This thesis is an ethnography of the practice of property restitution in post-war Kosovo. The site of the largest European Union rule of law mission (EULEX) outside its member states, Kosovo is a paradigmatic case of liberal interventionism and state building under the banner of human rights. The thesis is based on 14 months (May 2012 to July 2013) of multi-sited, ethnographic fieldwork in and around the Kosovo Property Agency (KPA), the administrative, mass claims mechanism put in place by the UN to adjudicate war-related property claims between 2006 and 2016. Working with claimants and respondents, administrative clerks, national and international lawyers, commissioners and Supreme Court judges, this study presents novel insights into the everyday workings of the law from within an institution that remained largely closed to the public eye. I investigate the ways in which property, and property rights were reconfigured in post-war Kosovo through the processing of claims at the KPA. To understand how restitution worked, I probe the practices of technical-legal knowledge production by examining key moments of mass claims adjudication: the reframing of grievances in the language of the law, the making of institutional, legal knowledge, the legal analysis of files, and the implementation of decisions. Through this, I look at the consequences of the juridification of normative ideals (human rights and the rule of law) on the restitution process, its protagonists, and the law itself. My ethnographic material suggests rethinking the value of binary analyses of victims and perpetrators, the universal and the vernacularised, 'law of the books' and 'law in action', the extraordinary and the ordinary, and traces the everyday production of 'rough justice'. Building on current debates in anthropology of law on the bureaucratisation of human rights, transitional justice, and legal practice, my research reveals the tensions between the ideals of human rights that underpin the process of property restitution and the legal and political realities of transition.

O presente trabalho se propõe a uma discussão sobre como pode ser encarada a questão da responsabilidade penal em relação às violações massivas de direitos humanos praticadas durante situações de repressão, considerando o caso brasileiro da edição da Lei n 6.683. Para tanto, apresenta-se o conceito de justiça de transição e o seu surgimento, que é acompanhado pela afirmação da proteção internacional dos direitos humanos. Este processo é dividido em três fases distintas, relacionadas ao fim da Segunda Guerra e o estabelecimento dos Tribunais de Nuremberg e Tóquio; à onda de democratização em algumas nações com o fim da Guerra-Fria e à criação dos tribunais internacionais e do TPI. Como forma de efetivação da justiça de transição, são apresentados os Princípios de Chicago, diretrizes a serem seguidas pelos Estados na transição democrática, que sugerem abordagens de diversas naturezas em relação às violações de direitos humanos. Como fundamento da justiça de transição, dando destaque à questão da responsabilização penal, são trazidos os dispositivos sobre o tema presentes em normas e tratados internacionais, enfatizando os aspectos do Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos. Parte-se, em seguida, à apresentação do exemplo argentino na realização da justiça de transição sob o aspecto da declaração de inconstitucionalidade de suas leis de anistia, como meio de reflexão para o caso brasileiro. Conjugando os elementos anteriores, apresenta-se a situação brasileira no contexto da realização da justiça de transição, com o julgamento da ADPF 153 e com a condenação do Estado pela Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos. / This paper proposes a discussion on how it can be given to the issue of accountability in relation to the massive human rights violations committed during times of repression, considering the case of the Brazilian edition of the Law No. 6683. To this end, we present the concept of transitional justice and its appearance, which is accompanied by the statement of the international protection of human rights. This process is divided into three distinct phases, related to the end of World War II and the establishment of the Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals, the wave of democratization in some countries with the end of the Cold War and the creation of international tribunals and the ICC. As a way of realization of transitional justice, presents the Chicago Principles, guidelines to be followed by states in democratic transition, suggesting approaches of different nature in relation to human rights violations. In support of transitional justice, highlighting the issue of accountability, the devices are brought on the present subject standards and treaties, emphasizing the inter-American Human Rights. Breaks, then the presentation of the Argentine example in the realization of transitional justice in the aspect of the declaration of unconstitutionality of their amnesty laws as a means of reflection for the Brazilian case. Combining the previous elements, it presents the situation of Brazilian the realization of transitional justice, with the trial of ADPF 153 and the condemnation of State for Inter-American Court of Human Rights.

