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<p>At present, the United Nations Security Council has exclusive power over the authorization of humanitarian intervention. Any intervention, regardless of intentions or success, which proceeds without explicit authorization from the Security Council is both illegal and of questionable legitimacy. However, there are strong reasons to believe that the Security Council is a sub-optimal decision making body and therefor ill-suited for this task. The purpose of this thesis is to explore these reasons and propose that Standardized Regional Organizations are an ideal alternative to the Security Council.</p> <p>This thesis proceeds in three chapters. The first chapter discusses the intricacies of humanitarian intervention and the inherent conflict between state sovereignty and international human rights protection. This chapter explores the core issues which an authorizing institution would have to weigh in any humanitarian crisis. The second chapter outlines the exact role which an authorizing institution plays in the norm of humanitarian intervention and the specific qualities which an ideal institution requires. The third and final chapter utilizes conclusions drawn in the first two to critically examine potential alternatives to the Security Council. After demonstrating that all the alternatives available in the literature are problematic, and Standardized Regional Institutions are proposed and defended.</p> <p>The Standardized Regional Organization proposal calls for Regional Organizations to adopt a new, standardized institutional model which will massively improve their ability to properly deal with humanitarian crises. By building transparency safeguards and accountability mechanisms into Regional Organizations’ decision making procedures they become highly reliable bodies for the authorization of humanitarian intervention. This approach captures the standing practical benefits inherent to Regional Organizations and adds philosophical rigour to their decision making procedures.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is a place where states can seek international status by campaigning for its ten elected seats. Beginning from this premise, in this dissertation I ask: how do states seek status through their competitions for seats on the UNSC? Drawing on the concerns of IR theorists as well as historians, this is a process-driven question. I am interested in the process of status-seeking, not simply status itself, and I am concerned with the ways that status-seeking has evolved from 1945 to the present in the lifetime of the UN. I understand status as membership in a club embedded in larger hierarchies and examine both the nature of the hierarchies and the responsibilities associated with that membership. Similarly, I take a relational view of status that is predicated on recognition and social closure. While the UN and the UNSC are embodiments of liberal internationalism, they are also embodiments of global and historical imperialism. This imperialism structures the hierarchy under which status-seeking occurs. Status, as membership, comes with shared expectations of behaviour, responsibility, practices, and resources. I argue that status-seeking thus requires relating to these expected behaviours, responsibilities, and practices. Thus, states conduct their campaigns in terms of articulating how they plan to use their status and contribute to the UNSC's (liberal) mandate. By speaking to these liberal responsibilities and the use of status, states are also articulating their relationships to global imperialism at different points in time through the process of status-seeking. In supporting this argument, I examine Canada's nine campaigns to the UNSC in 1946, 1947, 1957, 1966, 1976, 1988, 1998, 2010, and 2020. Using a combination of historical methods (interviews, archival work, policy document analysis), I use a genealogical lens to trace the process of status-seeking in the 20th and 21st centuries.

In the sixty-three years of the United Nations' existence the international stage has evolved significantly, and the world today is different from that when the original United Nations Charter was drafted. Therefore, it is only natural to expect the organization to evolve, in order to fully embrace the changes in the international community and to be able to address these changes efficiently. However, reform to the United Nations has been slow. This lack of change is due to various factors, particularly the lack of cohesiveness among member states and the inability of these to reach an agreement. Member states are unwilling to provide the organization with the power and respect it needs in order to carry out its mandates, therefore, the United Nations becomes an organization with a big to do list, and no way to carry it out. The United Nations may be outdated; however, it is far from being obsolete since it is an important player in the international community and serves endless imperative missions and mandates. It is up to the international community to decide what direction they want the United Nations to take and what the organization will become in the upcoming years. IN the meantime, this study will discuss the possibilities of reform regarding UN budget, the Secretariat and the Security Council. The United Nations is constantly underfunded which is a great limitation on what the organization can do and how well it can do it. Member states expect the organization to function while being starved of funds. Underfunding can be attributed to various issues, particularly the withholding of payments from members states, lack of alternative resources and the high operating costs of the organization. The United Nations works under the guidance of the United Nations Secretariat, which can be considered the organization's administration. Administrative reform is imperative to create a more efficient Secretariat, particularly the areas of staff qualification and the selection and role of the Secretary General; both areas play an essential role in promoting an efficient Secretariat. The Security Council was formed with special privileges to the five superpowers at the time of the Charter's drafting. However, as the international community evolved and power shifted, these privileges had been maintained. Security Council reform should redistribute power accordingly in order to represent the realities of the world today. This study will address the main areas of criticism within the organization: the Budget, the Secretariat and the Security Council, and match them with reform proposals introduced to the organization to address these specific criticisms. Once these criticisms have been matched to reform proposals this study will analyze the reasons why these reforms have failed to materialize over the years and how this has affected the organization. Furthermore, it will address the reasons for lack of action by member states and the possibilities of these reforms taking place in the near future. The goal of this study will be to further understand the reasons why the United Nations has come short of its expectations and how lack of reform is to blame.

