This thesis addresses the lack of scholarly attention devoted to African American Sunni women by examining how they use collective memory to negotiate embodied agency. Through an analysis of African American Sunni women’s narratives of testifying conversion, and vignettes from diaries and interviews, I show how African American Sunni women utilize racial, religious, and spiritual memory in the form of ritual practices and Islamic texts to multiply construct their bodies, and how this construction allows them to enact multimodal and nomadic forms of agency. A contextual analysis also illustrates how environment and interpretation (tafsir) further mobilizes forms of agency, articulating a need for flexibility in regard to the concept of embodied agency and challenging the dichotomy prevalent in Western and Eurocentric conceptions of liberatory agency.

The early split of Islam is regarded as one of the most profound and complex events in Islamic history, not only would it lay the foundation of two predominant branches of Islam, but it would also be one of the oldest arguments in Islamic history. Who is the rightful successor to the Prophet Muhammed? This essay aims to explore the deep root behind the initial schism of Islam and understand the arguments both schools use to legitimize their position. What do the Sunnis and Shi’as say about the event of Ghadir, the hadith of the two weighty things and the incident of Saqifa, and how do each school of Islam interpret these events? The source material consists of Hadiths and scholastic literatures from both Sunni Islam, Shi’a Islam, as well as literatures from Secular sources. By basing the analysis on Wilfred Madelung’s and Ali Asghar’s theory of disserting Orientalist understanding of a monolith perspective on Islamic history, the essay aims to understand and broaden the reality of the schism of Islam and to bring emphasis on the events that often goes ignored throughout history. Finally, the results prove that both Sunnis and Shi’as differ regarding the caliphate, and the assertions for these lay in their respective interpretations. The Shi’as maintain that Ali should’ve been the successor, while the Sunnis believe Abu Bakr was the caliph.

This paper has two purposes. The first one is to explain the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia by analyzing four cases which has brought about and consolidated their power struggle. This gives the reader a historic background of the two countries relations, underlying reasons for their rivalry and a greater picture of their interests in the Middle East. It also leads up to the second purpose, which is to in depth examine Iran and Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy in Yemen, the latest conflict between the two countries. The papers research design is a qualitative case study with realism as its theoretical framework. The paper concludes that the Iranian revolution set off the rivalry due to Iran’s willingness to export its revolution and its Shia ideology to neighboring countries in the region. Saudi Arabia’s support to Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War helped contain Iran’s hegemonic ambitions and made Saudi Arabia the most dominant power in the Middle East. In Syria, Iran has a lot at stake if the regime falls, which is why Saudi Arabia is trying to topple Bashar Al-Assad. The execution of Nimr al-Nimr further deteriorated tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia. in Yemen, Iran seeks to expand its power to the Arabian Peninsula, whereas Saudi Arabia seeks to push out Iranian influence and regain its dominance.

