Sunset clauses are a commonly used statutory provision related to the temporary duration of various laws. Such clauses are scattered throughout the statute books. This thesis aims to shed light on the constitutional value of such clauses, in order to value them from the perspective of the separation of powers and the rule of law. We have an extant amount of literature on sunset clauses, especially regarding their utility in the United States. In the United Kingdom, we have a limited analysis with respect to specific fields, including emergency legislation. However, we lack a comprehensive analysis with regard to their constitutional value. This thesis’s analysis is conducted in three parts, separated into the historical, the positive, and the normative. All three parts of this thesis are interdependent, and the analysis of each subsequent part builds on the conclusion of its antecedent. The first part investigates the historical development of sunset clauses since the first Parliament in England. The positive analysis examines the contemporary utility of sunset clauses. Finally, the normative evaluation examines their interaction with several models of separation of powers as it values their impact on the rule of law. Depending on the separation of power model, such clauses play a role in the system of checks and balances. On the one hand, they impact the institutional relationship between the executive and legislative branches. On the other hand, they influence the interaction between the legislature and the courts. Although I acknowledge that their legislative use in limiting human rights diminishes the rule of law, they might have the exact opposite effect: on several occasions in the past, they were used to advance the rule of law, including the adoption of innovative legislation and the annulment of the death penalty. Indeed, this thesis attests to the constitutional value of sunset clauses.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

A democratic rule of law state combines two legal principles: the principle of democracy and the principle of rule of law. The democratic principle requires rule of the people and therefore implicitly the protection of political rights (in particular the right to vote, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and association) that allow an individual to actively participate in the political community. The formal conception of rule of law, which is defined by the exercise of state power based on law, requires in particular the right of access to a court and the right of due process, which guarantee genuine enforceability of the law. The material conception of rule of law requires a much wider range of rights: according to Czech jurisprudence essentially all that are included in the Charter. This does not mean that any interference with the abovementioned rights means that a state is no longer a democratic rule of law state; if it did, there would not be a single democratic rule of law state in the world. However, any interference with fundamental rights must be carried out according to statute, must be proportionate to a legitimate aim and not interfere with the unbreachable core of human rights. The unbreachable core of a fundamental rights is a limit for the proportionality test; it is the core of...

Na última década emergiu na academia brasileira um movimento doutrinário denominado Neoconstitucionalismo, que advoga a adoção de uma série de posturas interpretativas que conferem maior liberdade aos juízes ao decidirem os casos constitucionais no intuito de promover transformação social pelo Direito. A partir de uma reconstrução interpretativa do ideal político Estado de Direito, procura-se avaliar o impacto das teses defendidas pelo modelo decisório neoconstitucionalista, concluindo-se que nas sociedades democráticas contemporâneas, em que há profundos desacordos morais, a sua adoção é inadequada por implicar violações à dignidade humana. / In the last decade, a legal movement known as neoconstitutionalism has emerged in the Brazilian legal academy. It advocates the adoption of a series of interpretative attitudes which confer a wide margin of discretion to judges when deciding constitutional cases with the aim of achieving social transformation through law. Relying on a reconstructive interpretation of the Rule of Law political ideal, this work aims to assess the impacts of the thesis defended by the neoconstitutionalist adjudicative model. It concludes, at the end, that in contemporary democratic societies, where people deeply disagree on moral regards, the adoption of neoconstitucionalism is inadequate in virtue of the violations it infringes upon human dignity.