This two part thesis investigates the lack of definition of the wording “all necessary means” and how it ultimately impacts a decision making gap between the Security Council and the troop contributing countries regarding the use of force in UN peace operations. The assumptions are based on Reus-Smit’s constructivist theory, emphasizing that both politics and international law needs to be studied with a holistic approach in order to understand how the two realms shape each other. The assumption of this thesis is that “all necessary means” is not providing enough guidance to constrain the TCCs to behave as sovereign, equal actors in an anarchical structure. The second part of the thesis is a within-case-study of MONUC/MONUSCO, and the Security Council resolution 2098 that established the Force Intervention Brigade.

[pt] Essa dissertação visa analisar o debate referente às tomadas de decisão para as práticas de intervenção humanitária nos anos noventa utilizando instrumentos teóricos provenientes da Filosofia da Linguagem de Wittgenstein. O foco investigativo se direciona aos discursos dos membros do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (ONU) e como estes, por meio do uso da linguagem, atribuem significados variados aos conceitos centrais que arquitetam o entendimento acerca desta nova prática, ainda sem conceituação formal e jurídica na diplomacia e na academia das relações internacionais. O ponto de partida para a presente análise é a constatação da falta de definição das práticas de intervenção, assim também, a ausência de critérios que qualifiquem os casos de violação de direitos humanos para uma intervenção de caráter humanitário. No entanto, enquanto a maioria dos praticantes e estudiosos de relações internacionais aponta para os efeitos negativos da ausência de definição conceitual da prática, o presente trabalho ressalta a condição natural da indeterminação da linguagem e enfatiza que apenas devido à natureza porosa das palavras e o funcionamento dinâmico e interativo da linguagem novos caminhos de significação às práticas humanas podem ser traçados. / [en] The present work focuses on how the use of language by the Member States of the United Nation´s Security Council during the decision making for humanitarian interventions in the post Cold War period, can come to mean different things in different scenarios. For this job we have used analytical tools concepts from Wittgenstein´s Philosophy of Language, such as language games, in order to investigate the relationship between language and things within the dynamics process of meaning constructing. The investigation space is represented by the Security Council forum and the negotiations of the possibility of interventions and its terms are the main focus of the work. The dissertation starts out by characterizing the practice of humanitarian interventions, and in addition, pointing out the absence of a conceptual definition for its identification. According to the theoretical framework adopted in the present work, language carries within its words a natural open texture when investigated the relationship between words and things, and therefore, meaning can only be constructed within a language game. By following Wittgenstein´s idea of the language games dynamics we can begin to understand how can the same words, such as the main concepts that construct the meaning of the practice of humanitarian interventions, can mean different thing in different contexts, and therefore, start to wonder if a codification of a rule for humanitarian intervention can possibly do more harm then the absence of it.

This paper takes its point of departure in the skewed attention towards the ‘protection’ of women rather than the ‘participation’ of women when talking about ‘Women, Peace &amp;Security’ (WPS) in the UN Security Council. Given the centrality of Sweden, as the first country in the world with a feminist foreign policy, this thesis fills a gap in the current research as it investigates whether this skewed attention was reflected during Sweden’s time as a non-permanent member in the UNSC 2017-2018 or not. A quantitative content analysis of 318 Swedish statements in the UNSC 2017-2018 conducted in this paper shows an overall result where Sweden mentions women in the context of participation more frequently than protection. This outcome is further explained by three Government Officials active during Sweden’s time in the UNSC, as resulting from the Swedish strategy and the feminist foreign policy. Furthermore, the results of this study indicate a change in how frequently Sweden refers to participation over protection between 2017 and 2018; the strategy of attaching larger focus to participation is significantly clearer the second year. The interviewees explain that this was due to the increased experience in the UNSC and increased credibility for Sweden among the other member states. The current stage of the conflict or peacekeeping operation in question, i.e. in the country of discussion in the UNSC, was also considered as a large part of the strategy, suggesting the nature of the conflict to be of importance for the results and hence relevant to analyze in future research on the attention payed to participation versus protection in the UNSC.