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Cette thèse est destinée à appréhender le phénomène Taliban d'un autre point de vue, c'est-à-dire en tantqu'État, durant la période 1996-2001. À cet égard, nous avons utilisé la théorie d'Alain Touraine relative auxmouvements sociaux, distinguant trois grands principes caractérisant un mouvement social : l'identité, l'oppositionet la totalité, ces trois éléments étant interdépendants. Le premier chapitre de cette thèse est destiné à analysercomment les Talibans, en tant que sujet historique, ont été créés dans un contexte de guerre et d'opposition. Sontainsi successivement abordés la guerre avec l'Union soviétique, les Moudjahidins, les guerres civiles, les oppositionsrégionales et le clivage essentiel entre sunnites et chiites. Ensuite, il a été tenté de clarifier la façon dont le caractèretotalitaire de l'identité de l'Etat Taliban est renforcé par ses deux dimensions organisationnelles : l'islamisme et lepachtounisme, ce qui a conduit à confronter le régime des Talibans à la définition du modèle classique de régimetotalitaire concernant les institutions et la domination. La dernière partie aborde la question de la chute de l'EtatTaliban. La contradiction entre l'universalisme idéologique et l'existence des Talibans en tant qu'Etat a conduit àl'isolement sur la scène internationale. Les Talibans échouent par ailleurs à établir une domination intégrale enAfghanistan et se trouvent confrontés à une crise de légitimité interne ouvrant la voie à leur chute. En conclusion, ilest souligné la façon dont les Talibans ont mis en place une centralisation politique, en dépit de la profondeur desclivages tribaux et idéologiques. Pour atteindre leurs buts, ils se sont concentrés principalement sur trois éléments :l'islam fondamentaliste, la conscience nationale et tribale et l'honneur du guerrier. Finalement par le moyen de lathéorie de George Bataille, l'auteur de la présente thèse tente de préciser que les Talibans ont échoué à établir leuremprise totalitaire dans le climat hétérogène de la société afghane, malgré leurs efforts pour imposer les troiséléments d'homogénéisation susmentionnés. / In the present thesis, it is intended to survey Taliban phenomenon, as a State, during 1996-2001 from another pointof view. In this regard, it is benefitted from Alain Touraine’s theory on the function of social movements. Hedescribes the function of each movement based on three major principles: Identity, Opposition and Totality, andconsiders the three of them as being interrelated. The first chapter of the present thesis is intended to indicate howTaliban, as a historical subject, is created in the context of war and opposition. For instance, the conflict between theSoviet Union and Mujahidin, civil wars, regional oppositions, as the important cleavage of Sunni-Shiite. Afterwards,it is tried to clarify how the totalitarian aspect of Taliban’s identity is reinforced by its two significant organizingdimensions: Islamism and Pashtunism. Subsequently, we proceed to Taliban’s endeavor to establish an Islamictotalitarian state and also it is tried to reveal the assimilation between the Taliban regime and a classical model oftotalitarian regime regarding institution and domination. Dealing with the fall of Taliban state is done within the lastchapter. It is analyzed how the Taliban’s ideology of universalism confronts the national interests such as any othertotalitarian Stat. The confrontation of ideological universalism and the national interests leads to isolation and fall ofTaliban, in the international stage. Taliban even fails to establish an integral domination within Afghanistan.Therefore, Taliban is dragged into the crisis of internal legitimacy which paved the way to its fall. As a conclusion,it is dealt with how Taliban tried to create political centralization, despite the existence of effective tribal andideological cleavage. To fulfill their aim, they concentrated mainly on three elements of fundamentalist Islam, thenational and tribal consciousness and the honor of the warrior. Eventually, by the means of George Bataille’s theory,the writer of the present thesis tries to clarify that Taliban failed to establish its expected totalitarism in theheterogeneous climate of Afghan society, despite its efforts in imposing the three aforementioned homogenizingelements.

The aim of this study was to critically explore the constructions of Muslim identities in selected Black African American popular music composed before and after the 11th of September 2001. This study is interdisciplinary because it used popular culture theories developed by Hall, Strinati, Storey and Gilroy’s concept of the Black Atlantic. Postcolonial literary theories of Bhabha, Spivak and Fanon were also used. The study demonstrated that the content and style of the lyrics by Public Enemy, Talib Kweli, Paris, Lupe Fiasco, Kanye West, Scarface, Miss Eliot, Missundastood, Erykah Badu and KRS-One have been influenced by Islam’s religious versions of the Nation of Islam, Five Percenters or Nation of Gods and Earths and Sunny Islam. Individual singers also manipulated