The Sámi’s past activities have been documented historically from a European perspective, and more recently from an anthropological viewpoint, giving a generalised observation of the Sámi, during the study period of AD200-AD1800, as semi-nomadic hunter gatherers, with several theories suggesting that interaction with Europeans, through trade, led to the adoption of European activities by certain groups of the Sámi (Eiermann, 1923; Paine, 1957; Manker and Vorren, 1962; Bratrein, 1981; Mathiesen et al, 1981; Meriot, 1984). However, there is almost no information on the impact the Sámi had on the landscape, either before or after any adoption of European activities, and none investigating what cultural footprint or indicators would remain from Sámi or European occupation and/or activity within the typically podzolic soils of Northern Sweden. Consequently the thesis aims to contribute to the gap in knowledge through the formation of a podzol model identifying the links between anthropogenic activity and the alteration of podzol soils, and through the creation of soils based models which identify the cultural indicators associated with both Sámi and European activity; formed from the identification of cultural indicators retained within known Sámi and European sites. The methods used to obtain the information needed to achieve this were the pH and magnetic susceptibility from bulk soil samples and micromorphological and chemical analysis of thin section slides through the use of standard microscopy and X-ray fluorescence from a scanning electron microscope. The analysis revealed that the Sámi had an extremely low impact on the landscape, leaving hard to detect cultural indicators related to reindeer herding in the form of reindeer faecal material with corresponding phosphorous peaks in the thin section slides. The European footprint however, was markedly different and very visible even within the acidic soil environment. The European indicators were cultivation based and included phosphorous and aluminium peaks as well as a deepened, highly homogenised plaggen style anthropogenic topsoil rich in ‘added’ materials. An abandoned European site which visibly and chemically shows the formation of a secondary albic horizon within the anthropogenic topsoil also provides an insight into the delicate balance of cultivated soil in northern Sweden, whilst reinforcing the outputs identified in the podzol model. Due to the almost invisible Sámi footprint on the landscape, areas of overlap were impossible to identify however, there was no evidence of the adoption of European cultivation activities at any of the Sámi sites investigated. The only known area of interaction between the two cultures was an official market place which had been a Sámi winter settlement prior to its use as a market site. This site showed none of the reindeer based Sámi indicators or the cultivation based European indicators, but did contain pottery fragments which could be linked to trade or occupation. Overall, the thesis reinforces the low impact expected of the semi-nomadic Sámi and sheds light on the underlying podzolic processes influencing the anthropogenically modified soils of Northern Sweden. The podzol model is reinforced by several findings throughout the thesis and the soils based cultural indicator models for both Sámi and European activity have been successfully tested against independent entomological and palynological data and therefore provide reliable reference material for future studies.

A riparian ecosystem is the area between the aquatic and terrestrial setting of a stream, and serves as a corridor and habitat for birds. Several riparian ecosystems are located in urban environments, and three main riparian corridors are located in Potchefstroom. They are the Mooi River, Wasgoed Spruit, and Spitskop Spruit, which encompass a wide range of different vegetation types and anthropogenic factors. Therefore, different habitat types for birds occur along the riparian corridors of Potchefstroom. Factors such as food and water availability, nesting sites, competition, predation, learning, presence of other species, and those species that are able to adapt to environmental changes influence the avian diversity and communities along riparian corridors. The hypothesis is that bird variables along the riparian corridors in Potchefstroom are affected by vegetation, anthropogenic, and seasonal influences. To investigate these affects, two secondary objectives were formulated. The first was to characterise riparian avian habitats (CAHs) according to vegetation and anthropogenic factors, and the second was to identify temporal and spatial changes in avian variables. The three streams were divided into 79 consecutive transects, each 300 m long. The study area consisted of: 17 transects along Spitskop Spruit, 12 along Wasgoed Spruit and 50 along the Mooi River. Bird observations were conducted monthly from June 