Unconstitutional changes, especially coups d’états, have undoubtedly eroded peace and security in many parts of the African continent. These occurrences have also stunted the development of democracy in some African states. The African Union (AU), supported by sub-regional bodies, addresses this problem by imposing sanctions on the regimes that acquire power through coups with the aim of restoring political order. However, this sanctions policy has produced mixed results. In some cases, these sanctions managed to succeed in achieving their objectives (Guinea) while in other instances sanctions failed to achieve their objectives (Madagascar). It is therefore imperative to inquire into the circumstances and assess the conditions under which the AU sanctions policies failed and succeeded in restoring political order to states that experience coups d’états. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

In a democracy it is the citizens who choose their leaders. Through elections, the people constitute government to preside over public affairs. However, in several African countries the quality of the elections has been vitiated by fraud, incompetence, unequal playing field and violence. Part of the problem is historical. Within the first decade of attaining independence in the 1950s and 1960s, many African regimes rapidly descended into autocracy and many countries formally recognised one-party regimes. Despite many one-party regimes having been abolished after the democratisation wave of the late 1980s and early 1990s, challenges of holding free and fair elections persist. Several elections held since this democratic wave were generally not considered by independent observers as free and fair. Indeed Africa has become well known for flawed elections, such as was the case in the 2007 elections in Kenya, the 2008 elections in Zimbabwe and the 2010 elections in Ivory Coast. Due to the stifled democratic climate, where even elections had a predetermined outcome, coups became a common and regular method of showing discontent or removing government. While the phenomenon of problematic elections is going on, at the continental level, Africa seems to be making renewed commitment towards democratic governance. With the transformation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) through the adoption of the Constitutive Act of the African Union in 2000, the AU, inter alia, committed to promoting “democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance” and seems determined to depart from the legacy of poor governance. It is in view of the foregoing background that this research sought to investigate the challenges the judiciary in Africa has faced in adjudicating presidential election disputes. And, in light of the growing trend towards establishing common African democratic standards and seeking collective solutions, the research also sought to explore the viability of establishing a continental supranational mechanism for resolving disputed presidential elections through adjudication. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LLD

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The resurgence of unconstitutional changes of government in Africa is regarded not only as a threat to democratisation processes but also to peace, security and stability on the continent. The United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU) and various regional economic communities (RECs) have all sought to address this challenge, in what may be described as a trilateral linkage between the international, regional and sub-regional organisations. The unconstitutional change of government in Madagascar in 2009 led to the involvement of the UN, AU and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Although these organisations all responded to the case of Madagascar, it cannot be assumed that they all share a common understanding of and approach to unconstitutional changes of government. This study builds upon a constructivist approach to norm development, with a particular focus upon the norm life cycle. The thesis seeks to assess if a normative approach to dealing with unconstitutional changes of government has developed within the UN, AU and SADC respectively, and if so, how? Furthermore, how have these organisations responded to such a case, with a specific focus on Madagascar? Building upon these findings, the thesis aims to assess if and how a norm condemning unconstitutional changes of government has emerged, spread and become internalised within the UN, AU and SADC. The study illustrates that the norm condemning unconstitutional changes of government is particularly salient within the AU. Furthermore, and unlike many other peace and security norms, the norm condemning unconstitutional changes of government seems to have emerged from the level of the AU and impacts upwards on the UN as well as downwards on SADC. These findings imply that the AU will have a prominent role in informing the approach and response to such cases on the African continent in the future. Furthermore, the normative frameworks of the UN and SADC may be developed largely as a result of and on the basis of the principles and policies of the AU. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die herlewing van ongrondwetlike regeringsverandering in Afrika word nie net as 'n bedreiging vir die demokratiseringsprosesse beskou nie, maar ook vir vrede, veiligheid en stabiliteit op die kontinent. Die Verenigde Nasies (VN), die Afrika-Unie (AU) en verskeie streeks-ekonomiese gemeenskappe (REC's) het gepoog om hierdie uitdaging, wat beskryf kan word as ‘n driehoekskakeling tussen die internasionale, streeks- en substreek-organisasies, aan te spreek. Die ongrondwetlike regeringsverandering in Madagaskar in 2009 het gelei tot die betrokkenheid van die VN, AU en die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelings gemeenskap (SAOG). Alhoewel hierdie organisasies op die Madagaskar-saak gereageer het, kan daar nie aanvaar word dat hulle ‘n gemeenskaplike begrip van en benadering tot die ongrondwetlike verandering van regering deel nie. Hierdie studie bou op 'n konstruktivisme benadering tot die ontwikkeling van norme, met 'n spesifieke fokus op die lewensiklus van ‘n norm. Die tesis poog om te bepaal of 'n konstruktivisme benadering respektiewelik binne die VN, AU en SAOG ontwikkel het rakende ongrondwetlike regeringsverandering, en indien wel, hoe? Verder, hoe het hierdie organisasies gereageer op so 'n geval, met spesifieke fokus op Madagaskar? Met hierdie bevindinge in gedagte, sal die tesis bepaal of, en hoe, 'n norm wat ongrondwetlik regeringsveranderinge veroordeel, na vore gekom het en hoe dit versprei en binne die VN, AU en SAOG geïnternaliseer is. Hierdie studie illustreer dat die norm wat ongrondwetlik regeringsveranderinge veroordeel, besonder opvallend is binne die AU. In teenstelling met ander vredes- en sekuriteits norme, blyk dit dat die norm wat ongrondwetlik regeringsveranderinge veroordeel, sy oorsprong het op AU-vlak, met opwaartse trefkrag op die VN, sowel as afwaarts op SAOG. Hierdie bevindinge impliseer dat die AU in die toekoms 'n prominente rol in die benadering tot en reaksie op derglike gevalle op die Afrika-kontinent, sal hê. Verder kan die normatiewe raamwerke van die VN en SAOG moontlik hoofsaaklik ontwikkel as gevolg van die basis van beginsels en beleid wat deur die AU neergelê word. / Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI).

The promotion of sustainable development is an objective shared by African Union (AU) member states and the pursuance thereof is expressly mandated by the Constitutive Act of the African Union, 2000 and the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community, 1992. Lack of access to modern energy sources, such as electricity and the heavy reliance on traditional biomass as primary energy source are factors contributing to the non-achievement of the promotion of sustainable development. These factors are collectively referred to as energy poverty. The African Continent as a whole has limited, and in some instances, lack access to modern energy sources while the majority of its population relies heavily on traditional biomass as primary energy source. Africa can accordingly be classified as an energy poor region–a situation which does not bode well for the promotion of sustainable development. Access to reliable, affordable, economically viable, socially acceptable and environmentally sound energy services and resources is fundamental to socio-economic development. Mitigating the impacts of energy poverty and more specifically lack of access to modern energy sources on the sustainable development of Africa depends upon ensuring increased access to modern energy sources. The above-mentioned instruments furthermore contain provisions which link regional cooperation on the formulation of coordinated regional law and policy on areas/matters of common concern with the achievement of the objective of promoting sustainable development in Africa. One of the areas of common concerns listed is that of energy. Regional cooperation must accordingly be geared towards the effective development of the continent‘s energy and natural resources; promoting the development of new and renewable energy in the framework of the policy of diversification of sources of energy; and establishing an adequate mechanism of concerted action and coordination for the collective solution of the energy development problems within the AU. The formulation of coordinated energy law and policy should take place with reference to the specific sources of energy to be regulated. In this regard, the provisions of the Abuja Treaty and other sub-regional energy access initiatives list various sources of energy as forming part of a diversified AU energy mix – one of which is nuclear energy. In this study recommendations are made as to what should be embodied in a coordinated AU regional nuclear legal framework aimed at regulating increased access to nuclear energy capable of contributing towards the promotion of sustainable development. The recommendations are based on an examination of relevant international, regional and sub-regional legal instruments and other initiatives. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Text in English / The study sought to assess the quality of library services by investigating the gaps between various service quality variables using the LibQUAL, SERVQUAL and SERVPERF models. The pragmatic paradigm formed the basis of this study while the mixed methods approach was adopted. The convergent parallel mixed methods design where both quantitative and qualitative data collection methods and data were integrated was adopted. Using the side-by-side comparison style, both sets of data were separately analysed and presented. The results were then compared to establish if they confirm or disconfirm each other. Questionnaires were administered to 94 users of the library. To calculate the level of service quality, the study measured the service adequacy gap (SAG), service superiority gap (SSG), zone of tolerance (ZoT), and D-M scores. Followup focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted to validate, supplement and further explore the issues that arose from data collected using the questionnaires. The findings revealed a gap between the users’ expectations and perceptions of service quality and that library services were not meeting users’ expectations. The users’ expectations exceeded their perceptions since all service quality scores (SAG, SSG, ZoT and D-M scores) were either low or negative. Generally, the library performed well in the dimensions that touch on human aspects of the library but did poorly in the aspects that touch on information collections, library space and equipment. There were no significant differences between the protocols, with the overall gaps between perceptions and desires being all negative. The findings of the FGDs confirmed those of the questionnaires. The study recommended that the Court should allocate resources in a way that ensures human aspects of the library remain at high levels of service quality, while the shortcomings on aspects of information control, library space and equipment addressed. However, while addressing the physical space aspects, the library should bear in mind that users did not rate them as important for their purposes. This means that the library will need to invest in electronic content that can be accessed remotely by users. In view of the findings, the study concluded by developing a service quality framework on quality improvement and its sustenance at the library and the Court at large. / Information Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Information Science)

La revendication et/ou suggestion d'une africanisation du maintien de la paix en Afrique devait conduire à la réforme du système africain de sécurité. Il s'agit d’une réforme tant normative qu'institutionnelle menée en vue de donner une nouvelle orientation au cadre opérationnel dans l’optique d’une meilleure contribution du continent au maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Ce travail s'est opéré à la fois au niveau régional et au niveau des communautés économiques régionales (CER) qui font partie intégrante de l’architecture africaine de paix et de sécurité telle que construite au sein et autour de l’Union africaine. Le plus emblématique est pour l’UA de s'être dotée d’un droit d'intervention là où certaines CER, à l'instar de la CEDEAO, avaient déjà pris des initiatives, afin de répondre aux crises les plus diverses dont le génocide. A tout prendre, il s’agit d'une avancée significative du système ainsi mis en place. A l’observation toutefois, on peine à voir un modèle typiquement africain des opérations de maintien de la paix, tant il est vrai que les deux segments, organisation et déploiement opérationnel, laissent apparaître une hétéronormativité et un déploiement pluri-institutionnel. Cela découle sans doute de la prégnance de la fragilité de certains acteurs étatiques qui frise tout élan de construction d’un système communautaire de sécurité fort, nécessitant au surplus des mesures de (re) construction de l’Etat, appuyée par les institutions internationales dont la première d’entre elles - l’ONU. / The demand and/or suggestion of an Africanization of peacekeeping in Africa should lead to the reform of the African security system. This is a normative and institutional reform aimed at giving a new orientation to the operational framework in order to enhancing the continent's contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security. This work has been carried out both at the regional level and at the regional economic community (REC) level, which are an integral part of the African peace and security architecture as built within and around the African Union. The most emblematic is for the AU to have a right of intervention where certain RECs, like ECOWAS, have already taken initiatives to respond to the most diverse crises including the genocide. On the whole, this is a significant step forward in the system thus put in place. However, it is difficult to see a typical African model of peacekeeping operations, as it is true that the two segments, operational organization and deployment, reveal a heteronormativity and a multi-institutional deployment. This is probably due to the fragility of certain state actors, which hampers any effort to build a strong Community security system, which in addition requires measures to (re) build the state, supported by international institutions, Starting with the first - the United Nations.