the spiritual symbols and cultural resources made available to them in the Islam religion. Black African American singers more or less share common historical experiences, but they constructed and depicted Muslim identities differently because of their class, generational and gender backgrounds. Chapter one introduced the area of study, justified it and adopted an eclectic theoretical approach in order to account for the diverse constructions of Muslim identities in the songs composed by black African American hip hop singers. Chapter two provided an extended review of literature for the study. Chapter three explored the influence of the Nation of Islam on the singers and its creative manipulation by the black singers. Chapter four explored religious hybridity because the lyrics draw from Islam and Christian eschatological values. Chapter five used lyrics by three black female singers and revealed how they reconfigured differently, Black Muslim identities in a musical industry predominantly patronised by male singers. Chapter six explored the use of language in signifying different meanings of Muslim-ness in order to arrive at different definitions of pan Black Islamic musical consciousness. Chapter seven concluded the study by summarising the central argument of the study which was that black African American singers have referenced cultural symbols from Islam and in the process manipulated Islam’s religious metaphors to suggest different and alternative models for the black communities in the United States of America. / English Studies / D. Litt. et Phil.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Throughout history, threats emerging from Iran's frontiers have significantly influenced its security policies towards Iraq. Given Operations Iraqi Freedom and Enduring Freedom, Iran's security environment has changed a great deal. Does Iran have a strategy for post-Saddam Iraq and, if so, what is it? With few exceptions, Kenneth Waltz's Realpolitik and balance-of-power theories have guided Iran's security policy decisions. The combined effects of Iran's formative history, individual and institutional agendas, and national interests form the foundation for a Realpolitik strategy aimed at preventing a resurgent "anti-Teheran" government in Iraq. Pragmatism, consensus, influence, and competition appear to be the watchwords for an assertive strategy built upon military prudence and cross-border, multi-disciplined engagement. Iran is putting its internal political and economic house in order so as to achieve greater effectiveness in the pursuit of its national interests vis-a-vis Iraq and the United States. While an alliance is unlikely, there is alignment with the U.S.-led coalition's strategic interests in Iraq. / Major, United States Marine Corps

The aim of this study was to critically explore the constructions of Muslim identities in selected Black African American popular music composed before and after the 11th of September 2001. This study is interdisciplinary because it used popular culture theories developed by Hall, Strinati, Storey and Gilroy’s concept of the Black Atlantic. Postcolonial literary theories of Bhabha, Spivak and Fanon were also used. The study demonstrated that the content and style of the lyrics by Public Enemy, Talib Kweli, Paris, Lupe Fiasco, Kanye West, Scarface, Miss Eliot, Missundastood, Erykah Badu and KRS-One have been influenced by Islam’s religious versions of the Nation of Islam, Five Percenters or Nation of Gods and Earths and Sunny Islam. Individual singers also manipulated the spiritual symbols and cultural resources made available to them in the Islam religion. Black African American singers more or less share common historical experiences, but they constructed and depicted Muslim identities differently because of their class, generational and gender backgrounds. Chapter one introduced the area of study, justified it and adopted an eclectic theoretical approach in order to account for the diverse constructions of Muslim identities in the songs composed by black African American hip hop singers. Chapter two provided an extended review of literature for the study. Chapter three explored the influence of the Nation of Islam on the singers and its creative manipulation by the black singers. Chapter four explored religious hybridity because the lyrics draw from Islam and Christian eschatological values. Chapter five used lyrics by three black female singers and revealed how they reconfigured differently, Black Muslim identities in a musical industry predominantly patronised by male singers. Chapter six explored the use of language in signifying different meanings of Muslim-ness in order to arrive at different definitions of pan Black Islamic musical consciousness. Chapter seven concluded the study by summarising the central argument of the study which was that black African American singers have referenced cultural symbols from Islam and in the process manipulated Islam’s religious metaphors to suggest different and alternative models for the black communities in the United States of America. / English Studies / D. Litt. et Phil.