Ao conjunto de medidas administrativas, judiciais, legais, à aplicação de atividades compensatórias, de ações educativas e de políticas de memória assumidas ao acerto de contas com a violência perpetrada por sociedades emergentes de períodos em que foram cometidas graves violações dos direitos humanos, dá-se o nome de justiça de transição. No Brasil, tais medidas apresentadas às atrocidades cometidas pelos agentes do Estado durante a ditadura civil-militar (1964-1985) levam em conta ações compensatórias, educativas e políticas de memória e verdade agenciadas por meio dos trabalhos da Comissão Especial sobre Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos, da Comissão de Anistia e da Comissão Nacional da Verdade. Estas medidas, procurando desenvolver os fundamentos da legitimação democrática e solidificar os mecanismos de resistência ao autoritarismo, fornecem os termos ao reconhecimento das experiências de violência e condicionam a sua reparação, esclarecimento e responsabilização. Deste modo, questiona-se aqui a possibilidade das representações feitas pelas medidas de justiça de transição implementadas pelas comissões de reparação e de verdade assumirem um sentido terapêutico, condicionando a perlaboração dos traumas decorrentes das atrocidades perpetradas pelos agentes da repressão. Para isso, submete-se as narrativas produzidas pelas comissões de reparação e da verdade a uma análise que leva em conta o processo de perlaboração do trauma destas experiências no contexto no qual o Estado brasileiro implementa medidas ao reconhecimento, à reparação, à reconciliação, ao esclarecimento e à responsabilização dos crimes da repressão. Tais medidas a depender das reivindicações discursivas críticas e da apreensão coletiva de suas representações, da associação que dá possibilidade de integração e de sentido à experiência marcam o processo do trauma em sua dimensão sociocultural e canalizam à revisão e à objetivação da identidade coletiva e da memória como parte de um registro coletivo. Assente-se, contudo, que as debilidades do processo transicional brasileiro inibem o debate e o engajamento social, dificultam o reconhecimento da violência, colocam obstáculos à simbolização e à apreensão coletiva de suas representações e conduzem os seus termos ao esquecimento ou à revisão. Logo, as representações feitas pelas medidas de justiça transicional não condicionam a perlaboração social dos legados traumáticos da violência cometida pelos agentes da repressão durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil. Tais condições seguem dificultando que um trabalho de memória da violência da ditadura se configure em um trabalho de perlaboração dos legados de seus traumas. / Transitional justice is the set of administrative, judicial and legal measures, and the application of compensatory activities, educative actions and politics of memory adopted in order to come to terms with the violence perpetrated by societies emerging from periods in which gross human rights violations were committed. In Brazil, such measures, taken to overcome the atrocities committed by the State agents during the civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985), encompass compensating and educational actions, as well as politics of memory and truth carried out through the efforts of the Special Commission for the Dead and Missed Opponents, the Amnesty Commission and the National Truth Commission. Attempting to develop the foundations of the democratic legitimation and to strengthen the mechanisms of resistance to the authoritarianism, these measures contribute to the recognition of experiences of violence and lay the groundwork for reparation, clarification and acknowledgment of such experiences. Thus, what is questioned here is if the measures of transitional justice implemented by the commissions of reparation and truth may assume a therapeutic meaning, promoting the process of working through the trauma resultant from the atrocities perpetrated by the agents of repression. The narratives produced by the commissions are submitted to an inquiry that takes into account the working through process of such traumatic experiences in the context in which the Brazilian State puts in place measures for the recognition, reparation, reconciliation, clarification and acknowledgement of the crimes of repression. Such measures depending on the critical discursive claim and on the collective apprehension of their representations, on the association that allows integration and meaning to the experience characterize the process of trauma in its social-cultural extent and convey to the critical analyses and to the conceiving of the collective identity and memory as part of a collective testimony. However, it is agreed that the deficiencies identified in the Brazilian transitional process inhibit the debate and social commitment, hinder the recognition of violence, hold back the symbolization and the collective apprehension of its representations and take their terms to oblivion or revision. Therefore, the representations produced by the measures of transitional justice do not promote the social process of working through the traumatic 11 legacies of the violence committed by the agents of repression during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil. These conditions keep hindering that the work of memory of such violence emerges as the process of working through the legacies of its trauma.