The promotion of sustainable development is an objective shared by African Union (AU) member states and the pursuance thereof is expressly mandated by the Constitutive Act of the African Union, 2000 and the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community, 1992. Lack of access to modern energy sources, such as electricity and the heavy reliance on traditional biomass as primary energy source are factors contributing to the non-achievement of the promotion of sustainable development. These factors are collectively referred to as energy poverty. The African Continent as a whole has limited, and in some instances, lack access to modern energy sources while the majority of its population relies heavily on traditional biomass as primary energy source. Africa can accordingly be classified as an energy poor region–a situation which does not bode well for the promotion of sustainable development. Access to reliable, affordable, economically viable, socially acceptable and environmentally sound energy services and resources is fundamental to socio-economic development. Mitigating the impacts of energy poverty and more specifically lack of access to modern energy sources on the sustainable development of Africa depends upon ensuring increased access to modern energy sources. The above-mentioned instruments furthermore contain provisions which link regional cooperation on the formulation of coordinated regional law and policy on areas/matters of common concern with the achievement of the objective of promoting sustainable development in Africa. One of the areas of common concerns listed is that of energy. Regional cooperation must accordingly be geared towards the effective development of the continent‘s energy and natural resources; promoting the development of new and renewable energy in the framework of the policy of diversification of sources of energy; and establishing an adequate mechanism of concerted action and coordination for the collective solution of the energy development problems within the AU. The formulation of coordinated energy law and policy should take place with reference to the specific sources of energy to be regulated. In this regard, the provisions of the Abuja Treaty and other sub-regional energy access initiatives list various sources of energy as forming part of a diversified AU energy mix – one of which is nuclear energy. In this study recommendations are made as to what should be embodied in a coordinated AU regional nuclear legal framework aimed at regulating increased access to nuclear energy capable of contributing towards the promotion of sustainable development. The recommendations are based on an examination of relevant international, regional and sub-regional legal instruments and other initiatives. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

This study on "The road to constitutionalism and democracy in post-colonial Africa: the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo" revolves around a major research problem: What has been the road to constitutionalism and democracy in Africa since independence and how can constitutionalism and democracy be established and consolidated on the African continent? The importance of the problem and its implications for the life of millions of African people and the state of the literature still dominated by persons foreign to Africa make constitutionalism and democracy one of the most fascinating and challenging intellectual projects, particularly among African scholars. This work is a contribution to the development of knowledge and to the building and consolidation of constitutionalism and democracy in Africa. It revisits and critically examines the concepts and the various discourses and voices we have heard form both inside and mostly outside the continent. It highlights the African struggle, explores the major trends, and stresses the challenges and prospects for constitutionalism and democracy in Africa. The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is a case study. The research deals with the unfinished struggle of the people of the Congo and explains why the Congo has gone from DRC to DRC via Zaire, from one crisis of the Congo in the 1960s to another crisis of the Congo since the early 1990s and why the DRC history has been rehearsing in a vicious circle of coups and countercoups, rebellions, unsuccessful national conferences, authoritarian and unconstitutional regimes. Central to the crisis in many African states, including the DRC, is the crisis of constitutionalism and democracy and the failure of the post-colonial state. The study ends with the conclusion that constitutionalism and democracy also belong to Africa and constitute a prerequisite for African survival and renaissance. / Constitutional and Public International Law / LL.D.

In a democracy it is the citizens who choose their leaders. Through elections, the people constitute government to preside over public affairs. However, in several African countries the quality of the elections has been vitiated by fraud, incompetence, unequal playing field and violence. Part of the problem is historical. Within the first decade of attaining independence in the 1950s and 1960s, many African regimes rapidly descended into autocracy and many countries formally recognised one-party regimes. Despite many one-party regimes having been abolished after the democratisation wave of the late 1980s and early 1990s, challenges of holding free and fair elections persist. Several elections held since this democratic wave were generally not considered by independent observers as free and fair. Indeed Africa has become well known for flawed elections, such as was the case in the 2007 elections in Kenya, the 2008 elections in Zimbabwe and the 2010 elections in Ivory Coast. Due to the stifled democratic climate, where even elections had a predetermined outcome, coups became a common and regular method of showing discontent or removing government. While the phenomenon of problematic elections is going on, at the continental level, Africa seems to be making renewed commitment towards democratic governance. With the transformation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) through the adoption of the Constitutive Act of the African Union in 2000, the AU, inter alia, committed to promoting “democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance” and seems determined to depart from the legacy of poor governance. It is in view of the foregoing background that this research sought to investigate the challenges the judiciary in Africa has faced in adjudicating presidential election disputes. And, in light of the growing trend towards establishing common African democratic standards and seeking collective solutions, the research also sought to explore the viability of establishing a continental supranational mechanism for resolving disputed presidential elections through adjudication. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LL. D.

