This essay is about uncovered women's faith and worship in an urban setting in contemporary Turkey. It researches the possibility of any common factors for uncovered Sunni Muslims' faith and worship as well as what parts of classical Muslim faith they have found negotiable. The essay relates to current literature and research on the topic as well as provides an insider perspective based on interviews with Turkish women.

This essay has focused on the presentation of shia-islam in textbooks. It is a study of textbooks for lower secondary school and has analysed three different textbooks. The essay looks into what the textbooks and its authors writes about shia-islam and what information they leave out. The essay studies previous research on Islam in textbooks and other textbook studies. It focuses also on shia-islam as a whole and provides a description of various elements of shia-islam that are not present in the textbooks. Elements such as the shia-islams pillars of faith and the role of the imams in shia. These elements of shia-islam are elements of such nature that they could have been a part of the textbook since they differ from the sunni-islam point of view. These parts of islam are presented in the textbooks but solely from the sunni-muslim perspective. The essay analyses the textbook in form and content and conclude what difficulties the description of shia-islam offers.

Magister Artium - MA / This research investigates, within the framework of classical Sunni Islamic scholarship,what we might expect an Islamic opinion about evolution to be,bringing together an accurate and detailed understanding of evolutionary biology as the field stands today with a systematic consideration of the traditional Islamic sciences.The scope of the study encompasses the scholarly traditions recognized, at least by their respective adherents, to be part of Muslim orthodoxy – referred to in Islamic discourse as Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jamāʿah or more colloquially as “Sunni”. It covers the works of the scholars of the Ashʿarī, Māturīdī, and Salafī theological schools as well as the sources which they all draw upon – the Qur’ān, the Sunnah, and the opinions of the Salaf.The reason for this choice is that these traditions represent for most Muslims the “mainstream” of Islamic thinking, and therefore have a greater relevance for determining what a general Islamic perspective on evolution could be.The study first identifies and defines the methodological approaches of classical Sunni scholarship that have relevance to the question of an Islamic position on biological evolution. It also identifies and defines the issues within the field of Evolutionary Biology that need to be brought under scrutiny. The methods of classical Islamic Theology are then applied to the claims of Evolutionary Biology, drawing on traditional Islamic sources. The result of the study is an extrapolation of what an orthodox Islamic position towards biological evolution could be. Is Islam neutral towards the idea of biological evolution? Does it support it or categorically reject it? Can it accept certain aspects of Evolutionary Biology while rejecting others?Finally, the extrapolated “classical” Islamic position on evolution is compared with the writings of some contemporary Muslim scholars whose views run contrary to that extrapolation. Possible reasons for the discrepancy are explored.Such an interdisciplinary work should provide a valuable frame of reference for a more accurate analysis of the creation-evolution debate unfolding in the Muslim world today.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The year 1924, which coincided with the fall of the Ottoman Caliphate and more recently, the Arab Spring which started in Tunisia in December 2010, and spread across much of north Africa and parts of the Middle East, has captured the attention of worldwide audiences, but also policy makers from the West to relook at the masses in the Muslim world as not politically acquiescent, even ignorant, but also, and more importantly as to which forms of government these regions would adopt, secular or Shari‘ah based (Islamic Law), or a combination of the two. The proposed research will examine and compare the views of the Shī‘i Iranian leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and Egyptian Sunni intellectual and Muslim Brotherhood ideologue, Sayyid Quţb regarding the form of government and its source of authority. Both scholars agreed on the sovereignty of the Sharỉ‘ah. Khomeini stressed the centrality of the establishment of an Islamic government and the concept of Wilāyat al-faqīh in his book of Ḥukūmah al-Islamiyyah (Khomeini, undate). Therefore, Khomeini’s doctrine of Wilāyat al-faqīh argues that the government should be run in accordance with the Shari‘ah. For this to happen, a high-ranking cleric (Islamic jurist) should provide political guardianship over the people in the absence of and until the reappearance of the Hidden Imām. Sayyid Quţb stressed the establishment of an Islamic society before attempting to codify the Sharī‘ah (Quţb, 1981:76). His writing on politics and government does not lay out a comprehensive plan for Islamic governance. He does however; provide a foundation and three sub-principles that help determine its powers and structure. He declared that the foundation of Islamic political rule is Ulūhiyya (servitude) and Al-ḥākimiyya (sovereignty of Sharī‘ah) of Allah. This means that the Islamic government is the rule of God (Loboda, 2004: 25) Furthermore, Quţb, argues that Islam does not provide man with sovereignty, but Allah (God) is the only sovereign. In addition, he clarifies that an Islamic form of government itself is not divine as past Christian governments considered their kings to be divinely ordained. Instead, any rule with reference to Al-ḥākimiyya and based on three subprinciples is Islamic rule (Quţb, 1993). The three sub-principles for Islamic political rule indicated by Sayyid Quţb are as follows. Firstly, the rulers should be just. Secondly, the people should be obedient to the ruler as long as he submits to the sovereignty of Allah and implements the Sharī‘ah. Thirdly, there should be consultation between the rulers and the community. However Sayyid Quţb does not indicate a clear method of consultation between the ruler and the people. Instead, he leaves it up to the local conditions of the community. In the third principle, Quţb indicated that the importance of consultation encompasses the entire concept of Islamic rule and Muslim community life (Quţb, 1993:45). This means Sayyid Quţb "indirectly states that rulers should be elected by democratic vote" (Loboda. 2004:28).