O presente estudo buscou compreender como o problema da cumplicidade civil da imprensa está colocado na Justiça de Transição: quais atos são entendidos como cumplicidade? Quais instituições civis foram cúmplices? De fato, em tempos de poderes ilimitados, houve “cumplicidade civil”? Com base no conceito de “Doutrina de Segurança Nacional” para interpretar o autoritarismo pós Segunda Guerra Mundial na América Latina, são comparados os casos brasileiro e argentino a partir da hipótese que a diferença de modelo de justiça de transição dos dois países também seria verificada na aplicação dos mecanismos ao problema da cumplicidade civil da imprensa. Para tanto, a pesquisa qualitativa examinou como a imprensa é abordada no Relatório final da Comissão Nacional de Desaparecimento de Pessoas da Argentina (CONADEP, 1985), no Relatório final da Comissão de Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos do Brasil (CMDP, 2007) e nas obras referências sobre o problema da cumplicidade civil da imprensa “Cães de guarda: jornalistas e censores, do AI- 5 à Constituição de 1988, de Beatriz Kushnir (2004) e "Decíamos ayer: La prensa argentina bajo el Proceso, de Eduardo Blaustein e Martín Zubieta (1998)". Valendo-se de uma abordagem crítica da teoria da justiça de transição, ao realçar conceitos da teoria da cultura política para expandir o espectro das instituições e estruturas sociais alvos de uma restruturação que garanta a não-repetição, o estudo se propõe a mitigar o relativo silêncio e esquecimento do comportamento dos civis, em geral, e da imprensa, em maior grau, no enfrentamento dos legados do autoritarismo. A partir do estudo comparado, pode-se concluir que a diferença de modelo de transição entre os países não repercute em significativas diferenças no tratamento dado ao tema da cumplicidade civil da imprensa pela justiça de transição. Embora esteja presente uma colaboração difusa das grandes instituições de imprensa com o autoritarismo, os poderes de veto e de agenda dessas instituições na democracia impede a busca pela verdade e memória no campo. Por fim, ao final do estudo é proposto uma tipologia de seis práticas de cumplicidade civil da imprensa e uma agenda para a justiça de transição que avance no desafio de delimitar a fronteira entre a censura política à imprensa, própria do autoritarismo, e a adesão voluntária às práticas repressivas do autoritarismo. Assim, direcionar efetivamente os esforços justransicionais para os setores civis, em especial a imprensa, representaria uma verdadeira investida na principal base da ditadura: a cultura autoritária das instituições e dos indivíduos. / This study aims to comprehend how the problem of civil complicity of press lies within Transitional Justice: what acts are understood as complicity? What civil institutions were complicit? In fact, in times of unlimited power, was there "civil complicity"? Based on the concept of the "National Security Doctrine" to interpret the post World War II authoritarianism in Latin America, the Brazilian and Argentine cases are compared assuming that the Transitional Justice different models of this two countries would also be verified in the application of mechanisms to the press civil complicity issue. Therefore, qualitative research examined how the press is addressed in the Final Report of the National Commission for Disappeared People of Argentina (CONADEP, 1985), in the Final Report of the Commission of the Political Dead and Disappeared of Brazil (CMDP, 2007) and in the paradigm works on the problem of civil complicity of the press "Cães de guarda: jornalistas e censores, do AI-5 à Constituição de 1988”, from Beatriz Kushnir (2004) and “Decíamos ayer: La prensa argentina bajo el Proceso”, from Eduardo Blaustein and Martín Zubieta (1998). Drawing on a critical approach to Transitional Justice theory, enhancing political culture theory concepts to expand the spectrum of institutions and social structures targets of restructuring to ensure the non- repetition, this study aims to mitigate the relative silence and oblivion of the behavior of civilians, in general, and of the press, to a greater degree, in dealing with authoritarian legacies. From the comparative study, we can conclude that the transition model of different countries do not reflected in significant differences in the treatment given to the subject of civil complicity of the press by Transitional Justice. Although there is the presence of a diffuse collaboration of major media institutions with authoritarianism, the veto and agenda powers of these institutions in democracy hinders the search for truth and memory in the field. Finally, at the end of the study, a six press civil complicity practices typology is proposed, as well as an agenda for Transitional Justice that goes on the challenge of defining the boundary between political censorship of the press, typical from authoritarianism, and the voluntary adherence to repressive authoritarianism practices. Thus, effectively directing justransicionals efforts to the civilian sectors, especially the press, represents a real assault on the main base of the dictatorship: the authoritarian culture of both institutions and individuals.

