The issue of identity is receiving the most attention in recent times. Communities, groups and individuals tend to ask themselves who they are after the colonial period. The dawn of modern democracy and the fall of the Berlin Wall have become important sites of self-definition. In this study, I examine narratives of self-invention and selflegitimisation from a variety of texts ranging from poetic to dramatic voices. The author creates characters who represent his wishes, desires and fears in dramatic form. The other characters re-present the other members of his family. He uses autobiographical voices to re-create and re-present history, particularly his family history which has been dismembered by memory's inability to recover the past in its entirety. Memory, visions and dreams are used as tropes to negotiate the pain of loss. These narratives assist him to recapture that which has been lost dearly, and imaginatively re-members what has been dismembered. The autobiographical I shifts into an autobiographical we where the author uses his poetry to lambast the injustices of apartheid. The study further examines some aspects of postcolonial identity, which include the status of African writing and the role of africalogical discourse, the conception of home in apartheid South Africa as well as the juxtaposition of power between indigenes and settlers. These reflect the problem of marginality as a postcolonial condition and how the marginals can be returned to the centre of power. Marginalisation of the indigenes occurs by coercion, inferiorisation, tabooing certain political and cartographical spaces, harassment, torture and imprisonment. Despite these measures, the poetry of NS Puleng persisted to remove the fetish of apartheid disempowerment and disenfranchisement. / African Languages / D.Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T16:44:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sarlene Moreira da Silva.pdf: 1894710 bytes, checksum: 9ffb47c5423bda2fe2b52ed0444b6005 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-04-20 / Fundação Carlos Chagas / The research aimed to analyze the conflicts for the ownership of the land between Indians and settlers in the Indian Region Surumu Raposa Serra do Sol in Brazilian State of Roraima and the reasons that determined this conflict. To verify the processes arising from the occupation by non-Indians in the region and the repercussions for the indigenous community, as well as analyzing the results of conflicts in the economic, social and environmental implications for the community. We started from the hypothesis that the entry of squatters on Indian reserve, as was the small farmers that generated conflict and violence in indigenous communities. The research was conducted in the Surumu region being conducted interviews and life stories with leaders and professors. The survey results allowed us to verify that the entry of settlers changed the social, economic and cultural development of indigenous communities living in the Raposa Serra do Sol conflicts caused violence and the death of many indigenous and environmental degradation. This picture has been modified by the intervention of the religious organizations that supported the struggle for the demarcation of indigenous lands in Roraima State and the Brazilian federal government that guaranteed the landmark. The process of inoccupation of the land was long, demanding the intervention of the Brazilian Supreme Court actually to occur remove the invaders / A pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar os conflitos pela posse da terra entre índios e posseiros na região Surumu Terra Indígena Raposa Serra do Sol Roraima e os motivos que os determinaram. Verificar os processos decorrentes da ocupação pelos não índios na região e a repercussão para a comunidade indígena, bem como analisar os resultados dos conflitos nos aspectos econômicos, sociais e ambientais e suas implicações. Partiu-se da hipótese de que a entrada de posseiros na terra indígena, como pequenos criadores foi o que gerou conflitos e violência nas comunidades indígenas. A pesquisa foi realizada na região Surumu sendo realizadas entrevistas e historia de vida com lideranças e professores da comunidade. Os resultados da pesquisa permitiram verificar que a entrada dos posseiros mudou a vida social, econômica e cultural das comunidades indígenas que vivem na Terra Indígena Raposa Serra do Sol. Os conflitos ocasionaram violência e morte de indígenas, além da degradação ambiental. Esse quadro foi modificado pela intervenção da igreja que apoiou a luta pela demarcação das terras indígenas em Roraima e do governo federal que garantiu a demarcação. O processo de desocupação da terra foi longo, exigindo a intervenção do Supremo Tribunal Federal para que de fato ocorresse a desintrusão dos posseiros

