Studien har undersökt hur socialsekreteraren upplever sitt handlingsutrymme i det vräkningsförebyggande arbetet med barnfamiljer. Studien belyser faktorer som både begränsar och möjliggör handlingsutrymmet för socialsekreteraren i arbetet med barnfamiljerna samt hur detta i sig påverkar barnfamiljerna. Syftet med studien är att öka kunskapen om socialsekreterares upplevelser av sitt handlingsutrymme kopplat till det vräkningsförebyggande arbetet när det kommer till barnfamiljer. För att göra detta har vi utgått från en kvalitativ metod med semistrukturerade intervjuer där vi mött socialsekreterare som arbetar vräkningsförebyggande med barnfamiljer inom Socialtjänsten på enheten för ekonomiskt bistånd. Vårt empiriska material består av sju stycken intervjuer med socialsekreterare som arbetar inom olika stadsdelsförvaltningar i Stockholm stad. Vi har utgått från Michael Lipskys teori om gräsrotsbyråkrater i analyserandet av den empiriska data, en teori som berör det handlingsutrymme som gräsrotsbyråkrater besitter i sin position mellan organisation och klient. Studiens resultat visar att socialsekreteraren upplever ett splittrat handlingsutrymme i deras vräkningsförebyggande arbete med barnfamiljer som innebär en balansgång mellan känslan av ett stort handlingsutrymme och påverkan, samtidigt som det är starkt bundet till organisation och chef samt yttre och inre faktorer i organisationen. Här lyfts att arbetserfarenhet är starkt kopplat till upplevelsen av ett större handlingsutrymme och därmed möjlighet till påverkan för barnfamiljerna. Studien belyser även frågor från socialsekreteraren om handlingsutrymmets eventuella personbundenhet samt svårigheter i att navigera huruvida handlingsutrymmet ska användas gentemot barnfamiljen eller gentemot Socialtjänsten. / The aim of this study is to examine how social workers understand and experience their discretion in the daily work with eviction prevention when it comes to children’s families. The study was conducted through qualitative semi-structured interviews with social secretaries. Our empirical data is based on seven interviews with social secretaries from different district administrations in Stockholm stad. Drawing on Michael Lipsky’s theory on street level bureaucracy, we have analysed their reflections and examined how social workers view their position and level of discretion. Lipsky’s theory is based on the role that street level bureaucrats possesses and how the position of being in between the organization and the clients affect their daily work. The outcome of the study shows experiences of a partly fragmented discretion in daily work with eviction prevention for families with children. The experienced discretion is dual: there is both a feeling of a rather big discretion with the possibility to affect, but also a strong experience of discretion being bound to organization and their closest boss, including inner and outer factors. Among other things, work experience was highlighted as a direct connection to the experience of a bigger discretion and a possibility to effect. The study also highlights a question raised by the social secretaries concerning what direction their discretion should be used in, pointing to the different loyalties concerning if discretion is used with either the families or the organization itself in mind.