2006 to June 2007. Birds that were observed with a perpendicular distance ≤ 30 meters towards the streams were included in the results. The bird species that were observed were also classified into different nesting and feeding guilds. Environmental data recorded included: vegetation structure (estimated cover percentages and height classes of trees, shrubs, grasses, herbs, sedges, and reeds), anthropogenic structures (estimated cover percentages of roads, footpaths, bridges, electrical pylons, houses, and drainage pipes), and the presence of informal settlers along each transect (the mean number of people and the space they occupy). Vegetation was monitored in summer– (February 2007 until April 2007) and winter months (June 2007 until August 2007). The anthropogenic structures and the presence of informal settlers (anthropogenic factors) were monitored simultaneously with the bird counts. Transect-time profiles were drawn for the four parameters, which differed on spatial and time scales. Multivariate analyses included non-metric multidimensional scaling (NMS), cluster analysis, and indicator species analysis. Cluster analyses and NMS bi-plots were used to define characterised avian habitats (CAHs). Two types of CAHs were characterised: Summer CAHs (summer vegetation and anthropogenic factors) and Anthropogenically CAHs (Anthropogenic factors alone). Bird species were then ordinated with the summer and anthropogenically CAHs on NMS successional vector graphs. The successional vectors illustrate the avian community trajectories of the different CAHs. Indicator species analyses were performed to describe associations between the bird species and the summer and anthropogenically CAHs. The summer and anthropogenic CAHs that were characterised had different avian community trajectories and different species were associated with these CAHs. Different levels in avian diversity appeared among these CAHs, and convergence and divergence in communities appeared among these CAHs. Birds also selected their habitats according to feeding and nesting behaviours. Consequently, it can be deduced that environmental factors such as vegetation structures and anthropogenic factors, as well as seasonality, had an effect on the distribution of birds along the riparian corridors of Potchefstroom. / Thesis (Master of Environmental Sciences)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

A riparian ecosystem is the area between the aquatic and terrestrial setting of a stream, and serves as a corridor and habitat for birds. Several riparian ecosystems are located in urban environments, and three main riparian corridors are located in Potchefstroom. They are the Mooi River, Wasgoed Spruit, and Spitskop Spruit, which encompass a wide range of different vegetation types and anthropogenic factors. Therefore, different habitat types for birds occur along the riparian corridors of Potchefstroom. Factors such as food and water availability, nesting sites, competition, predation, learning, presence of other species, and those species that are able to adapt to environmental changes influence the avian diversity and communities along riparian corridors. The hypothesis is that bird variables along the riparian corridors in Potchefstroom are affected by vegetation, anthropogenic, and seasonal influences. To investigate these affects, two secondary objectives were formulated. The first was to characterise riparian avian habitats (CAHs) according to vegetation and anthropogenic factors, and the second was to identify temporal and spatial changes in avian variables. The three streams were divided into 79 consecutive transects, each 300 m long. The study area consisted of: 17 transects along Spitskop Spruit, 12 along Wasgoed Spruit and 50 along the Mooi River. Bird observations were conducted monthly from June 2006 to June 2007. Birds that were observed with a perpendicular distance ≤ 30 meters towards the streams were included in the results. The bird species that were observed were also classified into different nesting and feeding guilds. Environmental data recorded included: vegetation structure (estimated cover percentages and height classes of trees, shrubs, grasses, herbs, sedges, and reeds), anthropogenic structures (estimated cover percentages of roads, footpaths, bridges, electrical pylons, houses, and drainage pipes), and the presence of informal settlers along each transect (the mean number of people and the space they occupy). Vegetation was monitored in summer– (February 2007 until April 2007) and winter months (June 2007 until August 2007). The anthropogenic structures and the presence of informal settlers (anthropogenic factors) were monitored simultaneously with the bird counts. Transect-time profiles were drawn for the four parameters, which differed on spatial and time scales. Multivariate analyses included non-metric multidimensional scaling (NMS), cluster analysis, and indicator