nÃo hà / Constitui-se intenÃÃo central deste estudo analisar o modo como se estabeleceram as relaÃÃes entre tÃcnicos do Estado e pequenos produtores rurais assentados em Ãreas de Assentamento da Reforma AgrÃria do CearÃ, explicitando os encontros e, ou confrontos de suas prÃticas, seus saberes e sua articulaÃÃo com a questÃo do poder, identificando ao mesmo tempo as possibilidades e os limites da construÃÃo de uma prÃxis educativa entre esses sujeitos e agentes. A escolha deste objeto de estudo està referenciada no percurso prÃtico e teÃrico que vivi na Secretaria da EducaÃÃo do Estado e em outras experiÃncias profissionais junto aos pequenos produtores rurais assentados e suas organizaÃÃes associativas. A reflexÃo teÃrico/prÃtica empreendida teve como campo de observaÃÃo uma experiÃncia concreta â a implementaÃÃo do Programa de Apoio à GestÃo de OrganizaÃÃes de Pequenos Produtores Rurais â que se desenvolveu no espaÃo geogrÃfico e polÃtico de Ãreas de assentamento, no perÃodo de novembro de 1993 a julho de 1994. O Programa foi o resultado de uma histÃria de luta dos assentados junto a instituiÃÃes pÃblicas, na tentativa de viabilizar um processo de cooperaÃÃo tÃcnico-administrativa compatÃvel com seus interesses e necessidades. Para empreender a anÃlise do objeto de estudo, busquei como suporte teÃrico-metodolÃgico a contribuiÃÃo de algumas categorias e concepÃÃes marxistas ou que compartilham dessa interpretaÃÃo, como Estado, trabalho, prÃxis, saber social e poder, instrumentos fundamentais para a compreensÃo mais global do homem como sujeito de sua histÃria e das relaÃÃes que estabelece entre os demais homens e estes com a realidade. Considerando que a prÃxis educativa à uma dimensÃo da prÃxis humana, pontuei como achados deste trabalho os espaÃos potencializadores dessa prÃxis. Processos educativos se gestaram ao longo dos encontros e desencontros de prÃticas, de saberes e poderes, entre assentados e tÃcnicos e destes com as instituiÃÃes que fomentaram o Programa, e legitimaram a presenÃa do Estado. NÃo apenas os encontros (caminhos), mas as oposiÃÃes de prÃticas, saberes e poderes (descaminhos) traduzem a potencialidade de construÃÃo de uma prÃxis educativa, cujas sementes tiveram na experiÃncia do Programa de Apoio um solo fÃrtil para sua germinaÃÃo. / It constitutes the central intent of this study to examine how relations were established between the technicians of the State and smallholder rural settlers settled in Areas of Settlement Land Reform of CearÃ, explaining the encounters and/or confrontations of their practices, their knowledge and their articulation with the power question, identifying both the possibilities and the limits of the construction of an educational praxis between these subjects and agents. The choice of this object of study is referenced in the practical and theoretical path that I lived in the Secretaria da EducaÃÃo do Estado and in other professional experiences along the smallholder rural settlers and their membership organizations. The theoretical / practice reflection had undertaken as observation field a concrete experience - the implementation of the following program: Programa de Apoio à GestÃo de OrganizaÃÃes de Pequenos Produtores Rurais - that was developed in the geographical and political space settlement areas, from November 1993 to July 1994. The program was the result of a history of struggle of the settlers with public institutions in an attempt to enable a process of technical and administrative cooperation compatible with their interests and needs. To undertake the analysis of the object of study, I sought as a theoretical-methodological support the contribution of some marxist categories and conceptions or those that share this interpretation, as State, work, praxis, social knowledge and power, essential tools for a more global understanding of man as the subject of his history and of the relationships that he establishes between other men and them with reality. Whereas the educational praxis is a dimension of human praxis, I pointed out as discoveries of this study, the potentiating spaces of this praxis. Educational processes gave birth over the comings and goings of practices, knowledge and powers, between settlers and technicians and those with institutions that fostered the Program, and legitimized the presence of the state. Not only the meetings (paths), but the oppositions of practices, knowledge and powers (waywardness) translate the potentiality of construction of such an educational praxis whose seeds had in the experiment of the Support Program, a fertile soil for germination.

