À l’aide de nouvelles informations, la présente étude vise à interroger l’impact de la guerre d’Espagne sur la communauté artistique espagnole à Paris, qui regroupe tant les artistes ayant tissé des liens forts avec la capitale française lorsque la guerre éclate, que ceux dont l’installation en France est précipitée par le conflit. Notre objectif est de restituer les singularités des dynamiques individuelles dans une histoire d’ensemble, en envisageant la prise de position de ces créateurs, jusqu’alors apolitiques, en faveur de chacun des deux camps sous le prisme de l’engagement de leur identité artistique espagnole et parisienne. Celle-ci, qui se définit selon le rapport revendiqué dans leur création plastique et leur mode de vie avec la modernité ou la tradition, s’imprègne de connotations idéologiques au début de la guerre. Nous chercherons notamment à mettre en perspective et à mieux comprendre la complexité, les paradoxes et les contradictions de l’activité artistique idéologisée des Espagnols à Paris au fil de ces années troubles, notamment sous l’Occupation, et jusqu’à la reprise de relations normalisées avec le régime franquiste dans les années 1950, qui marque la fin de notre cadre chronologique. L’engagement massif et manifeste d’un grand nombre d’artistes espagnols, installés ou fortement liés à la capitale française, dans ce conflit local, qui est le prélude à une conflagration mondiale, nous permettra de mettre en évidence à quel point ces Espagnols de Paris, en dépit de leurs motivations plastiques, se sont constamment trouvés au point de convergence de l’art, de l’engagement et de la politique dans ces années tourmentées du XXe siècle. / Nourished with new information, this study aims to examine the impact of the Spanish Civil War on the community of Spanish artists settled in Paris. We will consider artists with longstanding ties to the French capital when the war breaks out, as well as those whose arrival in France is precipitated by the conflict. Our objective is to situate the specificities of individual trajectories in a global history, by considering the political engagement of these previously apolitical creators for both sides of the Spanish conflict through the prism of their artistic identity which is both Spanish and Parisian. Defined by the ties to modernity or tradition that each artist claims in his work or his social practices, this artistic identity becomes permeated with ideological connotations at the beginning of the Spanish Civil War. Our aim is to shed light on and put into perspective the complexity, the paradoxes and the contradictions of this politicized activity undertaken by Spanish artists in Paris over the course of these tumultuous years, especially during the Nazi Occupation of Paris. The renewal of normalized relations with Francoist Spain in the 1950s marks the end of our study. The massive and ostentatious political engagement of a considerable number of Spanish artists residing in or with strong ties to the French capital will allow us to clarify the point to which these Spaniards in Paris, in spite of their artistic ambitions, find themselves at the point of convergence of art and politics throughout these troubled years of the XXth century.

Entre 1936 e 1939, a Espanha foi abalada por uma violenta Guerra Civil. Tendo sido deflagrada no período entre guerras, quando o capitalismo experimentava os efeitos da crise de 1929; quando o fascismo atravessava seu momento de afirmação na Europa, e quando a Revolução Russa apresentava uma alternativa política para os povos, este acontecimento acabou por se tornar rico em símbolos e significados, atraindo não apenas a atenção, mas também a solidariedade de boa parte do mundo para ambos os lados em contenda. No Brasil, marcado pela repressão ao comunismo, especialmente após 1935, a Guerra Civil Espanhola veio a servir, na visão das elites, como exemplo do que poderia aqui ocorrer caso o comunismo viesse a encontrar solo fértil no continente americano, sendo uma das formas de difundir esta idéia as páginas da grande imprensa escrita. Nosso objetivo é demonstrar como a Guerra Civil Espanhola foi apresentada à sociedade pelo jornal Correio do Povo, à época o periódico de maior importância no Rio Grande do Sul. Através de sua leitura sobre os fatos na Espanha naqueles anos conturbados, temos um exemplo da forma como as idéias de mudança social eram vistas por uma parcela da elite brasileira, bem como de seu alinhamento com as diretrizes políticas oficiais daquele momento. / In 1936-39, the Spain was loose by a violent Civil War. Happened in the between wars age, when the capitalism experiment the effects of the 29’s crisis, when the fascism crossed your moment of affirmation in Europe, and when the Russian Revolution presented a political alternative for the peoples, this happening rendered rich in symbols and meanings, attracting the attention and the solidarity of share of the world for both the sides in quarrel. In Brazil, marked for the repression at communism afterwards 1935, the Spanish Civil War served, for the elites, how example of the how can happen here in the event of the communism meeted firm land in the american continent, to be a from the forms of diffuse this idea the pages of the big press. Our objective is demonstrate how the Spanish Civil War gone presented for the society by Correio do Povo journal, in the time of the happening the newspaper of higher importance in the Rio Grande do Sul State. Through of this reading about the happenings in the Spain at that disturbed years, we have a example of the shape how the social changes ideas was includeds by a parcel of the brazilian elites, as well as of the your arrangement with the official politics from that moment.