Since the creation of modern-day Iraq by the British Empire in 1920, the country’s state territorial structuring has been an ever-evolving source of political instability and conflict. Iraq’s ethnic and sectarian groups have been locked in a near constant struggle over questions of self-rule, shared rule, and secession. Consequently, the territorial model of federalism has never been far from political discussions, negotiations, and territorial disputes. Federalism was finally officially adopted in 2005, giving a new definition to Iraq’s territorial model. But while federalism seemed a natural means of managing Iraq’s long-standing ethno-sectarian divisions and was democratically ratified in a process that included most ethnic and sectarian groups, the model has failed to materialize, and territorial structure remains a major point of contention between the groups. The overarching aim of this dissertation is to shed light on two key questions. First, how have the dynamics between the major ethnic and sectarian groups of Iraq shaped the evolution of the country’s territorial structure from 1920 up to and beyond the federal constitution in 2005? Second, what can the trajectory of this evolution teach us about why federalism was adopted but has failed to materialize? I shall argue that Iraq’s territorial structuring over the past century has been systematically influenced by at least one of four “I”s: the groups’ ideas concerning territorial structuring, their conceptualizations of group identities, their definitions of group interests, and the influence of foreign actors. Focussing on the Shiite Arabs, the Sunni Arabs, and the Kurds, I will examine how these four factors have interacted to shape the territorial organization of Iraq over four key time periods: (i) the foundation of Iraq in 1920 to Saddam Hussein’s rise to the presidency in 1979, (ii) Saddam’s rule from 1979 to 2003, (iii) Saddam’s deposition in 2003 to the adoption of the federal constitution in 2005, and (iv) the post-constitutional period from 2005 to the present. I thus hope to explain how evolving inter-group dynamics over the past century have impacted the development of Iraq’s territorial structure, arguing that this sheds light on both the reference to federalism in the 2005 constitution and its subsequent failure to materialize. This dissertation thus demonstrates the powerful ways in which Iraq’s territorial structuring has been shaped by past trends in ethno-sectarian dynamics, putting us in a better position to understand the complexities of the country’s current territorial politics.

Cette recherche se propose de faire une analyse de la dissolution du lien matrimonial spécifique aux épouses musulmanes, le divorce désamour ou ẖul‘. Cette faculté de divorcer élaborée par la casuistique doctrinale islamique sunnite ou fiqh sera reprise par le Code algérien de la famille promulgué en 1984. Le mode de divorce imparti exclusivement aux femmes fera l’objet de critiques sur le plan théologique et sur le plan juridique. Dans la théologie du droit dans la tradition islamique, il s’agira d’interroger les fondements religieux du divorce désamour à travers les sources fondamentales du Qor’ān et de la Sunna en relation avec le fiqh. En reflet, l’examen de la positivisation de la norme islamique dans le Code algérien de la famille conduira à porter un regard sur l’articulation entre ce référent religieux d’origine scolastique et les normes juridiques de production étatique et d’inspiration positiviste caractéristique du Droit algérien, lequel se comprend comme un phénomène juridique spécifique circonscrit aux frontières du pays. L’intérêt porté à cette conjonction internormative, dénommée pour les fins de la présente étude comme une normativité axio-juridique, conduit à rendre compte de son effectivité et donc de son application par les personnes concernées par le divorce désamour qui se trouvent à l’extérieur d’un pays à majorité islamique. L’étude envisagée poursuit deux objectifs : l’un épistémologique et l’autre ethnographique. L’objectif épistémologique cherche à comprendre dans une visée heuristique l’intérêt d’un cadre théorique féministe, mais aussi islamique et décoloniale, concomitamment critique de l’interprétation par le fiqh de ce type de désunion, et du Droit algérien forgé dans un cadre colonial positif et dans des emprunts locaux (coutume, usages et fiqh sunnite de l’École malékite), pour l’étude de cette pratique spécifique en islam. Quant à l’objectif ethnographique, il tend à travers une recherche empirique à saisir la subjectivisation du rapport à la transcendance. L’analyse porte sur les actions d’un groupe de femmes musulmanes, croyantes et pratiquantes, d’ascendance algériennes exilées, au cours de la décennie 2000-2010 à Montréal. Des femmes qui ont pris la