The midlands was the first area occupied and farmed by white settlers. It became the agricultural heartland of colonial Natal. Its farmers became politically and economically powerful. Their success rested on the construction of a community. They formed a close-knit society in which family links and a sense of belonging were constantly reinforced. The community was closed to blacks. A keen sense of class was developed which made it difficult for outsiders to gain admission. In order to become a member, new immigrants could enroll in some of the many social institutions which were created. It was these institutions which served to integrate the community, to order and police it, and to define it. The community was composed of people who all owned land. A sense of belonging to this community was achieved in a number of ways. Families were nurtured, becoming exceptionally important as institutions through which wealth was passed. They were places of social interaction as well as transgenerational units which ensured a continuous presence in the area. Amongst the institutions which the settlers founded were schools, societies, volunteer regiments. agricultural organisations and sports clubs. The institutions were consciously modelled on their metropolitan counterparts. Settler masculinity was nurtured in the institutions. It prescribed male behaviour according to the values of a land-owning settler gentry. This masculinity was disseminated throughout the colony, becoming a key feature of the colonial gender order. A strong emphasis was placed on being tough and fit, on obedience and teamwork. These were values which gave sport major popularity within the colony and which fueled a militarism that had a bloody and brutal climax in the 1906 rebellion. The institutions gave men power and served as networks by which white male prestige and influence was sustained . Although women were formally excluded. they occupied a central position within the family and made a major contribution to the reproduction of the community. White boys and men found the demands of settler masculinity exacting. Nevertheless. apart from providing them with powerful places in the colonial order, its emphasis on male companionship and fit bodies produced a powerful camaraderie. On the other hand. It stigmatised men who did not fit the mould, enforcing conformity as it did so. Settler society was able to renew and reproduce itself largely through its own institutions outside the sphere of the state. The expansion of the state in the twentieth century threatened settler institutions though they were successfully defended. The midland community and its families were not as homogenous as they liked to pretend. They maintained a facade by excluding and silencing dissidents. This process was a necessary part of the creation of a myth which elevated old Natal families to positions of social status and prestige. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1996.

I first read the diaries of Thomas Shone in 1971, when working on manuscripts in the Cory Library, Rhodes University, for the Dictionary of South African English on Historical Principles. The diaries were a significant source of South African English; but more than that, they created a moving and vivid picture of one man's life and personality, which made a deep impression. Written daily (unlike many other settler writings, which are reminiscences), the diaries proved to be a journey into the interior life of Thomas Shone, with all his guilt, pain and occasional joys, documented in his idiosyncratic style. Photographs show Thomas to have been a man with a determined, even hard, mouth, and piercing eyes under rather lowering brows. If he was like his son, Thomas junior, he was "erect and bright", and of the "typical Shone build, rather stumpy and fairly broad." His command of language suggests a good education and a sharp intellect, strangely at variance with his description as a labourer. His writing is imbued with the archaic ring of the King James Bible, and much of the charm of the diaries lies in their movement between the sublime and the mundane, as when Shone breaks a discussion of his need to be faithful to God, to note that "Sarah sat a hen on 22 eggs." Shone's diary is an intensely personal document, yet there are signs that he was at times conscious of a possible audience. His use of the phrase "My friends" to address his readers " is likely to have been part of a convention of the time, rather than overt acknowledgement of the presence of an audience; however at the most personal level of all, his relationship with his mistress, he was not explicit, but employed a form of code (.