Scholars of Islamic history have long recognized the fascinating transition of Sufism from a loose set of distinct tendencies in the third/ninth centuries, to a self-conscious movement which, by the beginning of the sixth/twelfth century, had entered into the mainstream and began to pervade all levels of society. Many have sought to explain the developments in the interim between the third/ninth and sixth/twelfth centuries which resulted in the eventual popularization of Sufism by the end of that period. It is known that instrumental to this process was the rising prominence of the so-called awliyā’ Allāh (“Friends of God”) who before long, were primarily identified with masters of the Ṣūfī path. Given the integration of Sufism into mainstream Sunnī Islam, Sunnī theology came to adopt the miracles of the Friends as markers of sainthood (wilāyah). My project seeks a more comprehensive understanding of how this took place, and the challenges that presented against this development. To this end, this project explores the debates on the Friends and their miracles between two opposing camps, the emerging Sunnī-Ṣūfī majority in contradistinction to the Muʿtazilah. I adopt a combination of textual, source-critical, and contextual approaches to Sunnī and Muʿtazilī writings on sainthood from the third/ninth to the fifth/eleventh century and place these sources in conversation with one another to better understand the stakes involved. This project also highlights the discursive nature of the Islamic tradition, with Muslim writers dynamically acting and reacting to one another, and to their social environments, in their attempts to define the boundaries of Islamic thought. / Religion