Entre 1936 e 1939, a Espanha foi abalada por uma violenta Guerra Civil. Tendo sido deflagrada no período entre guerras, quando o capitalismo experimentava os efeitos da crise de 1929; quando o fascismo atravessava seu momento de afirmação na Europa, e quando a Revolução Russa apresentava uma alternativa política para os povos, este acontecimento acabou por se tornar rico em símbolos e significados, atraindo não apenas a atenção, mas também a solidariedade de boa parte do mundo para ambos os lados em contenda. No Brasil, marcado pela repressão ao comunismo, especialmente após 1935, a Guerra Civil Espanhola veio a servir, na visão das elites, como exemplo do que poderia aqui ocorrer caso o comunismo viesse a encontrar solo fértil no continente americano, sendo uma das formas de difundir esta idéia as páginas da grande imprensa escrita. Nosso objetivo é demonstrar como a Guerra Civil Espanhola foi apresentada à sociedade pelo jornal Correio do Povo, à época o periódico de maior importância no Rio Grande do Sul. Através de sua leitura sobre os fatos na Espanha naqueles anos conturbados, temos um exemplo da forma como as idéias de mudança social eram vistas por uma parcela da elite brasileira, bem como de seu alinhamento com as diretrizes políticas oficiais daquele momento. / In 1936-39, the Spain was loose by a violent Civil War. Happened in the between wars age, when the capitalism experiment the effects of the 29’s crisis, when the fascism crossed your moment of affirmation in Europe, and when the Russian Revolution presented a political alternative for the peoples, this happening rendered rich in symbols and meanings, attracting the attention and the solidarity of share of the world for both the sides in quarrel. In Brazil, marked for the repression at communism afterwards 1935, the Spanish Civil War served, for the elites, how example of the how can happen here in the event of the communism meeted firm land in the american continent, to be a from the forms of diffuse this idea the pages of the big press. Our objective is demonstrate how the Spanish Civil War gone presented for the society by Correio do Povo journal, in the time of the happening the newspaper of higher importance in the Rio Grande do Sul State. Through of this reading about the happenings in the Spain at that disturbed years, we have a example of the shape how the social changes ideas was includeds by a parcel of the brazilian elites, as well as of the your arrangement with the official politics from that moment.