∶.) Furthermore, there is evidence that he kept a rough diary, from which he later made a neat copy. Thomas began his diary in order to record his attempt to stay away from drink, but his writing soon came to mean more to him than this. He gradually introduced notes on his daily activities, and his temptation to drink became just one part of a personal history. From 5 August 1838, when he first wrote of the loss of his wife, the diary became an important outlet for his misery. Despite his unhappiness, Thomas took delight in the use of sarcasm and wry humour to comment on the foibles of humanity. "Me and Billy went to Mandy's; I cut my thumb and three trees", he wrote; and "Indian corn bread makes my belly ache... (My relations have the mind ache; I believe it is worse than the belly ache.)" "Religion is flying away to other parts as fast as it can; the religion here is money, and Cattle and a covetious Spirit for other men's goods ", he grumbled of the Clumber community. The most effective (and prolonged) use of his gift for sharp conment may be found in his description of the watchnight service at Clumber. Shone seems to have possessed a natural flair for language, and used metaphor and simile to good effect, as in the following examples: "Now am I like a dove that as lost his mate"; Every thing seems quiet; I have still a war in my mind"; "Riches very often finds wing and flys away"; and "My mind is like the troubled sea, never at rest". He often showed an affinity for rhythm and alliteration, probably as a result of his familiarity with Biblical English: "These are my days of grief and sorrow"; "poor poverty"; and "Hard is my fate... all things seem to go contrary, strive which way I will." These examples of language provide a strong contrast with his reporting of everyday activities: Shone changes from one linguistic register into another in his movement from introspective to factual writing. At times Shone achieves an extraordinary vividness in his description of small incidents, as in his stories of encounters with monkeys, or his report of an altercation with his son Jack. One of the loveliest passages is his account of a day spent on his old location at Scott's Bottan. Thomas was "political" only insofar as politics touched his own life. For the political historian the diaries are frustrating; except for his descriptions of the War of Mlanjeni, Shone shows little interest in the wider issues of his time. However, the diaries show the complex web of relationships in a small community, and give insights into commercial interaction, domestic activities, marriage ties, religious attitudes, family behaviour and interpersonal conflicts, all set within the political tensions of the frontier society. As the diaries progressed, and Thomas Shone aged, he weed from being an active participant in the life of the frontier, to being an onlooker and commentator. Possessed of a mind (and tongue) which isolated him from many of his neighbours, he was no doubt also separated from his community by his relationship with Ann Hiscock and by his heavy drinking. The diaries became his vehicle for expressing the inexpressible; and in the end it was religion which gave him solace. It is the "interior" diary which provides much of the fascination which Shone's writings hold for the modern reader. Professor Guy Butler has pointed out that writing was a secondary activity for the settlers, whose chief preoccupation was survival in a difficult environment. Shone's diaries certainly reflect his economic struggle; but it is their portrayal of his pilgrimage through life which makes them remarkable.