Syftet i den här studien har varit att analysera skillnaderna såväl likheterna mellan de ash’aritiska och maturidiska skolorna, som anses vara de ortodoxa strömningarna inom sunniislamisk teologi, samt att förklara faktorerna som har bidragit skillnader och likheter. Frågeställningarna som har besvarats är följande; 1) På vilket sätt skiljer sig Maturidi-skolan från den ash’aritiska skolan? Vilka likheter respektive olikheter finns mellan de två teologiska strömningarna sett ur auktoriteternas uppfattning? 2) Hur kan skillnaderna alternativt likheterna mellan al-Taftazani och al-Ash’aris syn på Allahs attribut, ödet och tro förklaras? Källmaterialen som har använts för att analysera den maturidiska uppfattningen är Najm al-Din al-Nasafis verk ’Aqaid al-Nasafi och Sad al-Din al-Taftazanis bok Sharh ’Aqaid al-Nasafi, som är en kommentar på al-Nasafis bok. För det ash’aritiska perspektivet har Abu Hasan al-Ash’aris bok Kitab al-Luma analyserats. En kvalitativ metod har tillämpats i studie, där en närläsning av källmaterialen gjorts som sedan följts av en komparativ analys av dessa texter och nutida studier. I frågan om Allahs attribut och Guds form finns det inte större skillnader mellan skolorna. De anser att Gud inte kan tillskrivas en form, och att han har oskapade attribut. Det som skiljer är antalet oskapade attribut som nämns; även om maturiditer i över lag anser att det finns åtta oskapade attribut, nämner al-Nasafi elva, vilket visar att skillnader även finns bland teologer inom samma skola. Al-Ash’ari nämner däremot sju attribut. Angående ödet, kan man se att det finns en skillnad mellan skolorna på det sättet man betraktar då de använder olika termer för att förklara den mänskliga delen i handlingarna som utförs, men att de syftar på att förklara samma fenomen, nämligen att människor har en gudagiven förmåga att välja en handling fritt som de antingen belönas eller bestraffas av Allah beroende på innebörden av handlingen.  Den ash’aritiska och maturidiska synen på grovsyndaren är i princip samma; de anser att man till skillnad från kharijiter, som tror att syndare blir icke-troende, och från mu’taziliter, som anser att syndare varken är muslimer eller icke-troende utan i en position däremellan, att grovsyndare bör betraktas som muslimer. Deras förhållningssätt går att likna den murji’itiska, men är inte samma, då de anser att det finns en gräns för vem som kan betraktas som muslim.  Skillnaderna, men även likheterna, går att förklara utifrån tre faktorer. Den första faktorn är den tidigare traditionen där dessa skolor växte fram. Maturidism är en teologisk skola som uppstod i transoxanien, medan ash’arismen har sitt ursprung i området som utgör dagens Irak. Deras ursprungsplats har karakteriserat synsättet i skolorna, då den teologiska miljön har påverkat diskussionen de utfört, vilket är den andra faktorn. Den sista faktorn är tillvägagångssättet de följt. / The purpose of this study has been to analyze the differences as well as the similarities between the Ash'arite and Maturidi schools, which are considered the orthodox currents in Sunni Islamic theology, as well as to explain the factors that have contributed to the differences and similarities. The questions that have been answered are the following; 1) How does the Maturidi school differ from the Ash'arite school? What similarities and differences are there between the two theological currents seen from the perspective of the authorities? 2) How can the differences or similarities between al-Taftazani and al-Ash'ari's view of Allah's attributes, destiny and faith be explained? The source materials that have been used to analyze the Maturidi view are Najm al-Din al-Nasafi's work 'Aqaid al-Nasafi and Sad al-Din al-Taftazani's book Sharh 'Aqaid al-Nasafi, which is a commentary on al-Nasafi's book. For the Ash'arite perspective, Abu Hasan al-Ash'ari's book Kitab al-Luma has been analyzed. A qualitative method has been applied in the study, where a close reading of the source materials was done, which was then followed by a comparative analysis of these texts and contemporary studies. In the matter of Allah's attributes and God's form, there are no major differences between the schools. They believe that God cannot be ascribed a form, and that He has uncreated attributes. What differs is the number of uncreated attributes mentioned; although Maturidites generally believe that there are eight uncreated attributes, al-Nasafi mentions eleven, showing that differences exist even among theologians within the same school. Al-Ash'ari, on the other hand, mentions seven attributes. Regarding destiny, it can be seen that there is a difference between the schools as they use different terms to explain the human part in the actions performed. They aim to explain the same phenomenon, namely that humans have a God-given ability to choose an action freely as they are either rewarded or punished by Allah depending on the meaning of the action. This leads to a difference between the schools regarding the understanding of destiny. The Ash'arite and Maturidi views of the grave sinner are basically the same; they believe that (unlike the Kharijites, who believe that sinners become non-believers, and the Mu'tazilites, who believe that sinners are neither Muslims nor non-believers but in a position in between) that grave sinners should be considered Muslims. Their approach can be compared to the Murji'ite, but is not the same, as they believe that there is a limit to who can be considered a Muslim.  The general differences, but also the similarities, can be explained based on three factors. The first factor is the earlier tradition in which these schools emerged. Maturidism is a theological school that arose in Transoxania, while Ash'arism originated in the area that makes up present-day Iraq. Their place of origin has characterized the approach in the schools, as the theological environment has influenced the discussion they carried out, which is the second factor. The last factor is the approach they followed.

This dissertation analyzes the Iraqi reconstruction period, including two pivotal moments in 2005, the ratification of the new constitution and the democratic elections, to examine issues of identity and sectarianism in Iraq. The following analysis will assist in the demystification of Iraqi sectarianism, understood to be the manifestation of an identity struggle between Sunni and Shi’a groups within Iraq, and connect this phenomenon to issues of hegemony and democracy. The discussion of Sunni and Shi‘i relations in Iraq as it relates to the Iraqi reconstruction period involves numerous areas of discipline including politics surrounding the invasion and occupation, the history of Iraq, democratic principles, secularization, democracy, and its role Islam, and of course sectarianism to name a few. These topics are supported by King’s theory of postcolonialism, aspects of Geertz’s understanding of nationalism, and Weber’s connection of power and status. The impact of the 2003 invasion of Iraq will be understood in reference to Mark Juergensmeyer’s theory of cosmic war which he offers arises when symbols become deadly and the struggle for identity becomes so intense the thought of losing this conflict is unimaginable, therefore manifesting in a conflict that cannot be solved by Western political means. Furthermore, this dissertation addresses the role secularism plays in drafting of the 2005 Iraqi constitution and the following elections. Religious violence is nothing new, and in fact it often has little to do with religion itself; rather it’s a question of political and identity representation and identifies religious violence as a tool to gain power; it is through this lens that this dissertation positions sectarianism. This dissertation provides the groundwork for future projects which highlights the truth of American bias and identity issues while using sectarianism in Iraq as a case study for debunking the myth that religious conflict is prevalent in Islam due to the backward nature of the religion and suggests how dialogue might be useful in this instance. / Religion