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Thesis (LLD )--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation considers the housing rights of unlawful occupiers in the post-1994 constitutional dispensation. Section 26 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 affords everyone a right of access to adequate housing. This provision is a decisive break with the apartheid past, where forced eviction banished black people to the periphery of society. The central hypothesis of this dissertation is that the Constitution envisages the creation of a society that is committed to large-scale transformation. This dissertation posits that it is impossible to realise the full transformative potential of section 26 of the Constitution in the absence of an independent and substantive understanding of what it means to have access to adequate housing. This dissertation traverses legal theory as well as the common law of evictions, constitutional law and international law. A consciously interdisciplinary approach is adopted in seeking to develop the content of section 26 of the Constitution, drawing on literature from social and political science. This dissertation develops an organising framework for giving substantive content to section 26(1) of the Constitution with reference to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms; the Revised European Social Charter, the American Convention on Human Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. This dissertation shows that the adjudication of eviction disputes has moved away from a position under the common law where Courts had no discretion to refuse eviction orders based on the personal circumstances of the squatters. The adjudication of the eviction of unlawful occupiers now requires a context-sensitive analysis that seeks to find concrete and case-specific solutions. These solutions are achieved by considering what would be just and equitable for both the land owner and the unlawful occupiers. This dissertation also shows that the government has a markedly different role to fulfil in post-apartheid evictions through the necessary joinder of local authorities to eviction proceedings, meaningful engagement with unlawful occupiers and the provision of alternative accommodation in terms of its constitutional and statutory obligations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif ondersoek die behuisingsregte van onregmatige okkupeerders in die post-1994 grondwetlike bedeling. Artikel 26 van die Grondwet van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika, 1996 gee elke persoon die reg op toegang tot geskikte behuising. Hierdie bepaling is ‘n duidelike breuk met die apartheid-verlede waar gedwonge uitsettings swart mense na die periferie van die samelewing verban het. Die sentrale hipotese van hierdie proefskrif is dat die Grondwet beoog om ‘n samelewing te skep wat verbind is tot grootskaalse transformasie. Hierdie proefskrif voer aan dat dit onmoontlik is om die volle transformerende potensiaal van artikel 26 van die Grondwet te verwesenlik in die afwesigheid van ‘n onafhanklike en substantiewe begrip van wat dit beteken om toegang tot geskikte behuising te hê. Hierdie proefskrif deurkruis regsteorie sowel as die gemenereg ten aansien van uitsettings, staatsreg and internasionale reg. ‘n Doelbewuste interdisiplinêre benadering word gevolg in die soeke na die ontwikkeling van die inhoud van artikel 26 van die Grondwet met verwysing na literatuur uit die sosiale- en politieke wetenskappe. Die proefskrif ontwikkel ‘n organiserende raamwerk waarmee substantiewe inhoud aan artikel 26(1) van die Grondwet verleen kan word met verwysing na die Internasionale Verdrag op Ekonomiese, Sosiale en Kulturele Regte; die Konvensie vir die Beskerming van Menseregte en Fundamentele Vryhede; die Hersiene Europese Sosiale Handves; die Amerikaanse Konvensie op Menseregte en die Afrika Handves op Mense en Persoonsregte. Hierdie proefskrif wys dat die beregting van uitsettingsdispute wegbeweeg het van ’n posisie onder die gemenereg waar howe geen diskresie gehad het om uitsettingsbevele te weier op grond van die persoonlike omstandighede van die plakkers nie. Die beregting van uitsettingsdispute vereis nou ‘n konteks-sensitiewe analise wat strewe daarna om konkrete oplossings te vind. Hierdie oplossings word bereik deur in ag te neem wat reg en billik sal wees vir beide die eienaar en die onregmatige okkupeerders. Die proefskrif wys ook dat die regering ‘n merkbaar nuwe rol vervul in post-apartheid uitsettings deur die noodsaaklike voeging van munisipaliteite tot uitsettings, sinvolle interaksie met onregmatige okkupeerders en die voorsiening van alternatiewe akkommodasie in terme van grondwetlike and statutêre pligte.