The issue of identity is receiving the most attention in recent times. Communities, groups and individuals tend to ask themselves who they are after the colonial period. The dawn of modern democracy and the fall of the Berlin Wall have become important sites of self-definition. In this study, I examine narratives of self-invention and selflegitimisation from a variety of texts ranging from poetic to dramatic voices. The author creates characters who represent his wishes, desires and fears in dramatic form. The other characters re-present the other members of his family. He uses autobiographical voices to re-create and re-present history, particularly his family history which has been dismembered by memory's inability to recover the past in its entirety. Memory, visions and dreams are used as tropes to negotiate the pain of loss. These narratives assist him to recapture that which has been lost dearly, and imaginatively re-members what has been dismembered. The autobiographical I shifts into an autobiographical we where the author uses his poetry to lambast the injustices of apartheid. The study further examines some aspects of postcolonial identity, which include the status of African writing and the role of africalogical discourse, the conception of home in apartheid South Africa as well as the juxtaposition of power between indigenes and settlers. These reflect the problem of marginality as a postcolonial condition and how the marginals can be returned to the centre of power. Marginalisation of the indigenes occurs by coercion, inferiorisation, tabooing certain political and cartographical spaces, harassment, torture and imprisonment. Despite these measures, the poetry of NS Puleng persisted to remove the fetish of apartheid disempowerment and disenfranchisement. / African Languages / D.Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

De toutes les campagnes de déportations programmées par la direction stalinienne, la première est restée la plus importante. Elle touche en 1930-1931 plus d’un million huit cent mille paysans «dékoulakisés » – les premiers « déplacés spéciaux » de Stalin.En 1930, la région du Nord soviétique est choisie pour servir de laboratoire à cette triple expérience – répressive, sociale et humaine –, qui impose à des dizaines de milliers de familles d’exploiter les ressources naturelles de ce territoire hostile et de s’établir définitivement dans des « villages spéciaux », conçus pour devenir des officines de rééducation.Au-delà de la reconstitution de cette déportation-expérimentation, ce travail documente, à partir de sources d’archives et de témoignages des survivants, l’histoire du quotidien dans ce nouveau microcosme goulaguien. Il éclaire les destinées des familles paysannes en relégation, leurs stratégies de survie face aux conditions extrêmes des premières années, ainsi que leurs modes d’adaptation et de réintégration dès la seconde moitié des années 1930. Il expose les changements survenus dans les « peuplements spéciaux » durant la guerre et retrace le processus d’affranchissement des déportés après dix-huit ans d’exil, qui préfigure l’aboutissement de la plus longue déportation amorcée, puis désamorcée par Stalin. / « Dekulakization » represents the single largest operation from all Stalinist mass deportations. In 1930 and 1931, more than one million eight hundred thousands peasants were sent into internal exile, becoming Stalin’s first « special settlers ».In 1930, the Soviet Northern territory was chosen to be the laboratory of this repressive and social experimentation on human beings, which obliged thousands and thousands of peasant families to extract the natural resources of these fozen hinterlands. They had to remain durably in the so-called « special villages » built for their reforging.This research, based on archival materials combined with survivor’s stories, endeavors to retrace the evolution of this experimental deportation and moreover to document the history of everyday life in the emerging order of the Gulag’s « special settlements ». It throws new light on the fate of peasant families in the North, their strategies to survive when facing the most horrific first years of repression, as well as their ways of adaptation and rehabilitation within society since the second half of the 1930s. This dissertation states the changes occurred in the « special settlements » during the war and charts the process of the deportees’ liberation after eighteen years of exile, which pointed out the end of the longest deportation initiated, and finally defused by Stalin.