species analysis. Cluster analyses and NMS bi-plots were used to define characterised avian habitats (CAHs). Two types of CAHs were characterised: Summer CAHs (summer vegetation and anthropogenic factors) and Anthropogenically CAHs (Anthropogenic factors alone). Bird species were then ordinated with the summer and anthropogenically CAHs on NMS successional vector graphs. The successional vectors illustrate the avian community trajectories of the different CAHs. Indicator species analyses were performed to describe associations between the bird species and the summer and anthropogenically CAHs. The summer and anthropogenic CAHs that were characterised had different avian community trajectories and different species were associated with these CAHs. Different levels in avian diversity appeared among these CAHs, and convergence and divergence in communities appeared among these CAHs. Birds also selected their habitats according to feeding and nesting behaviours. Consequently, it can be deduced that environmental factors such as vegetation structures and anthropogenic factors, as well as seasonality, had an effect on the distribution of birds along the riparian corridors of Potchefstroom. / Thesis (Master of Environmental Sciences)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

Text in German / Die Arbeit ist eine ekklesiologisch-rnissiologische Untersuchung einer Migrantengruppe, der uber eine Viertelrnillion zahlender Russlanddeutscher, evangelisch freikirchlicher Tradition, die innerhalb von 35 Jahren, beginnend rnit 1963, als Aussiedler aus der vorrnaligen Sowjetunion in die Bundesrepublik Deutschland eingewandert sind. Die Aussiedlung und Einwanderung geschah in Absprache beider Staaten als Farnilienzusarnrnenfiihrung von Menschen deutscher Volkszugehorigkeit, die durch den zweiten Weltkrieg getrennt worden waren. Ethnisch ein Tei! von rund 1.900.000 Menschen, die oft nach vielen, anstrengenden aber entschlossenen Bernilhungen die Erlaubnis erlangten auszureisen. In Deutschland wurden sie unerwartet freundlich und hilfreich aufgenornrnen. Da keine offiziellen Angaben fiber die Anzahl der eingewanderten freikirchlichen Aussiedler vorliegen, war das erste Ziel der Studie, ihre zahlenrnaBige GroBe festzustellen. Ergebnis: Etwa 270.000 Personen sind als Farnilien der baptistischen und rnennonitischen Freikirche zuzurechnen. Von ihnen hatten sich rund 55.000 Erwachsene dern christlichen Glauben zugewandt und sich diesen Gerneinden angeschlossen. Die anderen waren Minderjahrige oder der Gerneinde bisher ferngeblieben. Erst nach der Aufnahrne in das Land ihrer Yater rnerkten viele, dass sie Frernde in der Heirnat waren. Wollten sie nicht Frernde bleiben, rnussten sie sich sozial, kulturell und kirchlich durch Anpassung integrieren. Dieser Prozess ist schwer, weil der einzelne Einwanderer sich dazu verandern rnuss. Zunachst aber wollen viele bleiben wie sie sind und so leben, wie sie in der alten Heirnat gelebt hatten. Besonders schwierig erweist sich die kirchliche Integration. Etwa sechs von sieben freikirchlichen Aussiedlern ( etwa 48.000) haben eigene Gerneinden gegrilndet, die anderen ( etwa 7 .000) haben ihre geistliche Heirnat in bestehenden Gerneinden gefunden. Diese neugegrilndeten Gerneinden weisen flir die BRD eine uberdurchschnittliche Wachsturnsrate auf. Ein zweites Anliegen ging der Frage nach, wie diese Gerneinden wachsen: Durch neuen Zuzug aus der GUS oder durch Bekehrung und Taufe? Ergebnis: Von den rund 62.000 Mitglieder (aus den ursprilnglichen 48.000) in Aussiedlereigenen Gerneinden (Stand 1998) sind rund 24.500 Glaubige in Verbindung rnit der Taufe zur Gerneinde gekornrnen. Die Zahl der Aussiedler-Taufen in den einheirnischen Gerneinden ist nicht bekannt. Drittens wurde diskutiert, inwiefern die Gerneinden ihre Lebensordnung bewahren und trotzdern ihren Missionsauftrag wahrnehrnen konnen. / The thesis is an ecclesio-missiological study of a migrant group of more than a quarter of a million Russian Germans, by tradition free church evangelicals. Beginning in 1963, they migrated from the former Soviet Union as 'Aussiedler' (re-settlers) to the Federal Republic of Germany. The resettling - agreed upon by both states - was a program of re-uniting families that had been separated during the Second World War. Ethnically, part of a larger group of 1,900.000 German people who, after exhausting but determined efforts, were permitted to leave for Germany. Here being welcomed and given generous material and social support. As no statistics about evangelical free church family immigrants are recorded, the first aim of the research was to establish their numerical size. The result:: By 1998 some 270,000 family members of this confession had entered Germany. Of these about 55,000 were adult Christian believers who had become members of a Baptist or a Mennonite Church. The rest were minors or adults with no confession of faith to date. In the country of their forbears