Submitted by Jailda Nascimento (jmnascimento@pucsp.br) on 2016-09-27T19:37:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Vitor Loureiro Sion.pdf: 2057717 bytes, checksum: c8e81e6e88937167429f466046203a4b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-27T19:37:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vitor Loureiro Sion.pdf: 2057717 bytes, checksum: c8e81e6e88937167429f466046203a4b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Fundação São Paulo / The paper analyzes the foreign policy of Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco government's (1964-1967). From the intersection of the existing literature with the analysis of the minutes of meetings of the National Security Council (CSN), this dissertation discusses the dynamics of the diplomacy of the first government of the military dictatorship. The argument of this paper discusses the interpretation and scope of the automatic alignment of Brazil with the United States between the years 1964 and 1967. Three key aspects support the vision of this work: the pragmatism of Castello Branco´s diplomacy, the predominance of domestic constraints in decision-making and the action of Brazil as a country with semi-peripheral claims to rise in the international system power hierarchy. The study of the content of the CSN´s meetings, which was declassified and went on to be available for research only in 2009, is carried out in order to advance in the opening of the black box of the decision-making process in foreign policy. One of the benefits of the CSN´s minutes analysis is the ability to clearly identify the internal differences in the military dictatorship. Another aspect discussed in the paper is the evolution of Castello Branco's foreign policy, on which it considers that the Institutional Act No. 2 (AI-2), in October 1965, was a turning point. Since then, it is considered that international action of Brazil sought greater autonomy, reducing the dependence on Western superpower / O trabalho analisa a política externa do governo de Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco (1964-1967). A partir do cruzamento da literatura existente com a análise das atas das reuniões do Conselho de Segurança Nacional (CSN), esta dissertação de mestrado pretende discutir as dinâmicas da diplomacia do primeiro governo da ditadura militar. O argumento deste trabalho discute a interpretação e o alcance do alinhamento automático do Brasil com os Estados Unidos entre os anos 1964 e 1967. Três aspectos centrais sustentam a visão deste trabalho: o pragmatismo da diplomacia castellista, a predominância dos condicionantes domésticos no processo de tomada de decisão e a atuação do Brasil como país semiperiférico com pretensões de ascender na hierarquia de poder do sistema internacional. O estudo do conteúdo das reuniões, que foi desclassificado e passou a ficar disponível para pesquisa apenas em 2009, é realizado no sentido de avançar na abertura da caixa preta do processo de tomada de decisão em política externa. Um dos benefícios da análise das atas do CSN consiste na possibilidade de identificar com clareza as divergências internas da ditadura militar. Outro aspecto discutido no trabalho é a evolução da política externa de Castello Branco, sobre a qual se considera que o Ato Institucional número 2 (AI-2), de outubro de 1965, representou um momento de inflexão. Argumenta-se neste trabalho que, a partir de então, a ação internacional do Brasil buscou maior autonomia, diminuindo a dependência em relação à superpotência ocidental

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Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:23:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Wemblley Lucena de Araujo.pdf: 1334917 bytes, checksum: 8e8724c6cba0815304a848b110d957c9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-07-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present dissertation aims to analyze the position of Brazil in the Security Council (SC) of the United Nations (UN) about the peace operations in Haiti and East Timor. Since its first performances until the latest mandates in United Nations Security Council (UNSC), the Brazil intends to integrate this body of definite form and from that status, raising its prestige and influence in the international arena. The Brazilian claims due to a permanent seat on the UNSC defend security at the regional level (Haiti - Latin America and the Caribbean) and the strengthening of procedures for cooperation with the countries of the region (Haiti) and the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries - CPLP (East Timor) are characterized as axes that reinvigorate the importance of Brazil's role within the UNSC. Thus, Haiti and East Timor are emblematic cases of engagement of Brazilian foreign policy in troubled conflict scenarios and systematically discussed in the UNSC. Thus, based on the use of a descriptive, analytical and qualitative methodology, the central objective of this dissertation is to analyze the Brazilian position in the UNSC about the discussions on peace operations in Haiti and East Timor, and from that position, discuss the main paradigmatic elements that contribute to the understanding of Brazilian foreign policy. / A presente dissertação tem como propósito analisar a posição do Brasil no Conselho de Segurança (CS) da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) sobre as operações de paz no Haiti e no Timor Leste. Desde suas primeiras atuações no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU) aos mandatos mais recentes, o Brasil intenciona integrar de forma definitiva nesse organismo e a partir desse status, elevar o seu prestígio e a sua influência no cenário internacional. As pretensões brasileiras em função de um assento permanente no CSNU, na defesa da segurança no âmbito regional (Haiti América Latina e Caribe) e no fortalecimento dos processos de cooperação com os países da região (Haiti) e da Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa CPLP (Timor Leste) se configuram como eixos que revigoram a importância da atuação do Brasil no âmbito do CSNU. Desse modo, o Haiti e o Timor Leste constituem casos emblemáticos do engajamento da política externa brasileira em cenários conturbados por conflitos e sistematicamente discutidos no âmbito do CSNU. Dessa forma, baseando-se na utilização de uma metodologia descritiva, analítica e qualitativa, o objetivo central dessa dissertação consiste em analisar o posicionamento brasileiro no CSNU diante das discussões sobre as operações de paz no Haiti e no Timor Leste, e a partir desse posicionamento, discutir os principais elementos paradigmáticos que contribuem para o entendimento da política externa brasileira.