A teoria tradicional sobre o poder identifica a violência do Estado como sendo a manifestação última do poder político, chegando mesmo a encontrar na demonstração de força física a essência do poder. Esta relação repercute na teoria do Estado definindo-o, não sem bases históricas, como monopólio dos instrumentos de violência. Já para o direito, a identificação entre poder e violência leva a uma sobrevaloração da sanção na atribuição de juridicidade à norma. Ainda que não de modo pioneiro, Hannah Arendt e Niklas Luhmann definiram o poder em oposição à violência, ainda que a ela relacionado. Esta similaritude na descrição do poder como oposto à violência leva a indagações acerca da compatibilidade entre as reflexões políticas de Arendt e as observações sociológicas de Luhmann. Este trabalho realiza uma comparação entre as obras dos dois autores no que diz respeito à relação entre poder e violência dentro do Estado de Direito. Para tanto, o estudo parte da premissa de que é possível a uma teoria do Estado aplicar tanto Arendt, quanto Luhmann a seus próprios conceitos. A distinção de posições, se interna ou externa à política, permite que uma assimetria entre as obras seja estabelecida e, deste modo, viabiliza a comparação. O trabalho conclui pela compatibilidade dos autores devido à semelhança entre os conceitos de ação e comunicação, entretanto, reconhece que o conceito de poder de Arendt é muito mais amplo do que aquele de Luhmann. Por fim, este trabalho propõe possíveis pontos de partida para novas abordagens da política e do direito que reúnam características dos dois autores analisados. / The traditional theory of power identifies State violence as the ultimate expression of political power, to the point of perceiving in the demonstration of physical strength the essence of power. The liaison between political commands and violent attitudes reaches the definition of State itself, establishing it, not without any Historical grounds, as the monopoly of instruments of force. In Law the relation between power and violence leads to overestimating the role of sanction in define a norm as lawful. Even though not as pioneers, Hannah Arendt and Niklas Luhmann defined power as opposite to violence, yet connected. Such similarities induce the question of the possibility of combining both theoretical approaches. This essay compares the works of the authors regarding the bearing of power and violence under the rule of law. As premise, this essay adopts the assumption that it is indeed possible for a theory of State to develop both Arendts and Luhmanns concepts as its own. Different theoretical positions inside and outside polity allow the creation of an asymmetry, which enables the comparison. This essay reaches the conclusion favorable to the compatibility of the authors, due to the similarity of both the concept of action and that of communication. Nonetheless, it recognizes that Arendts concept of power is much broader than Luhmanns. Finally, this essay suggests new approaches to political and legal theories that may pursuit the theoretical path of any or both the authors in comparison.

O termo judicializar significa tratar judicialmente, chegar a um julgamento ou decisão. Judicialmente, nesse sentido, diz respeito ao julgamento legal, aos tribunais. Por outro lado, nas democracias a tomada de decisão baseia-se no princípio da maioria, no debate aberto entre iguais, nas assembleias eleitas pelo voto popular. Se na democracia quem decide é o povo, através de representantes eleitos, é porque o poder é do povo. Decisões judiciais e decisões políticas são duas formas distintas de solução de conflitos. O tema da judicialização da política remete à tensão entre democracia e o Estado de Direito. Sob o argumento de que vivemos em democracias de direitos, a política e as relações sociais vêm sendo cada vez mais orientadas menos pela ótica da política do que pelo direito. Este trabalho de pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar o fenômeno da judicialização da política como um problema político e não jurídico, analisando também as condições sociais que favorecem o afastamento da política nas democracias cada vez mais judicializadas. Pensar o político da democracia e da própria política é uma forma de refletir a respeito do obscurecimento da própria noção de democracia. / The term judicialize means treating judicially, to reach a judgment or decision. Judicially, in this sense, regards to legal judgement, to courts. On the other hand, decision-making in democracies is based upon on the principle of the majority, on the open debate among equals, on assemblies elected by popular vote. If, in the democracy is the people who decides, through elected representatives, this is due to the fact that the power belongs to the people. Judicial decisions and political decisions are two distinct ways of conflict resolution. The theme of judicialization of politics refers to the tension between democracy and the Rule of Law. Under the argument that we live in democracies of rights, politics and social relations have been increasingly more oriented to the perspective of law than that of politics. This study aims at analyzing the phenomenon of judicialization of politics as a political problem rather than a legal one. It also analyzes the social conditions that favor the removal of politics in democracies, which have been increasingly judicialized. To think about the political of democracy and about politics itself is a way of reflecting about the obfuscation of the very notion of democracy.