O objetivo deste trabalho é estudar, sob uma perspectiva materialista-dialética, o processo de transformação ideológica da consciência política do autor George Orwell (1903-1950), a partir da obra Homage to Catalonia, publicada originalmente em 1938. A partir disso, a pesquisa procurou compreender a trajetória de Orwell durante o período em que combateu na Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939), bem como os contextos políticos e históricos da Espanha e da Catalunha, naquele período. Para isso, foram analisados trechos do livro Homage to Catalonia, bem como de outros trabalhos de George Orwell, dialogando com a fortuna crítica acerca da obra do autor. Também buscou ser feita uma leitura crítica da interpretação e apropriação do pensamento de Orwell por outros autores, confrontando as diferentes visões com as palavras do próprio autor / The main objective of this research is to study the process of ideological transformation of George Orwell\'s (1903-1950) political consciousness, by means of a dialectical materialism perspective, in the book Homage to Catalonia, originally published in 1938. In that manner, this research has tried to comprehend Orwell\'s path in Spain and Catalonia, as a combatant in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), through the analysis of the historic and political context of that time and place. We have studied quotes from Homage to Catalonia, as well as from other works by George Orwell, discussing them with the aid of the critical fortune on the author\'s body of work. We have also tried to understand the interpretation and appropriation of Orwell\'s thought by other authors, confronting those visions with Orwell\'s own words

Entre 1936 e 1939, a Espanha foi abalada por uma violenta Guerra Civil. Tendo sido deflagrada no período entre guerras, quando o capitalismo experimentava os efeitos da crise de 1929; quando o fascismo atravessava seu momento de afirmação na Europa, e quando a Revolução Russa apresentava uma alternativa política para os povos, este acontecimento acabou por se tornar rico em símbolos e significados, atraindo não apenas a atenção, mas também a solidariedade de boa parte do mundo para ambos os lados em contenda. No Brasil, marcado pela repressão ao comunismo, especialmente após 1935, a Guerra Civil Espanhola veio a servir, na visão das elites, como exemplo do que poderia aqui ocorrer caso o comunismo viesse a encontrar solo fértil no continente americano, sendo uma das formas de difundir esta idéia as páginas da grande imprensa escrita. Nosso objetivo é demonstrar como a Guerra Civil Espanhola foi apresentada à sociedade pelo jornal Correio do Povo, à época o periódico de maior importância no Rio Grande do Sul. Através de sua leitura sobre os fatos na Espanha naqueles anos conturbados, temos um exemplo da forma como as idéias de mudança social eram vistas por uma parcela da elite brasileira, bem como de seu alinhamento com as diretrizes políticas oficiais daquele momento. / In 1936-39, the Spain was loose by a violent Civil War. Happened in the between wars age, when the capitalism experiment the effects of the 29’s crisis, when the fascism crossed your moment of affirmation in Europe, and when the Russian Revolution presented a political alternative for the peoples, this happening rendered rich in symbols and meanings, attracting the attention and the solidarity of share of the world for both the sides in quarrel. In Brazil, marked for the repression at communism afterwards 1935, the Spanish Civil War served, for the elites, how example of the how can happen here in the event of the communism meeted firm land in the american continent, to be a from the forms of diffuse this idea the pages of the big press. Our objective is demonstrate how the Spanish Civil War gone presented for the society by Correio do Povo journal, in the time of the happening the newspaper of higher importance in the Rio Grande do Sul State. Through of this reading about the happenings in the Spain at that disturbed years, we have a example of the shape how the social changes ideas was includeds by a parcel of the brazilian elites, as well as of the your arrangement with the official politics from that moment.