Thesis (LLD (Private Law))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South African courts seem to be adopting a new approach to the problem of building encroachments. For pragmatic and policy reasons courts are now inclined to exercise its discretion in favour of leaving building encroachments in place, against compensation, despite the common law right to demand removal. It has been widely accepted that courts indeed have the discretion to award damages instead of removal of the building encroachment. However, the circumstances involved and the consequences of these orders are uncertain and hence these orders result in confusion. It is unclear how this discretion is exercised. Furthermore, it is uncertain whether this discretion includes the power to order transfer of the encroached-upon land to the encroacher. There are doctrinal and constitutional implications that may be triggered by these court orders that leave building encroachments in place. The doctrinal issues centre on what happens when an encroachment is not removed and nothing is said about the rights of the respective parties after the order is made. Possible solutions are investigated to provide a doctrinally sound outcome in encroachment disputes. It is clear that the encroacher is allowed to continue occupying the portion of property on which the encroachment is erected. It seems as though a use right is indirectly created when the encroachment remains in place. The constitutional difficulty lies in the fact that the court orders may result in infringements that conflict with section 25 of the Constitution. The focus is specifically to determine whether these orders result in the compulsory loss of property or property rights. With reference to Germany, the Netherlands and Australia, a comparative perspective is provided in order to support the doctrinal and policy arguments. The comparative law provides a source of guidelines for what may work effectively and informs the ultimate suggestion of this project, namely the need for legislation to regulate building encroachments in South Africa. The legislation envisaged would have to prescribe with at least some sort of certainty how and in which circumstances the discretion should be exercised. It should also provide clarity with regard to the right that is created when the encroachment is not removed and how the compensation that is awarded in exchange for removal, should be determined. The unnecessary confusion and uncertainty that result from court orders made in the context of building encroachments may be cleared up by legislation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid Afrikaanse howe begin al hoe meer om ‘n nuwe benadering te volg ten opsigte van oorskrydende bouwerke. Dit lyk asof howe meer geneig is om hul diskresie uit te oefen ten gunste daarvan om die oorskryding vir pragmatiese en beleidsredes teen vergoeding in stand te hou, ten spyte van die gemeenregtelike reg om verwydering te eis. Daar word algemeen aanvaar dat howe wel die diskresie het om in die konteks van oorskrydende bouwerke skadevergoeding toe te ken in plaas van verwydering. Die omstandighede betrokke by en die nagevolge van hierdie beslissings is egter onseker en daarom lei dit tot verwarring. Dit is nie altyd duidelik hoe hierdie diskresie uitgeoefen word nie. Daarbenewens is daar ook onsekerheid oor of die diskresie die bevoegdheid insluit om oordrag van die grond waarop die oorsrkryding staan, te gelas. Die beslissings kan ook doktrinêre en grondwetlike implikasies hê. In terme van die doktrinêre probleem is daar vrae oor wat gebeur as die oorskryding nie verwyder word nie en niks word gesê oor die regte van beide partye in die dispuut nie. Oplossings word ondersoek om die beste moontlike doktrinêre verduideliking te probeer vasstel. Die eienaar van die oorskrydende bouwerk mag voortgaan om die grond waarop die oorskryding staan te okkupeer. Dit lyk asof ‘n gebruiksreg indirek geskep word ten gunste van die oorskryder wanneer die oorskryding nie verwyder word nie. ‘n Grondwetlike probleem mag veroorsaak word deur die moontlike oortreding van artikel 25 van die Grondwet. Die beslissings mag lei tot die gedwonge verlies van grond of regte, wat aan die vereistes van artikel 25 moet voldoen. ‘n Vergelykende perspektief met verwysing na Duitsland, Nederland en Australië word verskaf om die doktrinêre en beleidsargumente te ondersteun. Die vergelykende reg bied ‘n bron van riglyne vir wat effektief kan werk en het dus die wetgewing wat in hierdie proefskrif voorgestel word geïnspireer. Die wetgewing wat beoog word sal moet voorskryf hoe en onder watter omstanghede die diskresie uitgeoefen moet word. Dit moet ook sekerheid gee ten opsigte van die reg wat geskep word as die oorskryding nie verwyder word nie en hoe die skadevergoeding bepaal moet word. Die onnodige verwaring en onsekerheid wat veroorsaak word deur hierdie hofbeslissings kan opgeklaar word deur die promulgering van wetgewing om oorskrydende bouwerke te reguleer.