Ao conjunto de medidas administrativas, judiciais, legais, à aplicação de atividades compensatórias, de ações educativas e de políticas de memória assumidas ao acerto de contas com a violência perpetrada por sociedades emergentes de períodos em que foram cometidas graves violações dos direitos humanos, dá-se o nome de justiça de transição. No Brasil, tais medidas apresentadas às atrocidades cometidas pelos agentes do Estado durante a ditadura civil-militar (1964-1985) levam em conta ações compensatórias, educativas e políticas de memória e verdade agenciadas por meio dos trabalhos da Comissão Especial sobre Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos, da Comissão de Anistia e da Comissão Nacional da Verdade. Estas medidas, procurando desenvolver os fundamentos da legitimação democrática e solidificar os mecanismos de resistência ao autoritarismo, fornecem os termos ao reconhecimento das experiências de violência e condicionam a sua reparação, esclarecimento e responsabilização. Deste modo, questiona-se aqui a possibilidade das representações feitas pelas medidas de justiça de transição implementadas pelas comissões de reparação e de verdade assumirem um sentido terapêutico, condicionando a perlaboração dos traumas decorrentes das atrocidades perpetradas pelos agentes da repressão. Para isso, submete-se as narrativas produzidas pelas comissões de reparação e da verdade a uma análise que leva em conta o processo de perlaboração do trauma destas experiências no contexto no qual o Estado brasileiro implementa medidas ao reconhecimento, à reparação, à reconciliação, ao esclarecimento e à responsabilização dos crimes da repressão. Tais medidas a depender das reivindicações discursivas críticas e da apreensão coletiva de suas representações, da associação que dá possibilidade de integração e de sentido à experiência marcam o processo do trauma em sua dimensão sociocultural e canalizam à revisão e à objetivação da identidade coletiva e da memória como parte de um registro coletivo. Assente-se, contudo, que as debilidades do processo transicional brasileiro inibem o debate e o engajamento social, dificultam o reconhecimento da violência, colocam obstáculos à simbolização e à apreensão coletiva de suas representações e conduzem os seus termos ao esquecimento ou à revisão. Logo, as representações feitas pelas medidas de justiça transicional não condicionam a perlaboração social dos legados traumáticos da violência cometida pelos agentes da repressão durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil. Tais condições seguem dificultando que um trabalho de memória da violência da ditadura se configure em um trabalho de perlaboração dos legados de seus traumas. / Transitional justice is the set of administrative, judicial and legal measures, and the application of compensatory activities, educative actions and politics of memory adopted in order to come to terms with the violence perpetrated by societies emerging from periods in which gross human rights violations were committed. In Brazil, such measures, taken to overcome the atrocities committed by the State agents during the civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985), encompass compensating and educational actions, as well as politics of memory and truth carried out through the efforts of the Special Commission for the Dead and Missed Opponents, the Amnesty Commission and the National Truth Commission. Attempting to develop the foundations of the democratic legitimation and to strengthen the mechanisms of resistance to the authoritarianism, these measures contribute to the recognition of experiences of violence and lay the groundwork for reparation, clarification and acknowledgment of such experiences. Thus, what is questioned here is if the measures of transitional justice implemented by the commissions of reparation and truth may assume a therapeutic meaning, promoting the process of working through the trauma resultant from the atrocities perpetrated by the agents of repression. The narratives produced by the commissions are submitted to an inquiry that takes into account the working through process of such traumatic experiences in the context in which the Brazilian State puts in place measures for the recognition, reparation, reconciliation, clarification and acknowledgement of the crimes of repression. Such measures depending on the critical discursive claim and on the collective apprehension of their representations, on the association that allows integration and meaning to the experience characterize the process of trauma in its social-cultural extent and convey to the critical analyses and to the conceiving of the collective identity and memory as part of a collective testimony. However, it is agreed that the deficiencies identified in the Brazilian transitional process inhibit the debate and social commitment, hinder the recognition of violence, hold back the symbolization and the collective apprehension of its representations and take their terms to oblivion or revision. Therefore, the representations produced by the measures of transitional justice do not promote the social process of working through the traumatic 11 legacies of the violence committed by the agents of repression during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil. These conditions keep hindering that the work of memory of such violence emerges as the process of working through the legacies of its trauma.