Text in German / Die Arbeit ist eine ekklesiologisch-rnissiologische Untersuchung einer Migrantengruppe, der uber eine Viertelrnillion zahlender Russlanddeutscher, evangelisch freikirchlicher Tradition, die innerhalb von 35 Jahren, beginnend rnit 1963, als Aussiedler aus der vorrnaligen Sowjetunion in die Bundesrepublik Deutschland eingewandert sind. Die Aussiedlung und Einwanderung geschah in Absprache beider Staaten als Farnilienzusarnrnenfiihrung von Menschen deutscher Volkszugehorigkeit, die durch den zweiten Weltkrieg getrennt worden waren. Ethnisch ein Tei! von rund 1.900.000 Menschen, die oft nach vielen, anstrengenden aber entschlossenen Bernilhungen die Erlaubnis erlangten auszureisen. In Deutschland wurden sie unerwartet freundlich und hilfreich aufgenornrnen. Da keine offiziellen Angaben fiber die Anzahl der eingewanderten freikirchlichen Aussiedler vorliegen, war das erste Ziel der Studie, ihre zahlenrnaBige GroBe festzustellen. Ergebnis: Etwa 270.000 Personen sind als Farnilien der baptistischen und rnennonitischen Freikirche zuzurechnen. Von ihnen hatten sich rund 55.000 Erwachsene dern christlichen Glauben zugewandt und sich diesen Gerneinden angeschlossen. Die anderen waren Minderjahrige oder der Gerneinde bisher ferngeblieben. Erst nach der Aufnahrne in das Land ihrer Yater rnerkten viele, dass sie Frernde in der Heirnat waren. Wollten sie nicht Frernde bleiben, rnussten sie sich sozial, kulturell und kirchlich durch Anpassung integrieren. Dieser Prozess ist schwer, weil der einzelne Einwanderer sich dazu verandern rnuss. Zunachst aber wollen viele bleiben wie sie sind und so leben, wie sie in der alten Heirnat gelebt hatten. Besonders schwierig erweist sich die kirchliche Integration. Etwa sechs von sieben freikirchlichen Aussiedlern ( etwa 48.000) haben eigene Gerneinden gegrilndet, die anderen ( etwa 7 .000) haben ihre geistliche Heirnat in bestehenden Gerneinden gefunden. Diese neugegrilndeten Gerneinden weisen flir die BRD eine uberdurchschnittliche Wachsturnsrate auf. Ein zweites Anliegen ging der Frage nach, wie diese Gerneinden wachsen: Durch neuen Zuzug aus der GUS oder durch Bekehrung und Taufe? Ergebnis: Von den rund 62.000 Mitglieder (aus den ursprilnglichen 48.000) in Aussiedlereigenen Gerneinden (Stand 1998) sind rund 24.500 Glaubige in Verbindung rnit der Taufe zur Gerneinde gekornrnen. Die Zahl der Aussiedler-Taufen in den einheirnischen Gerneinden ist nicht bekannt. Drittens wurde diskutiert, inwiefern die Gerneinden ihre Lebensordnung bewahren und trotzdern ihren Missionsauftrag wahrnehrnen konnen. / The thesis is an ecclesio-missiological study of a migrant group of more than a quarter of a million Russian Germans, by tradition free church evangelicals. Beginning in 1963, they migrated from the former Soviet Union as 'Aussiedler' (re-settlers) to the Federal Republic of Germany. The resettling - agreed upon by both states - was a program of re-uniting families that had been separated during the Second World War. Ethnically, part of a larger group of 1,900.000 German people who, after exhausting but determined efforts, were permitted to leave for Germany. Here being welcomed and given generous material and social support. As no statistics about evangelical free church family immigrants are recorded, the first aim of the research was to establish their numerical size. The result:: By 1998 some 270,000 family members of this confession had entered Germany. Of these about 55,000 were adult Christian believers who had become members of a Baptist or a Mennonite Church. The rest were minors or adults with no confession of faith to date. In the country of their forbears many of the 'Aussiedler' realised: ,,We are strangers in our homeland. If we do not want to remain strangers, we need to adjust culturally, socially and religiously". Initially many resisted change. Change in to religious customs was particularly difficult. As a result, many did not join existing churches but established new congregations where they could practice their faith in the traditions familiar to them. Since the new 'Aussiedler' churches have been growing at an above average growth rate, the second goal was to investigate the reasons for this phenomenon. How much growth was by immigrantion? How much by conversion and baptism? It was found that of the ca. 62,000 members in the Aussiedler congregations (1998) ca. 24,500 had joined through baptism. The others had come in by immigration. A third area of discussion related to the question: In how far can immigrant Christians retain their own culture and still be faithful to their missionary calling? / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th. (Missiology)