The aim of this study is to examine how two Sunni Muslim social media influencers depict and represent Shia Islam through their YouTube videos. To aid the research two questions were formulated:  1. How are Shia Islam and Shia Muslims represented by Imran Ibn Mansur and Mohammed Hijab? 2. How can these representations be interpreted according to the theory of Othering? To answer the questions and the purpose of this study a qualitative method of argumentative analysis was used. Their display of Shia Islam is examined according to Edward Said’s theory of Othering together with discourse analysis. A table was also used to organize the statements and arguments that were used by the influencers. The interpretations of the influencers’ discourse also studied how it can affect young Muslims’ views on Shia Islam. Their YouTube comments are used to back up the influencers’ claims and argument about Shia Islam. The study shows that Ibn Mansur’s view of Shia Islam is based on the Salafist school of thought, where he believes Shia Muslims are non-Muslims and apostates. Hijab’s view of Shia Islam differs in the sense it is not as extreme as Ibn Mansur but still amplifies the general and questionable view of Shias as being the “Other” foreign and deviant followers of Islam. Their respective view of Shia Islam was widely supported by their viewers, who were sharing strong opinionated statements about the Shias. This study shows that Ibn Mansur’s and Hijab’s views and presentations of Shia Islam and Shia Muslims are very critical, even hostile, which could enhance young Muslims’ view of Shia Islam as an inadequate and unreliable branch of Islam, and in some cases a religion separate from Islam.

No / Although Iran is one of the most diverse nations in the Middle East, the state historically has been reluctant to adapt a pluralistic approach to both socio-political and economic development. This chapter focuses on the Sunni population in Iran, which is often overlooked in studies dealing with state-minority relations in Iran. It examines the socio-economic challenges of the Sunni population under both the Pahlavi dynasty and the Islamic Republic. Although the Islamic Republic based its ideology both on redistribution of wealth and empowerment of the impoverished, the ethnic Sunni Iranians who lived in the most impoverished regions of the country received very little attention from the new post-revolutionary order.

Au Sénégal, l’essentiel de la population musulmane est affilié au soufisme. Quatre principales confréries soufi, dont la tajaniyya, la mouridiyya, la qadiriyya et la layiniyya, organisent la vie islamique et définissent, en partie, l’identité du musulman sénégalais. Mais, depuis la fin des années 1970, des sénégalais revendiquent d’autres façons d’être musulman hors du soufisme et de ces confréries tout en restant sunnites (il existe une petite minorité de chiites). Ils se constituent en associations et mouvements islamiques très dynamiques. Leur rigorisme les mène à catégoriser les croyances et pratiques d’islam au Sénégal en orthodoxes (les leurs) et hétérodoxes (celles des soufi). Ainsi, ils se coupent de toute filiation confrérique soufi, critiquent des croyances et pratiques soufi et affichent leur différence par des codes vestimentaires, des pratiques islamiques, des comportements sociaux, etc. Ces logiques religieuses et identitaires les font appeler d’abord « arabisants » (par opposition aux sortants de l’école français, européenne) puis « ibadou », en référence au nom choisi, pour leurs membres, par les fondateurs de l’association Jama’atou Ibadou Rahmane (JIR).Dans cette thèse, nous avons essayé de montrer en quoi les « ibadou du Sénégal » nous renseignent sur les croyances et pratiques actuelles d’islam puis en quoi ils rendent compte des crises de l’islam dans ce contexte de globalisation marqué, depuis le 11 septembre 2001, par la médiatisation de l’islamisme radical et du terrorisme. / This doctoral dissertation investigates, and aims at highlighting, the ways in which the «ibadou of Senegal» account for the current Islamic practices and beliefs in Senegal and how they cope with the predicaments of Islam in the context of a globalizing world, mainstreamed ideas of radical Islam and terrorism, of which 11th of September 2001 has been a historical landmark. In Senegal, the majority of the Muslim population is affiliated to Sufism. Four main Sufi groups, namely the tajaniyya, the mouridiyya, the qadirriya and the layiniyya, organize the Islamic life and define the identity of the Muslim population in the country. However, since the late 1970s, some Senegalese people pursued other ways of practicing their religion, outside of Sufism while remaining Sunnis (with a minority of Chia Muslims). They organize themselves in communities with highly dynamic Islamic movements. Their religious rigorism mas made them categorize their Islamic faith and practices as Orthodox, and that of others as Heterodox (The Sufi Muslims). Furthermore, with an outright different dress code, they segregate themselves from the Sufi group by criticizing their beliefs and practices and promoting Islamic practices and social conduct of their own. They were, first, called “Arabist” by training and by their very religious and identity logics, (in opposition to those affiliated with the French schooling system) then now are known as « ibadou », in reference to Jama’atou Ibadou Rahmane, a name chosen for the members, but by the founders, of the Association.