<p>The aim of this thesis is to analyze the relationship between the Khmer Rouge tribunal in Cambodia and the national reconciliation process. A qualitative method involving secondary source analysis as well as field study interviews is being used. The point of departure is a theoretical framework of reconciliation assembled from different sources, as there seems to be no coherent and widely accepted framework available for use. An analysis model is constructed, focusing on the concepts of justice and truth. The findings indicate that reconciliation is nowhere near fulfillment, although a few steps towards national reconciliation have been taken. The Cambodian process of reconciliation is only at its earliest stages. Furthermore, the findings suggest that there is a strong relationship between the tribunal and the reconciliation process, inasmuch as the tribunal is perceived to have positive effects on reconciliation, and that continued reconciliation would not be possible without the tribunal. The tribunal is not the only part in reconciliation though, it is a necessary but not sufficient precondition for continued reconciliation. The tribunal can not bring reconciliation close to fulfillment on its own, other mechanizms must be involved in order to do so.</p>

Between 2002 and 2006 the Colombian government of Álvaro Uribe counted with great international support to hand a demobilization process of right-wing paramilitary groups, along with the implementation of transitional justice policies such as penal prosecutions and the creation of a National Commission for Reparation and Reconciliation (NCRR) to address justice, truth and reparation for victims of paramilitary violence. The demobilization process began when in 2002 the United Self Defence Forces of Colombia (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia, AUC) agreed to participate in a government-sponsored demobilization process. Paramilitary groups were responsible for the vast majority of human rights violations for a period of over 30 years. The government designed a special legal framework that envisaged great leniency for paramilitaries who committed serious crimes and reparations for victims of paramilitary violence. More than 30,000 paramilitaries have demobilized under this process between January 2003 and August 2006. Law 975, also known as the “Justice and Peace Law”, and Decree 128 have served as the legal framework for the demobilization and prosecutions of paramilitaries. It has offered the prospect of reduced sentences to demobilized paramilitaries who committed crimes against humanity in exchange for full confessions of crimes, restitution for illegally obtained assets, the release of child soldiers, the release of kidnapped victims and has also provided reparations for victims of paramilitary violence. The Colombian demobilization process presents an atypical case of transitional justice. Many observers have even questioned whether Colombia can be considered a case of transitional justice. Transitional justice measures are often taken up after the change of an authoritarian regime or at a post-conflict stage. However, the particularity of the Colombian case is that transitional justice policies were introduced while the conflict still raged. In this sense, the Colombian case expresses one of the key elements to be addressed which is the tension between offering incentives to perpetrators to disarm and demobilize to prevent future crimes and providing an adequate response to the human rights violations perpetrated throughout the course of an internal conflict. In particular, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration processes require a fine balance between the immunity guarantees offered to ex-combatants and the sought of accountability for their crimes. International law provides the legal framework defining the rights to justice, truth and reparations for victims and the corresponding obligations of the State, but the peace negotiations and conflicted political structures do not always allow for the fulfillment of those rights. Thus, the aim of this article is to analyze what kind of transition may be occurring in Colombia by focusing on the role that