L'analyse quantitative a été réalisée en cotutelle avec Rémi Boivin et Pierre Tremblay et publiée dans la Revue de Criminologie: Boivin, R., Lamige, C,. Tremblay, P. (2009) La police devrait-elle cibler les taudis malfamés? Criminologie, (42)1, 225-266. / Les modèles de police de résolution de problèmes et de police communautaire sont souvent présentés en opposition l’un de l’autre. Ce mémoire présente l’évaluation d’une intervention policière réunissant des éléments des modèles mentionnés précédemment et ayant pour objectif de mettre fin au foyer de désordre causé par la présence d’un immeuble de location de chambres. Les analyses reposent à la fois sur une évaluation qualitative et quantitative des interventions communautaires et policières réalisées dans cet édifice surnommé le « Motel ». Les résultats des entretiens réalisés auprès d’organismes communautaires, de policiers et de citoyens du quartier ont permis de mieux comprendre les étapes de cette opération policière et communautaire. Ils ont également permis de connaître le mode de fonctionnement relatif au rachat d’un immeuble par une administration municipale de même que d’en mesurer l’impact d’un point de vue préventif. Les résultats obtenus ont également permis de saisir l’importance des maisons de chambres pour certains locataires « démunis » de ce quartier, mais aussi la réputation qui en découle. La méthode de gestion de ce genre d’immeubles possède une étroite corrélation avec le type de locataires présents. Une analyse de terrain effectuée trois ans après l’opération a rendu possible l’identification du type de problèmes dont souffrent la majorité des locataires de maisons de chambres à gestion privée. Dans ce cas-ci, il s’agit de problèmes reliés à la santé mentale. Les résultats de l’évaluation quantitative ont quant à eux révélé qu’un régime de patrouille intensive favorise la stimulation de la fréquence des appels logés au 9-1-1 par les citoyens et que la stratégie de profiler un taudis de mauvaise réputation pour faire diminuer les désordres dans l’ensemble du quartier n’a pas été, dans le site observé, particulièrement concluante. / Models of problem-oriented policing and community policing are often shown in opposition to each other. This thesis presents an evaluation of a police crackdown, combining elements of the above mentioned models and aimed at ending disorder outbreaks caused by tenants of a troublesome flophouse. Analyses are based on both qualitative and quantitative evaluations of community and police interventions conducted in a building known as the "Motel". Results obtained through discussions with community organizations, police and neighbourhood residents have lead to better understanding the phases of this police and community operation. They also provided the operation mode on property buyback by a municipal administration and assessed its impact by means of a preventive perspective. The results also helped to acknowledge the importance of flophouses for a number of helpless tenants in this district, but also the reputation that follows. The management process for this category of building is in close correlation with the type of tenants who live there. A field analysis, conducted three years after the operation, has made it possible to identify the type of problems afflicting the majority of tenants living in flophouses that are privately managed. In this case, the problems are linked to mental health. Results of the quantitative evaluation have demonstrated that intensive patrol surveillance increases residents’ propensity to place 9-1-1 calls and the strategy to reduce disorder in the general neighbourhood by targeting notorious slums has not been particularly conclusive on the site observed.

Dans cette thèse nous avons étudié quatre aspects fondamentaux de l’interaction ADN-protéine, notamment : l’affinité, la spécificité, l’accessibilité et la cinétique. En particulier, nous avons adressé les questions suivantes : comment un dimer du facteur de transcription NF-kB reconnait spécifiquement sa séquence d’ADN-cible, quelle est la rapidité de ces interactions, comment NF-kB interagit avec son site de fixation dans le contexte de la chromatine? Récemment, la spécificité de l’interaction NF-kB – ADN a reçu une attention particulière après l’observation que NF-kB peut se lier à des séquences qui n’entrent pas dans la classification de ses motifs « consensus ». Nous avons étudié la spécificité d’interaction de sept de ces motifs avec quatre dimers de NF-kB. Nos résultats montrent que le homo-dimer p50 sont les moins discriminatives et peuvent s’associer spécifiquement avec ces sept séquences. Par contre, les homo-dimers RelA se sont révélés hautement discriminatives ne pouvant pas s’associer spécifiquement avec ces séquences. Pour mesurer l’affinité de l’interaction nous avons utilisés deux méthodes distinctes : le traditionnel gel de retard (EMSA) et une nouvelle technique – « l’empreinte » au laser UV. Nos résultats montrent que le deuxième approche est plus approprié pour la mesure des constantes spécifiques