Durante a Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939), operou-se um intenso debate ideológico entre as forças políticas que se confrontavam nos campos de batalha. Canções e cartazes de guerra foram eficientes instrumentos de divulgação das idéias de anarquistas, comunistas e nacionalistas. Tal debate, porém, já se havia anunciado nas duas primeiras décadas do século XX, quando esses grupos políticos veicularam suas ideologias através de textos ficcionais dirigidos às massas. Naquele contexto, o pensamento defendido pelos anarquistas circulou em mais de seiscentas novelas da série Novela Ideal, que visavam sobretudo à conscientização de seus leitores. O núcleo deste trabalho é a análise da ética libertária dessa produção ficcional que se constituiu como outro pólo de interlocução coerente com as demais formas de expressão usadas pelos anarquistas. Apesar da repressão a essa utopia, ela continua mobilizando, em outros lugares e tempos históricos, representações artísticas que atestam a permanência dos ideais ácratas como se observa, por exemplo, no texto O curto verão da anarquia e no filme Terra e Liberdade. / During the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) an intense ideological debate was staged among the political forces that confronted each another on the battlefields. War songs and posters served as efficient tools for the disclosure of the ideas of anarchists, communists and nationalists. Said debate, however, had already been announced in the first decades of the 20th century, when these political groups transmitted their ideologies through fictional texts targeting the masses. In that context, the line of thought defended by anarchists circulated in over six hundred titles of the Novela Ideal series, which pursued the awareness of their readers above all. The core of this study is the analysis of the libertarian ethics of this fictional production, which constituted another point of dialogue in line with the other means of expression used by the anarchists. In spite of the repression of this utopia, it continues mobilizing, in other places and historic times, artistic representations that attest to the permanence of anarchists ideas as seen, for example, in the text entitled The short summer of anarchy and in the movie Land and Freedom.

O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar as relações entre o governo brasileiro e a Guerra Civil Espanhola. A partir da sublevação militar de 17 de julho de 1936, o cenário interno do estado espanhol tornou-se o epicentro do embate entre as forças conservadoras e a diversidade de grupos políticos de esquerda. Desde os seus primeiros momentos, a guerra civil transbordou as fronteiras espanholas e europeias. Se por um lado houve o envolvimento direto e indireto de países europeus, por outro, também houve substancial importância nas Américas. Assim, esta tese pretende desenvolver uma abordagem dos papéis existentes entre os órgãos públicos e privados relacionados ao governo Vargas e os grupos envolvidos na Guerra Civil Espanhola, sobretudo aqueles pertencentes aos militares sob o controle de Francisco Franco. As ações de órgãos como o Ministério de Relações Exteriores e do Departamento Nacional do Café, tiveram papel preponderante em um apoio oficioso aos rebelados, enquanto que as representações diplomáticas da Segunda República foram paulatinamente relegadas a uma situação marginal. / The aim of this research is to analyze the relations between the Brazilian government and the Spanish Civil War. From the military uprising of 1936 July 17th, the domestic scenery of Spanish State became the epicenter of a struggle between conservative forces and the diversity of left political groups. Since its first moments, the civil war crossed the Spanish and European borders. If, on the one hand, there was a direct and indirect involvement of the European countries, on the other hand, there was also a substantial significance in the Americas. Thus, this thesis intends to develop an approach between the roles of public and private organizations of Vargas government and the related groups of the Spanish Civil War, mainly those ones under the General Francisco Francos control. The attitudes of public bodies as the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and National Coffee Department, it had a key role to an unofficial support to the insurgents, meanwhile, the diplomatic representations of Spanish Second Republic were gradually sent to a marginal condition.

Esta dissertação trata do livro de contos El canto de la juventud (1990), escrito por Montserrat Roig (1946-1991), e busca discutir os possíveis modos como a memória se configura ficcionalmente através da ótica feminina em torno à noção de biblioteca. Na obra delineia-se um passado que remonta ao período do pós-guerra civil espanhola, o que leva à reflexão sobre a conjuntura histórico-social relacionada com a contenda. São destacados aspectos biográficos de Montserrat Roig, bem como relativos à sua produção literária e não ficcional, marcada pela presença da língua catalã e da mulher, com vistas a embasar a leitura das narrativas que, em um primeiro momento, sinaliza para o processo composicional da lembrança e, posteriormente, aprofunda essa ideia. Esta análise está centrada nos contos El canto de la juventud, A salvo de la guerra y de las olas, Madre, no entiendo a los salmones e Antes que merezca el olvido, que propiciam o exame acerca do exercício rememorativo, configurado também pelo esquecimento e pela criação imaginativa do passado. / This dissertation on the short story book El canto de la juventud (1990) by Montserrat Roig (1946-1991) is aimed at discussing how memory is fictionally designed from a feminine perspective based on the notion of library. The past exhibited in the stories traces back to the post-Spanish Civil War years, which leads us to reflect on the circumstances of the conflict. In order to support our study of those narratives, we highlight some biographical aspects of Montserrat Roigs life and provide information on her literary and non-fictional works, imprinted by the Catalan language and the female presence. At first, we point out the compositional process of memories, which we further elaborate. Such analysis focuses on the short stories El canto de la juventud, A salvo de la guerra y de las olas, Madre, no entiendo a los salmones and Antes que merezca el olvido, once they allow us to examine the remembering exercise, also formed by oblivion and the imaginative recreation of the past.