Summaries in Afrikaans and English / Op 3 Mei 1848 het 'n aantll blanke nedersetters van Ohrigstad in Soutpansberg aangekom; 'n pioniersdorp, onder Ieiding van Hendrik Potgieter, is gestig en primitiewe huise is opgerig. In 1855 het Stephanus Schoeman die Ieiding oorgeneem en die dorp na homself vemoem. Die plaaslike owerheid het bestaan uit die kommandant-generaal, 'n landdros met heemrade en ander regeringsamptenare sowel as dorpsbeamptes. Tropiese koorssiektes het soms epidemiese afmetings aangcneem en talle mense het gesterf soos die kerkhof met sy rye grafte getuig. Die nedersetters, gehard deur hul swerwersbestaan, het die siektes en ontberings verduur. Vir 16 van die 19 jaar was daar nie 'n vaste predikant nie tot ds N J van Wannelo in 1864 hom in Schoemansdal gevestig het Hy het hom beywer vir die ophefftng van die inwoners op geestelike en onderwysgebied. Die mense was konserwatief en meestal ongeletterd. Hulle was bedagsaam, maar daar was ook ongure en opstandige persone. Hulle klere was eenvoudig en meestal tuisgemaak, en hulle het graag sosiaal verkeer. V erskeie beroepe is beoefen: houtsaery was betalend en hout was oorvloedig; jag was die winsgewendste, want wild en olifante was volop en jagprodukte, veral ivoor waarvan tonne verhandel is, het goeie markpryse behaal. Die swartes wat reeds in die gebied gewoon het, het die blankes met wanttoue bejeen. Blankes het hulle gevestig, grond toegeeien en onbeperk gejag, terwyl die swartes vir hulle moes werk en belasting betaal. Ongehoorsame swart hoofmanne is aangeval, vee is gebuit en vrouens en veral kinders is weggevoer as inboekelinge. Dit het tot openlike vyandelikhede gelei. Veldtogte is gevoer, maar die blankes kon die swartes, weens hulle oninneembare vestings, nie onderwerp nie. Die swartes het gewere op onwettige wyse bekom. Die handel het begin kwyn, smouse en handelaars het weggebly en die inwoners het verann en onder mekaar getwis. Die blankes het in die skans in Schoemansdal saamgetrek en Paul Kruger is met 400 man deur die Transvaalse regering gestuur om die Venda te onderwerp. Die poging het misluk en op 15 Julie 1867 is Schoemansdal ontruim. Enkele maande later is 'n poging deur Schoeman aangewend om die dorp te herwin, maar ook dit was onsuksesvol. Schoemansdal sou nooit weer herbou word nie en was die eerste vesting wat die blankes aan die swart meerdetheid sou oorgee. / May 1848 a number of white settlers from Ohrigstad arrived in the Soutpansberg. Under the leadership of Hendrik Potgieter, a pioneer town was developed. In 1855 Stephan us Schoeman replanned and renamed the town. The local government consisted of the commandantgeneral, a landdrost, heemrade, government officials and town officers. The region was unhealthy and fever stricken. Numerous graves in the graveyard are the tragic signs of many deaths. However, hardy Trekkers, endured the sickness and hardships. For 16 years there was no minister until, in 1864, the Rev Van Warmelo settled in Schoemansdal and worked zealously for the spiritual and educational upliftment of the inhabitants. Most people were conservative and illiterate. Their clothes were plain and usually home-made, and they were very sociable. There were different occupations. Woodcutters were well paid and wood was abundant. Hunting was lucrative because there were plenty of wild animals and elephant, and hunting products, especially ivory, had good market value. Black communities, which already inhabited the area, distrusted the whites. The whites settled, annexed the land and hunted wherever they wanted, while the blacks were compelled to work and pay taxes. Military campaigns were undertaken against headmen who were regarded as disobedient, livestock was seized, women, and children, were abducted under the indenture system. All this caused open hostility. Campaigns were launched against the blacks but they could not be subjected because of the mountainous terrain. The blacks obtained weapons illegally. Trade deteriorated and the whites became poorer and started to quarrel amongst themselves. The white inhabitants moved into the fort and Paul Kruger was sent by the Transvaal government with 400 men to force the Venda into submission. The attempt failed and on 15 July 1867 the town was evacuated. Schoeman, with a small army, also made an unsuccessful attempt. Schoemansdal would never be rebuilt and was the first white settlement to surrender to black majority. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (Geskiedenis)