de dissociation.Pour étudier la dynamique de l’interaction NF-kB – ADN, nous avons couplé l’empreinte au laser UV avec un appareil de mélange-rapide à façon. Cette combinaison nous a permis d’atteindre une résolution spatiale d’un nucléotide et temporaire de quelques millisecondes. Nous avons montré que l’homo-dimer p50 s’associe avec sa séquence-cible (MHC) H2 en suivant une cinétique à 2 pas. Le premier, de durée ~100 ms, reflète une reconnaissance initiale rapide, tandis que le deuxième, de durée ~1s, reflète une stabilisation lente du complexe. Nos expériences suggèrent aussi que les séquences voisines du site de reconnaissance jouent aussi un rôle dans la stabilisation du complexe.Finalement, nous avons étudié aussi l’accessibilité du nucléosome pour le NF-kB. Nos données in vitro montre que l’invasion spécifique de l’ADN à l’intérieure du nucléosome par NF-kB nécessite une perturbation majeure de la structure du nucléosome telle que l’éviction d’au moins un dimer d’histones H2A-H2B. / In this thesis we have attempted to study four basic aspects of DNA-protein interactions: Affinity, specificity, accessibility and kinetics. With NF-kB as our model transcription factor, we wanted to investigate how a particular dimer recognizes a specific binding sequence? How fast are these interactions? And finally, how does the NF-kB interact with it binding site in the chromatin context? Specificity of NF-kB-DNA interactions has recently come into focus after it was shown that these dimers can bind to the sequences which do not fall into the NF-kB general consensus motif. We studied seven such sequences for their specificity for four NF-kB dimers. Our results show that p50 homodimers are least discriminative and can bind specifically to all these sequences. While as, RelA homodimers were highly discriminative and did not bind to most of these nontraditional sequences. We used two different methods to measure binding affinities: traditional gel mobility shift assay (EMSA) and a novel technique called as UV laser footprinting. Our results show that UV laser footprinting is the better method to determine the binding constants.For studying the dynamics of NF-kB-DNA binding, we combined UV laser footprinting with stopped flow device. This combination, not only give us one base pair resolution but also milli-second time resolution. Using p50 homodimers as a model transcription factor, we showed that the binding of this factor follows a two-step mechanism. First step involves the fast recognition of the sequence and second step follows a slower kinetics most likely for the stabilization of the complex. Our experiments suggest that flanking sequences play a role in the recognition and stabilization process of the complex formation.Finally, we also studied the accessibility of nucleosomes to NF-kB. Our in vitro data sheds light on the in vivo requirements for the alterations in chromatin structure necessary for the productive binding of NF-kB. These include either a removal of H2A-H2B dimers from the nucleosome and/or chromatin remodeler induced relocation of the histone octamer.Our data sheds light on the in vivo requirements for the alterations in chromatin structure necessary for the productive binding of NF-kB. We hypothesize that some factors like PU.1 might be able to target the chromatin remodeling/dimer eviction machinery to particular nucleosomes and lead to productive binding of NF-kB.

Based on in-depth semi-structured interview data from 35 housing professionals, this study examines the question; why do social landlords evict their tenants. Drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu this study argues that by examining the relationship between objective and subjective positions, the false antinomy of structure/agency can be dissolved, providing a more heuristic understanding of eviction practices in the social rented housing sector. This relationship is captured in what Bourdieu (2000) calls ‘objectivity of the second order’, that is, the collective conventions, the shared norms and values, and the categories of perception which agents apply to the world. The argument put forward here is that, in order to understand evictions practices in their ‘totality’, it is necessary to move beyond social physics and social phenomenology by constructing, as the object of study, the relation between the two. Using Boltanski and Thevenot’s (1991) ‘economy of worth’ model, (itself a form of frame analysis), it is possible to capture an important aspect of this ‘objectivity of the second order’, via the frames through which housing professionals derive meaning from their work, providing access to an otherwise elusive aspect of qualitative enquiry. This research contributes new insights and analysis in the field of housing studies by adopting a comprehensively theoretical approach, which has not been applied to understanding evictions practices, thereby adding to existing knowledge. It also provides a detailed political sociology of why, despite the apparent contradictions, social landlords evict their tenants.