many of the 'Aussiedler' realised: ,,We are strangers in our homeland. If we do not want to remain strangers, we need to adjust culturally, socially and religiously". Initially many resisted change. Change in to religious customs was particularly difficult. As a result, many did not join existing churches but established new congregations where they could practice their faith in the traditions familiar to them. Since the new 'Aussiedler' churches have been growing at an above average growth rate, the second goal was to investigate the reasons for this phenomenon. How much growth was by immigrantion? How much by conversion and baptism? It was found that of the ca. 62,000 members in the Aussiedler congregations (1998) ca. 24,500 had joined through baptism. The others had come in by immigration. A third area of discussion related to the question: In how far can immigrant Christians retain their own culture and still be faithful to their missionary calling? / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th. (Missiology)

Summaries in Afrikaans and English / Op 3 Mei 1848 het 'n aantll blanke nedersetters van Ohrigstad in Soutpansberg aangekom; 'n pioniersdorp, onder Ieiding van Hendrik Potgieter, is gestig en primitiewe huise is opgerig. In 1855 het Stephanus Schoeman die Ieiding oorgeneem en die dorp na homself vemoem. Die plaaslike owerheid het bestaan uit die kommandant-generaal, 'n landdros met heemrade en ander regeringsamptenare sowel as dorpsbeamptes. Tropiese koorssiektes het soms epidemiese afmetings aangcneem en talle mense het gesterf soos die kerkhof met sy rye grafte getuig. Die nedersetters, gehard deur hul swerwersbestaan, het die siektes en ontberings verduur. Vir 16 van die 19 jaar was daar nie 'n vaste predikant nie tot ds N J van Wannelo in 1864 hom in Schoemansdal gevestig het Hy het hom beywer vir die ophefftng van die inwoners op geestelike en onderwysgebied. Die mense was konserwatief en meestal ongeletterd. Hulle was bedagsaam, maar daar was ook ongure en opstandige persone. Hulle klere was eenvoudig en meestal tuisgemaak, en hulle het graag sosiaal verkeer. V erskeie beroepe is beoefen: houtsaery was betalend en hout was oorvloedig; jag was die winsgewendste, want wild en olifante was volop en jagprodukte, veral ivoor waarvan tonne verhandel is, het goeie markpryse behaal. Die swartes wat reeds in die gebied gewoon het, het die blankes met wanttoue bejeen. Blankes het hulle gevestig, grond toegeeien en onbeperk gejag, terwyl die swartes vir hulle moes werk en belasting betaal. Ongehoorsame swart hoofmanne is aangeval, vee is gebuit en vrouens en veral kinders is weggevoer as inboekelinge. Dit het tot openlike vyandelikhede gelei. Veldtogte is gevoer, maar die blankes kon die swartes, weens hulle oninneembare vestings, nie onderwerp nie. Die swartes het gewere op onwettige wyse bekom. Die handel het begin kwyn, smouse en handelaars het weggebly en die inwoners het verann en onder mekaar getwis. Die blankes het in die skans in Schoemansdal saamgetrek en Paul Kruger is met 400 man deur die Transvaalse regering gestuur om die Venda te onderwerp. Die poging het misluk en op 15 Julie 1867 is Schoemansdal ontruim. Enkele maande later is 'n poging deur Schoeman aangewend om die dorp te herwin, maar ook dit was onsuksesvol. Schoemansdal sou nooit weer herbou word nie en was die eerste vesting wat die blankes aan die swart meerdetheid sou oorgee. / May 1848 a number of white settlers from Ohrigstad arrived in the Soutpansberg. Under the leadership of Hendrik Potgieter, a pioneer town was developed. In 1855 Stephan us Schoeman replanned and renamed the town. The local government consisted of the commandantgeneral, a landdrost, heemrade, government officials and town officers. The region was unhealthy and fever stricken. Numerous graves in the graveyard are the tragic signs of many deaths. However, hardy Trekkers, endured the sickness and hardships. For 16 years there was no minister until, in 1864, the Rev Van Warmelo settled in Schoemansdal and worked zealously for the spiritual and educational upliftment of the inhabitants. Most people were conservative and illiterate. Their clothes were plain and usually home-made, and they were very sociable. There were different occupations. Woodcutters were well paid and wood was abundant. Hunting was lucrative because there were plenty of wild animals and elephant, and hunting products, especially ivory, had good market value. Black communities, which already inhabited the area, distrusted the whites. The whites settled, annexed the land and hunted wherever they wanted, while the blacks were compelled to work and pay taxes. Military campaigns were undertaken against headmen who were regarded as disobedient, livestock was seized, women, and children, were abducted under the indenture system. All this caused open hostility. Campaigns were launched against the blacks but they could not be subjected because of the mountainous terrain. The blacks obtained weapons illegally. Trade deteriorated and the whites became poorer and started to quarrel amongst themselves. The white inhabitants moved into the fort and Paul Kruger was sent by the Transvaal government with 400 men to force the Venda into submission. The attempt failed and on 15 July 1867 the town was evacuated. Schoeman, with a small army, also made an unsuccessful attempt. Schoemansdal would never be rebuilt and was the first white settlement to surrender to black majority. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (Geskiedenis)