Vilhelm Moberg (1898–1973) var en av sin tids mest inflytelserika svenska författare. De fyra romanerna i hans episka utvandrarserie hör de till de mest lästa svenska romanerna genom tiderna. Trots att forskningsfältet om Moberg är stort har hans verk hitintills inte analyserats utifrån ett queerperspektiv. Syftet med denna magisteruppsats är att göra en queer läsning av Mobergs utvandrarserie, med fokus på relationen mellan Robert och Arvid. Dessa unga drängars relation har sällan givits utrymme inom Mobergforskningen och när den omnämnts har den lästs som kamratskap. Min hypotes är att det, trots indikationerna på ett homofobt förhållningssätt hos Moberg vid tiden för utvandrarseriens tillkomst, är möjligt att läsa fram en romantisk kärlekshistoria mellan männen. I uppsatsen lyfts frågeställningen om huruvida textens djur, djuriskhet och djursymbolik öppnar upp för att läsa fram de unga männens kärlekshistoria. Tidelagstemat som i utvandrarserien är förbundet med Arvid kan förstås som en omskrivning för homosexualitet, vilket ihop med queerbetonad djursymbolik som i texten omgärdar Robert, framhäver deras icke-utskrivna begär och kärlek. Analysen synliggör den dikotomi mellan manlighet och omanlighet som i romanerna gestaltas genom Robert och hans storebror Karl Oskar. Storebrodern tillskrivs stark karaktär, individualism och arbetsstyrka, egenskaper som historiskt sett kategoriserats som manliga. Robert skrivs fram som arbetsskygg, lögnaktig och med ett infantilt drömmande om guld och rikedom, egenskaper som kategoriseras som omanliga. Analysen påvisar att i likhet med tidelagstemat kan också omanligheten läsas som en omskrivning för homosexualitet. Frågan om huruvida Mobergs föreställning om homosexualitet som ett ”olycksöde” har haft konsekvenser för gestaltningen av Robert och Arvid, genomsyrar analysen. Avsikten med detta har inte varit att smutskasta Moberg utan att lyfta det motsägelsefulla med hans homofoba hållning då det i denna uppsats fastställs att han författat en vacker kärlekshistoria om två unga män. / Vilhelm Moberg (1898–1973) was one of the most influential Swedish writers of his time. His epic The Emigrants with its four parts are among the most read Swedish novels of all time. The field of research about Moberg is large; despite this none of his works have been analyzed from a queer angle until now. The purpose of this master’s thesis (one year) is to do a queer reading of Moberg’s The Emigrants, focusing on the relationship between Robert and Arvid. The bond between these young farmhands has rarely been given attention within the research about Vilhelm Moberg; when it is mentioned in previous research, it’s perceived as camaraderie. My hypothesis is that, despite indications of a homophobic attitude in Moberg, it is possible to make visible a romantic love story between these men. In this thesis, a question regarding whether animals, animality or animal symbolism in the text makes the young men’s love story increasingly visible, is raised. The theme of bestiality in The Emigrants coincides with Arvid, and can be seen as a synonym for homosexuality. In combination with queer animal symbolism surrounding Robert, the men’s hidden desire and love is enhanced. The analysis highlights a dichotomy between masculinity and unmanliness that is portrayed through the relationship between Robert and his older brother Karl Oskar. The latter is being ascribed traditionally masculine traits, such as resilient character, individualism and physical ability for labor, whereas Robert is associated with unmanly attributes such as laziness, untrustworthiness, and an infantile longing for gold and riches. The analysis shows that Robert’s unmanliness, just as the bestiality theme, is a synonym for homosexuality. The question as to whether Moberg’s impression that homosexuality is an “unfortunate fate” has had consequences for to the portrayal of Robert and Arvid, permeates this analysis. The purpose has not been to smear Moberg but to highlight the paradox of his homophobic stance, since this thesis conclusively determines that he has written a beautiful love story involving two young men.