transitional justice mechanisms may play in political negotiations between the Colombian government and paramilitary groups. In particular, it seeks to address to what extent such processes contribute to or hinder the achievement of the balance between peacebuilding and accountability, and thus facilitate a real transitional process. / Zwischen 2002 und 2006 hat die kolumbianische Regierung von Álvaro Uribe einen Demobilisierungsprozess von paramilitärischen Gruppen und der Implementierung von Transitional Justice-Mechanismen durchgeführt als einem politischen Versuch, Frieden in Kolumbien durchzusetzen. Der Demobilisierungsprozess wurde durch einen sondergesetzlichen Rahmen geregelt: durch das Gesetz 782, das Dekret 128 und das Gesetz 975. Insbesondere das Gesetz 975 aus dem Jahr 2005, auch bekannt als das „Gesetz für Gerechtigkeit und Frieden“ (Ley de Justicia y Paz), bietet Strafmilderung für angeklagte Mitglieder illegaler Gruppen, die Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit und Mord begangen haben. Um diese Strafmilderung in Anspruch nehmen zu können, sind die angeklagten Ex-Kombattanten im Gegenzug aufgefordert, Informationen über ihre ehemalige Gruppe zu erteilen und illegal angeeignete Güter auszuhändigen. Um den Demobilisierungsprozess im Einklang mit Transitional Justice-Prinzipien umzusetzen, wurden eine Vielzahl von Institutionen eingerichtet: acht Sondergerichtskammern, eine Sondereinheit der Staatsanwaltschaft (Unidad Nacional de Fiscalia para la Justicia y la Paz), ein staatlicher Fonds für Entschädigung (Fondo de Reparación) und eine Nationale Kommission für Wiedergutmachung und Versöhnung (Comisión Nacional de Reparación und Reconciliación). In Kolumbien herrscht seit mehr als 40 Jahren ein bewaffneter Konflikt. Es ist der längste bewaffnete Konflikt in der westlichen Welt. An diesem Konflikt sind der Staat, die rechtsgerichteten Paramilitärs und linksgerichtete Guerillagruppen beteiligt. Bis heute hat der Staat in weiten Teilen des Landes de facto kein Gewaltmonopol über einige Gebiete, die stattdessen von der Guerilla oder den Paramilitärs beherrscht werden. Die paramilitarischen Gruppen sind für die überwiegende Zahl von Menschenrechtsverletzungen seit mehr als 30 Jahren verantwortlich. Als Folge wurden tausende Bauernfamilien von ihrem Land vertrieben. Kolumbien steht mit drei Millionen Binnenvertriebenen nach dem Sudan weltweit an zweiter Stelle. Neben Bauern sind auch andere Gruppen Opfer des Konflikts, vor allem Afro-Kolumbianer, Frauen, Gewerkschaftsfunktionäre, Menschenrechtsverteidiger und Journalisten. Vor diesem Hintergrund ist eine wesentliche Voraussetzungen für einen Übergang von Konflikt- zu Frieden, dass der Staat die Garantie der Nicht-Wiederholung der vorausgegangenen Verbrechen und die Stärkung der demokratischen Bürgerrechte sicherstellt. In diesem Zusammenhang sind Transitional Justice-Instrumente, wie u. a. Strafverfolgungen und Amnestie, Wahrheits- und Versöhnungskommissionen, Wiedergutmachungen und Demobilisierungsprozesse zu sehen, die im Rahmen von Übergangsprozessen eingesetzt werden. Sie verfolgen das Ziel, die Vergangenheit eines gewaltsamen Konfliktes oder Regimes aufzuarbeiten, um so den Übergang zu einer nachhaltig friedlichen demokratischen Gesellschaftsordnung zu ermöglichen. Einerseits wird mit Hilfe von Transitional Justice-Instrumenten versucht, Gerechtigkeit und Entschädigung für die Opfer herzustellen. Andererseits sollen die angeklagten Täter mit Hilfe von Amnestie und Wiedereingliederungsprogrammen in die Gesellschaft reintegriert werden. So steht die Anwendung dieser Instrumente einem Dilemma zwischen Frieden und Gerechtigkeit, Verantwortlichkeit und Straflosigkeit, Strafe und Vergeben gegenüber. Diese Arbeit evaluiert die Umsetzung des Demobilisierungsprozesses, die gerichtlichen Prozesse und die Wiedergutmachungspolitik. Wichtig ist es zu analysieren, ob der Demobilisierungsprozess der paramilitärischen Gruppen einen Übergang von Krieg zu Frieden zum Ergebnis hat. Ein Übergang sollte die Erfüllung der oben erwähnten Bedingungen – Ausübung des legitimen Gewaltmonopols durch den Staat, Garantie der Nicht-Wiederholung von Gewaltverbrechen und die Stärkung von Bürgerrechten – bedeuten.