對於已開發國家而言，都市土地的開發往往趨於飽和，因此多藉助舊有土地再開發之策略增加居住或者使用空間，並以此為「公共利益」而證立其正當性。然而，開發行為亦涉及諸多對人權之干預，尤其在強制拆遷的執行上，一方面侵害既有居住者之私人與家庭生活，另方面則因欠缺程序權保障而徒增糾紛。同時，因為臺灣當前對強制拆遷之司法論述，仍聚焦於財產權範疇，而使司法人權保障難以及於非正式住居者。 本文擬以非正式住居之居住權保障為中心，整合人權法治與政治思想，透過國際人權法與當代正義理論的詮釋，以討論公權力主張公共利益執行強制拆遷之界限。本文主張，衡平權利衝突之公共利益，應進一步以差異政治之觀點加以審視。法律做為一種權利保障機制，應避免制度設計對於對社會弱勢形成壓迫、支配。故自承認政治的觀點出發，非正式住居者亦應受正當法律程序保障，才是社會正義實踐之基礎。 / For developed countries, urban region was overdeveloped. Facing with this condition, the government used to resort to the strategy of urban renew, trying to make the most efficient use of the urban land and claim the renew project was based on the public interest. However, the urban renew project execution often violate the human right condition, especially the execution of forced eviction. In Taiwan, the government disobeyed the due process principle, infringed the right to respect for private and family life. The process also resulted the conflict between government and citizens. Such kind of dilemma reveals that the legal protection of housing right was limited primarily to the property rights, and it’s also the reason why informal settlement resident in Taiwan still couldn’t acquire the legal protection. In this article, we will focus on the housing right of the informal settlement and ascertain the boundary of the public interest in which created by urban renew, by the international humanitarian law and contemporary justice theory perspectives. In the end, from the point of the politics of difference, we consider that the informal-settled resident still should have the legal due process protection. The law should protect the social vulnerable from the oppression and domination of the injustice institution.

1. 4. ABSTRACT Diploma Thesis Mladá - Between the Destrution of Village and the Emergence of Military Training Ground (1904-1906) discusses the turbulent lives of the parish community on Benátky-Region, which, in 1904, was in the very center of planned artillery firing ranges and military training ground of the Austro-Hungarian army. As the only one of the affected villages, Mladá was doomed, people were forced to move, and the local buildings were used to house troops, and, subsequently, they were used as artillery targets. Sacrificing Mladá village in fact brought economic prosperity to the surrounding municipalities. The Transport infrastructure had improved, local trade got new impulses, agriculture production found a new outlet in the army etc. Finally, the dissolution of Mladá village led to the emergence of a new micro-regional center, when a small village of Milovice became a town that still commemorates this historical event village through the name of one of its urban parts - Mladá.