In the last two or three decades, corruption has become a noticeable issue in many countries, especially in developing countries where it has serious effects on the economy. In this paper, the effect of corruption on economic growth will be examined through literature and researches that involve the effect of corruption in economic growth followed by cross-sectional regression analysis to the issue. The focus will be on how much corruption and how much corruption control are present for each country. other different variables that could be expected to affect the economic growth for this period will also, be examined. To answer this question, corruption control as an independent variable while economic growth is the dependent variable will be examined. The second question would be to study corruption control as a dependent variable while using a set of variables as independent variables and see how much they would affect corruption control. Finally, a case study that draws a comparison between the economy in Germany and South Korea where the results from the empirical part will be applied to the two countries and the difference between the true reported numbers and the numbers from the OLS equations will be checked and explained.   From all the directions been taken to study the subject “literatures, empirical and case study “ the results showed that corruption activities have negative effects on economic growth and although it might be in some cases shown to be insignificant, however, it is very important to minimize the corruption activities by boosting variables such as corruption control, rule of law, stability and also education as it is shown that the more years of education will decrease the levels of corruption in some cases.   The conclusion here will be, although corruption may have more effects in some economies more than others, to combat corruption that will take a global effort. The countries that may not suffer greatly from it may be caught in the cost of cleaning it by having to support failed economies. Or worse, corruption may be increased to levels that it could not be ignored.

蔡俊威. / "2013年9月". / "2013 nian 9 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 131-148). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Cai Junwei.

Submitted by Eunice Novais (enovais@uepg.br) on 2018-06-07T21:42:41Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Andrea Bulka Sahaiko.pdf: 2053259 bytes, checksum: 00526450425a75f7876001a28ee5b2a1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-07T21:42:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Andrea Bulka Sahaiko.pdf: 2053259 bytes, checksum: 00526450425a75f7876001a28ee5b2a1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-27 / A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo compreender como a Organização Não-Governamental (ONG) Observatório Social de Irati desenvolve sua participação no Município de Irati, no recorte temporal de 2016 e 2017 (primeiro semestre). A pesquisa teve caráter qualitativo e foi realizada através do seguinte procedimento metodológico: sistematização de referencial teórico a partir das principais categorias: Participação, Sociedade Civil, Estado, Hegemonia e Ideologia. Nesta sistematização foi de fundamental importância a análise sobre os princípios do Estado Democrático de Direito, as formas e representações da participação a partir das teorias liberal e marxista. Também procuramos articular a totalidade das relações sociais, permeadas pelas contradições do modo de produção capitalista e a fragmentação entre público e privado. Na sequência, realizou-se a inserção no campo, com coleta de dados e documentos, bem como observações, com anotações em caderno de campo. Portanto, a pesquisa utilizou-se de documentação direta e indireta, no intuito de coletar dados que pudessem nortear as interpretações propostas. Foram identificadas várias formas de participação da ONG estudada, sendo estas separadas nas seguintes categorias: Educação Fiscal, Mobilização da Sociedade e Fiscalização das Contas Públicas. A interpretação dos dados foi realizada por meio da análise de conteúdo, tentando buscar o significado das mensagens e das formas de participação sob orientação do método histórico-dialético. Os principais resultados encontrados demonstram uma tendência de participação voltada a conteúdos gerenciais, que desconsideram interesses de classe e desigualdades sociais. A participação voltada a estes conteúdos tem concepções próprias sobre o papel do cidadão na ordem jurídico-política, considerando a justiça social como fenômeno de busca individual, aliado a ideologias de mercado (economia e eficiência) na aplicação dos recursos públicos. Tal fato se dá por influência hegemônica do modo de produção capitalista, decorrente principalmente de políticas neoliberais introduzidas no Brasil a partir dos anos 1990. Em certa medida, estas políticas atingem a ação participativa como processo pedagógico, bloqueando a busca por autonomia e consciência política. Mesmo assim, ao refletir sobre os processos participativos no Estado de Direito, não se pode desconsiderar toda a riqueza de atuação da sociedade civil, compreendida como espaço de lutas e conquistas por novas hegemonias, sendo a participação um processo inacabado, contraditório, mas em constante movimento. / The present research had as objective to understand how the Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) Social Observatory of Irati develops its participation in the Municipality of Irati, in the temporal cut of 2016 and 2017 (first semester). The research was qualitative and was carried out through the following methodological procedure: systematization of theoretical reference from the main categories: Participation, Civil Society, State, Hegemony and Ideology. In this systematization it was fundamentally important to analyze the principles of the Democratic State of Law, the forms and representations of participation from the liberal and Marxist meanings. We also seek to articulate the totality of social relations, permeated by the contradictions of the capitalist production process and the fragmentation between public and private. In the sequence, the field was inserted, with data collection and documents, as well as observations, with annotations in a field notebook. Therefore, the research used direct and indirect documentation, in order to collect data that could guide the proposed interpretations. Several forms of participation of the NGO studied were identified, being these separated in the following categories: Fiscal Education, Society Mobilization and Public Accounts Audit. The interpretation of the data was performed through content analysis, trying to find the meaning of messages and forms of participation under the guidance of the dialectical-historical method. The main results show a tendency towards participation focused on managerial content, which disregards class interests and social inequalities. This is due to ideological and hegemonic influences of the capitalist mode of production, mainly influenced by neoliberal policies introduced in Brazil from the 1990s. To a certain extent, these policies affect participation as a pedagogical process, blocking the search for autonomy and political consciousness. Even so, when reflecting on the participatory processes in the State of Right, one can not disregard all the wealth of civil society, understood as space of struggles and conquests for new hegemonies, participation being an unfinished, contradictory, but constant process movement.