La tesi s’inicia amb la descripció del fenomen de la justícia transicional, diferenciant-ne la justícia retributiva, la institucional i la justícia transicional reparadora, encarregada d’implementar els mecanismes de reparació de les víctimes de l’anterior règim autoritari. Dins de la justícia transicional reparadora, s’analitzen les diferents mesures de reparació de les víctimes de la Guerra Civil espanyola, que han adoptat els governs democràtics després de la transició espanyola cap a la democràcia. D’entre aquestes mesures, destaca la regulació de pensions vitalícies a favor de mutilats i familiars de morts a la Guerra Civil, el reconeixement de drets a favor dels militars republicans, les ajudes pel temps de privació de llibertat, i la restitució de béns a favor de sindicals i partits polítics il•legalitzats durant el franquisme. També s’estudia l’anomenada Llei de la Memòria Històrica i es proposa una acció judicial en reclamació dels danys patits per la privació de llibertat. / The thesis begins with a description of the phenomenon of transitional justice, exploring the difference between retributive justice, institutional justice (lustrations) and reparative justice, which deals with the implementation of reparations of the victims of the previous authoritarian regime. Within the transitional reparative justice, we analyze different measures of reparation to the victims of the Spanish Civil War taken by the democratic governments after the Spanish transition to democracy. Among these measures, we can observe the regulation of annuities in favor of familiar mutilated and dead in the Civil War, the recognition of rights in favor of republican military, aid for the period of detention, and restitution to favor unions and political parties outlawed under Franco regime. We also study the so-called Law of Historical Memory and we propose legal action to claim for damages suffered by imprisonment.

Testimony flows from a story that originates long before the opportunity to be a witness about human atrocities occurs. And, ironically, testimony – the voice that is suppressed during times of state sanctioned terror – continues to flow long after the perpetrators fade from power. It is this ethereal and enduring paradox that raises the questions of what testimonial forms are, how they communicate, and whether they positively impact social justice as evidenced by enhanced communicative freedoms. The testimonial forms of this study are narratives about human rights atrocities which emerged from the 17-year military junta in Chile led by Augusto Pinochet. This project examines the development and uses of official and unofficial testimony surrounding times of transitional justice using a multi-modal analysis incorporating narrative and historical analysis, communication ethics, and critical theory which yields a meta-analysis of testimony and the context in which it functions. This research concludes that a life cycle of testimony exists that is organic and evolving. Furthermore, due to the unique circumstances of transitional justice periods, a theory of testimony ethics is called for to increase individual communicative freedoms that lead to enhanced social justice as well as to increase the success of truth commission communication processes.

Between 1994 and 2012, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) established a contested zone of exception to neoliberal governance in southern Mexico and women's-rights-as-human-rights universalism reshaped international development and activist discourse. Within this context, Ana, Beatriz, and Celia González Pérez pressed claims against a group of Mexican Federal Army soldiers for rape at a military checkpoint in 1994. A rare instance of first-person denunciation of rape warfare, the Tseltal-Maya sisters' own powerful representation of the physical and procedural violations committed against them forms the starting point of this analysis, which proceeds from there, chapter by chapter, through communal, national, and international representations. Centering the women's speech, then moving to what are conventionally understood as broader fields of discourse produces new ways of understanding violence in relation to nation, culture, and gendered sociality. Though in 2001 the human rights commission of the Organization of American States upheld the women's claims, as of this writing (2012) the Mexican state has neither awarded reparations nor prosecuted the accused. I argue here that the women's unmet demands for collective and individual justice produce a novel language of protest which I call denuncia (denouncement) rather than testimony. Denuncia, I argue, puts the physical and the social body at the center of claims against sexual violation; enacts coraje (courage, rage) rather than petitions for recognition of truth; exposes the nationalist ideology of racial mixing that informs the production of testimony in Mexico, and establishes new audiences for its own reception despite the regimes of everyday violence it foregrounds. Formulated amid military occupation, denuncia exposes the gendered intimacy--control of the food supply, inhabitation of public-private architectural spaces, colonization of local enmities--that gave rise to military rape, which I call here "domestic violence." Denuncia emerges to refute the neoliberal discourse that links indigenous culture, gender, and violence just when the material basis of indigenous livelihood is under siege. This dissertation's method would not have been possible without almost twenty years' engagement with Tseltal and Tojolabal-Maya men and women who have formed part of the Zapatista movement. This long-range perspective has engendered a form of feminist scholarly accountability that cultivates listening to ground critique on the terrain of self-determination. / text