[pt] Esta dissertação examina a política de deslocamento de pessoas no contexto do projeto da Usina Hidrelétrica Belo Monte, região Norte do Brasil. Especificamente, eu investigo a política de deslocamento de ribeirinhos, pequenos agricultores e populações indígenas em Belo Monte. À luz do entendimento de política de Jacques Rancière, faço minha análise olhando para os males do deslocamento ao invés de para os direitos que alegadamente pertencem aos atingidos. Ao trazer isto ao debate, proponho reformular deslocamento como uma questão de exclusão política, não um problema de natureza técnica ou social. Embora remonte aos tempos coloniais, migração forçada raramente é um tópico discutido no Brasil. O país possui 1268 centrais elétricas de alguma escala, das quais 219 são hidrelétricas. Construir essas barragens exige, em quase todos os casos, pessoas e lugares sacrificiais. Em consequência, laços familiares são desfeitos, formas de vida extinguidas, lares são mortos. A literatura sobre pessoas deslocadas por projetos de desenvolvimento a partir de uma abordagem baseada em direitos não conseguiu dar conta da política de deslocamento. A terceira maior barragem do mundo em capacidade instalada trouxe com seus 11.233 MW as mesmas violações de direitos, anunciadas por projetos anteriores. Ao longo do tempo, estima-se que um milhão de pessoas tenham sido expulsas de suas casas devido a projetos de barragens hidrelétricas e sua migração para outras áreas, ou seu abandono e empobrecimento, foram tratados como apenas mais um exemplo de exclusão social em meio ao portfólio brasileiro de problemas sociais. Isso, no entanto, pode não ajudar a abordar as causas da migração forçada nesses casos. Situado no âmbito mais amplo da política mundial moderna, em suas formas de ler e pensar o Estado, as implicações da política na (re)produção da condição de deslocado são constitutivas. Este trabalho argumenta, portanto, que os deslocados de Belo Monte são a parte sem-parte na democracia brasileira. Eles são feitos povo suplementar pelos danos de uma obra de desenvolvimento, mas é também através da sua resistência a esses danos que denunciam a desigualdade na democracia. Ao resistir a essa partição e ao espaço de negligência atribuídos à sua existência, eles fazem mais do que o designado. Enquadrando deslocamento como um conflito sobre a produção do espaço, então, a dissertação sugere como as pessoas resistem, intervêm e contestam a representação de seu espaço. Deslocados resistem ao seu status suplementar criando espaços alternativos de representação. Suas práticas de resistência, portanto, evidenciam seu status político e desafiam a vida democrática a garantir sua parte em casos futuros. Concluo trazendo insights práticos inspirados por essas críticas teóricas para os próximos projetos hidrelétricos no Brasil; já anunciados e, até agora, inevitáveis. / [en] This dissertation examines the politics of the displacement of people in the context of the Belo Monte Complex project in the North of Brazil. Specifically, I investigate the politics of the displacement of riparian, small farmers and Indigenous populations in Belo Monte. In light of Jacques Rancière understanding of politics, I do so by looking at the wrongs of displacement rather than to the alleged rights belonging to subjects. Bringing this to the debate will reframe displacement as a matter of political exclusion, not a social or technical problem. Although it goes back to colonial times, forced migration is a rarely discussed topic in Brazil. The country has 1268 hydroelectric plants of some scale, among which 219 are hydroelectric dams. Building those dams requires, in almost every case, sacrificial people and places. As consequences, family ties are undone, ways of living extinguished, homes are killed. Literature on people displaced by development projects grounded on a rights based approach has not been able to address the politics of displacement. The world s third largest dam in installed capacity brought with its 11,233 MW the very same old, foreseen and announced rights violations of previous projects. Over time, it is estimated that one million people have been put out from their homes because of hydroelectric dam projects and their migration to other areas, or their abandonment and impoverishment, have been treated as only one more example of social exclusion amidst the vast Brazilian portfolio of social problems. That might not help to address the causes of forced migration in these cases, though. Situated in the broader scope of modern world politics, in its ways to read and think the State, the implications of politics in the (re)production of the displaced condition are constitutive. This work argues, therefore, that Belo Monte displacees are the part with no-part in Brazilian democracy. They are made supplementary people by the wrongs of a development work but it is also through their resistance to those wrongs that they denounce the inequality in democracy. In resisting this partition and the space of neglect attributed to their existence, they do more than the assigned. By framing displacement as a conflict over the production of space, then, the dissertation shows how people resist, intervene and contest the representations of their space. Displacees themselves resist to their supplementary status, creating alternative spaces of representation. Therefore, their practices of resistance make evident their political status and challenge democratic life to guarantee their part’in future cases alike. I conclude by bringing practical insights inspired by these theoretical critiques to forthcoming hydroelectric projects in Brazil; already announced and, so far, inevitable.