This is a study of the creation and evolution of state forestry within colonial Kenya in social, economic, and political terms. Spanning Kenya’s entire colonial period, it offers a chronological account of how forestry came to Kenya and grew to the extent of controlling almost two million hectares of land in the country, approximately 20 per cent of the most fertile and most populated upland (above 1,500 metres) region of central Kenya . The position of forestry within a colonial state apparatus that paradoxically sought to both ‘protect’ Africans from modernisation while exploiting them to establish Kenya as a ‘white man’s country’ is underexplored in the country’s historiography. This thesis therefore clarifies this role through an examination of the relationship between the Forest Department and its African workers, Kenya’s white settlers, and the colonial government. In essence, how each of these was engaged in a pursuit for their own idealised ‘good forest’. Kenya was the site of a strong conservationist argument for the establishment of forestry that typecast the country’s indigenous population as rapidly destroying the forests. This argument was bolstered against critics of the financial extravagance of forestry by the need to maintain and develop the forests of Kenya for the express purpose of supporting the Uganda railway. It was this argument that led the colony’s Forest Department along a path through the contradictions of colonial rule. The European settlers of Kenya are shown as being more than just a mere thorn in the side of the Forest Department, as their political power represented a very real threat to the department’s hegemony over the forests. Moreover, Kenya’s Forest Department deeply mistrusted private enterprise and constantly sought to control and limit the unsustainable exploitation of the forests. The department was seriously underfunded and understaffed until the second colonial occupation of the 1950s, a situation that resulted in a general ad hoc approach to forest policy. The department espoused the rhetoric of sustainable exploitation, but had no way of knowing whether the felling it authorised was actually sustainable, which was reflected in the underdevelopment of the sawmilling industry in Kenya. The agroforestry system, shamba, (previously unexplored in Kenya’s colonial historiography) is shown as being at the heart of forestry in Kenya and extremely significant as perhaps the most successful deployment of agroforestry by the British in colonial Africa. Shamba provided numerous opportunities to farm and receive education to landless Kikuyu in the colony, but also displayed very strong paternalistic aspects of control, with consequential African protest, as the Forest Department sought to create for itself a loyal and permanent forest workforce. Shamba was the keystone of forestry development in the 1950s, and its expansion cemented the position of forestry in Kenya as a top-down, state-centric agent of economic and social development.

Le transfert de population est la cause et la conséquence de plusieurs conflits armés. Il comprend le déplacement arbitraire de la population, le transfert de colons ainsi que le confinement des civiles en temps de guerre. Le transfert de population est un crime en droit international des droits de l’homme, en droit international humanitaire et en droit pénal international. Néanmoins, il est encore considéré comme une solution aux problèmes de minorités et aux conflits ‘ethniques’. Cette thèse étudie comment le crime de transfert de population est défini, interprété et appliqué en droit international et par les tribunaux régionaux et internationaux et la communauté internationale selon l’État de droit. / Population transfer is a cause and consequence of armed conflict. It entails the arbitrary displacement of the population, the implantation of settlers and unlawful confinement. It is a violation of international human rights law and international humanitarian law and a crime in international criminal law. Yet, it is still considered a solution to minority and ‘ethnic’ problems. Using the rule of law as theoretical framework, this thesis assesses how the crime of population transfer is defined, interpreted and applied under international law and by regional and international courts as well as by the international community.