Submitted by Marlene Aparecida de Souza Cardozo (mcardozo@pucsp.br) on 2016-11-22T13:12:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro Suriani da Silva.pdf: 1080817 bytes, checksum: 350c62fe0540794eb43dae7eb541a59a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-22T13:12:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro Suriani da Silva.pdf: 1080817 bytes, checksum: 350c62fe0540794eb43dae7eb541a59a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-10-03 / This thesis reflects a sequence of studies involving neoconstitucionalism theories developed in Brazil and their criticism. It was demonstrated the construction of constitutionalism in Brazil and the reasons for the emergence of the institute called neoconstitutionalism, which introduced a new techniques for interpretation of the Constitution and conferred more freedom to court judges to introduce changes in social, economic and political issues in society, without the intervention of the Congress. At the same time, although recognized as a mechanism able to bring more effectiveness to law, we tried to present in this work the criticism inaugurated against this theory, especially about the risks in moving away persistently the laws issued by the Brazilian Congress, with prevalence of constitutional principles, leaving to the particularly criterion of court judges to settlement the cases, even more in a context of a democratic society, in which exists a real differences of opinions on various themes and issues / A presente dissertação reflete uma sequencia de estudos envolvendo o advento das teorias neoconstitucionalistas desenvolvidas no Brasil e as respectivas críticas. Procurou-se demonstrar a construção teórico científica do constitucionalismo no território brasileiro e as razões que originaram o surgimento do fenômeno intitulado neoconstitucionalismo, o qual introduziu novas técnicas para interpretação dos dispositivos constitucionais e conferiu maior liberdade aos juízes para introduzir mudanças de cunho social, econômico e político na sociedade, sem a interferência do Poder Legislativo. Ao mesmo tempo, ainda que reconhecido como mecanismo apto a trazer maior efetividade aos princípios constitucionais, procurou-se apresentar na presente dissertação as críticas inauguradas contra esta teoria, principalmente sobre os riscos em se afastar com insistência as leis e atos normativos editados validamente pelo Poder Legislativo, com prevalência dos princípios, deixando ao critério subjetivo do julgador a solução dos casos concretos, sobretudo no âmbito de uma sociedade democrática plural, em que evidente a divergência de opiniões acerca dos mais variados temas e assuntos