(english) The thesis deals with the British policy of non-intervention during the civil war in Spain between the years 1936 and 1939. Its main objective is to analyze the strategic and foreign political interests of the United Kingdom that formed this policy, to introduce the issue of non-intervention into the British policy of appeasement and to describe the form of non-intervention policy in Spain and its problems. In an effort to maintain peace in Europe and prevent new world war, the British government, in co- operation with France, has succeeded in enforcing this policy. A Non-intervention agreement was adopted by a total of twenty-seven European countries. They then co- operated in the Non-intervention Committee in London and jointly set up a System of Observation over Spanish borders to ensure compliance with non-intervention. However, foreign intervention in the Spanish conflict was not prevented. Due to the failure of control, disputes within the Non-intervention Committee, and the development of civil war, the policy of non-intervention was terminated in April 1939, though practically ceased to work much earlier.

La politique extérieure canadienne en regard de la Guerre civile espagnole fut adoptée en juillet 1937. Le gouvernement canadien adopta une politique de neutralité analogue à celle pilotée par la Grande-Bretagne à travers le Comité de non-intevention. Il promulgua un embargo sur l’exportation d’armes de toutes sortes sur le territoire espagnol, et ce, aux deux belligérants. De plus, avec la Loi sur l’enrôlement à l’étranger, Ottawa criminalisa l’engagement volontaire sur toutes ses formes, plus particulièrement le Bataillon Mackenzie – Papineau, ramification canadienne des Brigades Internationales. Au Québec, cette guerre fut fortement ressentie. Les élites traditionnelles et le clergé catholique anathématisent le Front Populaire espagnol en l’assimilant au communisme soviétique, et se solidarisent avec leurs coreligionnaires espagnols. Selon Ernest Lapointe, bras droit de Mackenzie King au Québec, Ottawa doit tenir compte du courant conservateur chez les Québécois francophones afin de prévenir une crise domestique pouvant avoir des conséquences sur l’unité nationale. Mais la politique étrangère du Canada à l’égard du gouvernement républicain espagnol n’a que partiellement été influencée par la réaction clérico-nationaliste au Québec. Elle est bien davantage le résultat de l’alignement du Canada sur la politique étrangère britannique. / The Canadian foreign policy in view of the Spanish Civil War was adopted on July 31th. The shilly-shallying of Ottawa related to his politic is questionable in regard of the motivations that guided the federal gouvernement. The Canada adopted a neutrality position, similar to the one of Great Britain, decided by the Non-intervention Committee. Like London, Ottawa voted a weapons embargo on both sides of the belligerants. Also, with the Foreign Enlistement Act, it was criminally forbidden to go to fight in Spain. The law applied on both sides, but was aimed especially to prevent the making of the Mackenzie-Papineau Batallion, the Canadian branch of the International Brigades. These acts dedicated the neutrality of Canada. In Quebec, this war was deeply felt. The traditional elites and the catholic clergy assimilated the Spanish governement to Soviet communism and showed solidarity with the Spanish Catholic Church. According to Ernest Lapointe, the main minister in Quebec, Ottawa should deeply take into account the conservative movement in Quebec to prevent a domestic crisis that could endanger the national unity. But the foreign policy of Canada was only partially influenced by the clerico-nationalist reaction in Quebec; it was much more dictated by the following of the British foreign policy.