) puis « ibadou », en référence au nom choisi, pour leurs membres, par les fondateurs de l’association Jama’atou Ibadou Rahmane (JIR).Dans cette thèse, nous avons essayé de montrer en quoi les « ibadou du Sénégal » nous renseignent sur les croyances et pratiques actuelles d’islam puis en quoi ils rendent compte des crises de l’islam dans ce contexte de globalisation marqué, depuis le 11 septembre 2001, par la médiatisation de l’islamisme radical et du terrorisme. / This doctoral dissertation investigates, and aims at highlighting, the ways in which the «ibadou of Senegal» account for the current Islamic practices and beliefs in Senegal and how they cope with the predicaments of Islam in the context of a globalizing world, mainstreamed ideas of radical Islam and terrorism, of which 11th of September 2001 has been a historical landmark. In Senegal, the majority of the Muslim population is affiliated to Sufism. Four main Sufi groups, namely the tajaniyya, the mouridiyya, the qadirriya and the layiniyya, organize the Islamic life and define the identity of the Muslim population in the country. However, since the late 1970s, some Senegalese people pursued other ways of practicing their religion, outside of Sufism while remaining Sunnis (with a minority of Chia Muslims). They organize themselves in communities with highly dynamic Islamic movements. Their religious rigorism mas made them categorize their Islamic faith and practices as Orthodox, and that of others as Heterodox (The Sufi Muslims). Furthermore, with an outright different dress code, they segregate themselves from the Sufi group by criticizing their beliefs and practices and promoting Islamic practices and social conduct of their own. They were, first, called “Arabist” by training and by their very religious and identity logics, (in opposition to those affiliated with the French schooling system) then now are known as « ibadou », in reference to Jama’atou Ibadou Rahmane, a name chosen for the members, but by the founders, of the Association.

La plupart des historiens maliens considèrent le Vllème siècle de l'ère chrétienne comme la date de l'avènement de l'islam au Mali, alors que le soufisme n'y fit probablement son apparition qu'à partir du XVème siècle. Cette apparition soufie se caractérise alors par des pratiques individuelles et disséminées ici et là. Il faut donc attendre l'aube du XIXème siècle pour voir une véritable émergence du soufisme et une large expansion de l'islam avec les efforts déployés par Sïdï al­ Mubtar al-Kabïr, l'instauration de l'Etat musulman du Macina et le gihëid lancé par al-ijag 'Umar. Les deux voies spirituelles, Qadiriyya et Tiganiyya entreront en opposition, mais feront résistance à l'intrusion coloniale dans le pays. Après l'indépendance du Mali, en 1960, les soufis participeront activement à la vie politique et sociale du pays. Enfin les soufis maliens sont à l'origine de maintes œuvres intellectuelles destinées à faire connaître leur voie spirituelle. / For the most part, Malian historians see and consider the 7th century of the Christian era as the advent of Islam in Mali, while Sufism most likely came into existence there by the 15th century only. This Sufi first appearance is then characterized by spread and individual practices here and there. It is only at the dawn of the 19th century that a true emergence of Sufism and a great expansion of Islam through the efforts made by Sïdï al-Mubtar al-Kabïr, the establishment of the theocratic state of Macina, and the call to jihad by al-I:Iag 'Umar can be seen. The two spiritual paths known respectively as Qadiriyya and Tiganiyya will corne into conflict but they will both resist colonial intrusion into their country. After Malian independence in 1960, Sufis will take an active part in political and social life of the country. Finally, Malian Sufis are behind numerous intellectual works meant to make their spiritual paths known.

À l’ère numérique, la société vit des mutations radicales. Internet et les autres technologies de l’information ont un retentissement majeur et croissant sur la plupart des composantes sociétales, dont le religieux. La spiritualité musulmane, composante du patrimoine culturel mondial, est elle aussi impliquée dans cette digitalisation effrénée. Ainsi, les réseaux sociaux, les forums de discussion et l’accès à Internet en mobilité influencent la trajectoire du soufisme. Les défis qui lui sont posés sont multiples. Leur analyse et la mise en perspective de l’islam spirituel contemporain au travers d’Internet nous permettent de mieux saisir les liens entre spiritualité et virtualité, entre technologies et religion, et, par là même, d’entrevoir des champs de recherche interdisciplinaires inédits. Au-delà de la spiritualité, nous nous intéressons aux parallèles que l’on peut dresser entre Internet et les activités qui comportent une initiation, un accompagnement, une formation ou un apprentissage. / In this digital era, society is undergoing radical changes. Internet and other information technology are having major and growing repercussions on most societal components, including religion. Muslim spirituality, a component of the world’s cultural heritage, is also involved in this frantic digitalisation. Thus social networks, discussion forums and mobile Internet access are influencing the path Sufism is taking. The challenges facing it are multiple. Analysing them and putting into perspective modern, spiritual Islam through the Internet enables us to better grasp the links between spirituality and virtuality, between technology and religion, and at the same time glimpse at new, interdisciplinary fields of research. Beyond spirituality, we explore the parallels that can be made between the Internet and activities including initiation, support, training or apprenticeships.

伊斯蘭蘇非主義靈修活動主要表現於道團(Tariqa)的儀式，如Dhikr、Sama‘。本論文以土耳其梅拉維道團(Mevleviyeh)之儀式為主要考察對象，以探討靈修活動中的Sama‘儀式。Sama‘意為對神啟示訊息(Wahy)的聆聽，以旋轉動作配以音樂之展演而呈現出整套完整的儀式。梅拉維道團的成員通常藉由Sama‘而達到出神無我之境界，以期能達到接近真主的精神昇華(Qurba)。本論文的內容主要分為下列幾項: (一)伊斯蘭蘇非主義的起源與意義、蘇非道團之興起以及中世紀波斯地區之各個頗具代表性的蘇非道團作一界定、描述與比較；(二)探討梅拉維道團之精神導師陸彌(Jalal al-Din Rumi)的生平、思想及其對後世梅拉維道團發展之影響；(三)討論梅拉維道團之發展及其歷史，並試圖將陸彌的思想與梅拉維道團之發展做連結；(四)探討分析Sama‘之儀式: 界定Sama‘、分析詮釋其儀式之內涵、靈修之意義。 / The most common Sufi rituals are expressed in the order (tariqa)’s activities, mainly the Dhikr or Sama‘. This study focuses on the Turkish Sufi tariqa, the Mevleviyah which is attributed to the great medieval Sufi master Jalal al-Din Rumi. The contents of this thesis will deal with the brief history of Sufism in medieval period, the life and thought of Rumi, history of the development of Mevleviyeh tariqa, the analysis of Sama‘ ritual which is the core ritual of Mevleviyeh tariqa. The aim of this thesis is to show the importance of Islamic studies in term of human spiritual achievement.