décision unilatérale d’introduire une procédure de divorce à Montréal plutôt qu’en Algérie. Par ce fait, leur démarche se trouve au croisement de normes juridiques (Code civil du Québec et Loi sur le divorce) sans égard à la normativité axio-juridique algérienne (Code algérien de la famille) qui régit, habituellement, le divorce des Musulman.e.s. La réflexion inspirée par ces objectifs formulés dans un contexte d’individualisation du croire et de la pratique, a conduit en premier, à la conclusion d’une inégalité juridique intrinsèque à la normativité axio-juridique inscrite dans le Code algérien de la famille et à sa conceptualisation. Et consécutivement, la lecture personnelle du Qor’ān indépendante de celle du fiqh sunnite, a induit une seconde conclusion : l’absence d’un fondement qor’āni du divorce désamour. L’introduction initiale du ẖul‘ dans le corpus religieux et subséquemment dans la législation algérienne contemporaine peut se comprendre comme l’expression d’un déni aux femmes, contrairement aux hommes, du droit de se défaire des liens matrimoniaux. Finalement, cette recherche a mis en lumière l’agencéité d’un groupe de femmes, musulmanes, croyantes et pratiquantes, d’ascendance algérienne, exilées à Montréal et qui ont fait le triple choix : initier le divorce, le faire selon les lois de la société d’arrivée et le faire en dehors des balises juridiques du fiqh sunni relatif au ẖul’. / This research analyses the dissolution of the matrimonial bond that is specific to Muslim spouses: the divorce out of love or ẖul ‘. This faculty of divorce posed by the Sunni Islamic doctrinal casuistry of fiqh and taken up by the Algerian Family Code. This notion will be criticized both theologically and legally. Theologically and with respect to traditional Islamic law, we will be questioning the religious foundations of disenchanted divorce through the fundamental sources of the Qor’ān and Sunna in relation to fiqh. In reflection, the examination of the positivisation of the Islamic norm in the Algerian Family Code will lead us to look at: the articulation between this religious referent of scholastic origin and the legal norms of state production of positivist inspiration; both characteristic of the Algerian Law and to be understood as a specific legal phenomenon circumscribed to the borders of the Algerian state. The interest in this internormative conjunction is denominated for the purposes of this study as an axio-legal normativity and will lead to an account of its effectiveness. Therefore, we focus on its application to those affected by the disenchanted divorce who are living outside of a predominantly Muslim country. This proposed study has two objectives: one that is epistemological and the other that would be ethnographic. Therein, the epistemological objective seeks to understand in a heuristic perspective the interest of a feminist theoretical framework, but also one that is inherently Islamic and decolonial. Concomitantly, we seek a critical interpretation of the fiqh that affects this type of disunity, the Algerian law forged in a colonial positive framework, and local borrowings (customs, uses and Sunni (Malekite) fiqh) for the study of this specific practice in Islam. As for the ethnographic objective, it tends, through empirical research, to grasp the subjectivization of the relationship to transcend the ancestry of Algerian Muslim wives who immigrated with their husbands, settled in Montreal, made the unilateral decision to divorce, and who by this fact, utilize a disparity in the repertoire of aligned strategic actions. The reflection inspired by these objectives, formulated in a context of individualization of beliefs and practices, led to the proposition of a conceptualization of the legal inequalities intrinsic to the axio-legal normativity inscribed in the Algerian family code. The reflection inspired by these objectives formulated in a contexte of individualization of belief, led first to the conclusion of a legal inequality intrinsic to the axio-legal normativity inscribed in the Family Algerian code and to its conceptualization. And consecutively the personal reading of Qor’ān, independent of the Sunni fiqh induced a second conclusion: the lack of a qor’ani basis of divorce. The initial introduction of ẖul‘ into the religious corpus and subsequently into contemporary legislation can be understood as the expression of a deny to women, unlike men, of the right to unilaterally break off marital ties. Finally, this research sheds light on the agency of a group of muslim, practicing and believing women of Algerian descent and exiled in Montreal, who have made the triple choice: to initiate the divorce, to do it according to laws of the society of happened and to do so outside the legal guidelines of the Sunni fiqh relating to ẖul’.