A rebours du schéma élaboré dans le cadre du Traité d’Abuja signé le 3 juin 1991 par les Etats membres de L’Organisation de l’unité Africaine (OUA), la divergence actuelle des systèmes régionaux africains constitue une dénaturation de l’approche convenue. Ce texte prévoit en effet dans son article 6, la création des Communautés économiques régionales (CER) comme une modalité de l’intégration continentale. A ce titre, huit CER sont aujourd’hui reconnues par l’Union Africaine : la Communauté Economique des Etats de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) ; la Communauté Economique des Etats de l’Afrique Centrale (CEEAC) ; la Communauté de l’Afrique de l’Est (CAE) ; la Southern Africa Development Community (SADC); l’Autorité Intergouvernementale pour le Développement (IGAD); le Marché Commun de l’Afrique Australe et Orientale (COMESA); l’Union du Maghreb Arabe (UMA); et la Communauté des Etats Sahélo-Sahariens (CEN-SAD). L’établissement de la Communauté économique africaine instituée par le Traité, reste subordonné à la réussite de ces systèmes communautaires régionaux. Toutefois, la multiplication d’autres organisations communautaires sous-régionales - en plus de celles reconnues - d’une part, et la mise en œuvre de programmes et activités similaires dans le domaine économique d’autre part, tendent à compromettre la réalisation du projet africain. Cette situation fait échec au concept de départ qui établit le principe d’une exclusivité régionale à la faveur de la CER reconnue. A cause de chevauchements des objectifs poursuivis, il s’ensuit entre les organisations régionales, des rapports de rivalité plutôt que de complémentarité, aboutissant à la coexistence des systèmes d’intégration concurrents. Les rapports entre les CER et l’Organisation continentale rendent également visibles les insuffisances liées à la coordination du processus projeté. L’Union Africaine ne disposant pas du tout ou pas suffisamment des moyens juridiques lui permettant une intrusion dans la mise en œuvre des programmes communautaires régionaux, l’application des dispositions du Traité d’Abuja par les CER, ne semble pas homogène. La matérialisation des ambitions affichées par les Etats signataires demeure à ce jour conditionnée par la rationalisation de l’intégration envisagée. Cette étude vise à proposer quelques pistes de solutions en ce sens. / In stark contrast to the vision which emerged from the Treaty of Abuja, ratified by the member states of the Organisation of African Unity on the 3rd of June 1991, the present divergence of regional systems in Africa constitutes a serious distortion of the approach that was agreed upon. Indeed, in Article 6, the treaty sets forth the “strengthening of existing regional economic communities” (RECs) as a means of achieving integration on a continental scale. Along these lines, the African Union now recognizes eight RECs: the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), the East African Community (EAC), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU), and the Community of Sahel-Saharan States (CEN-SAD). As laid out in the treaty, the establishment of the African Economic Community is entirely dependent upon the success of these regional community systems. At the same time, the increase of other community organisations at the sub-regional level, beyond those officially recognized, on the one hand, and the implementation of similar programmes and activities, on the other hand, tend to endanger the realisation of the African project. This situation flies in the face of the original idea, which was based on the principle of the regional exclusivity of the recognized RECs. As a result of the various overlapping goals that are being pursued by difference organisations, competitive rather than complimentary relations have led to a coexistence of rival systems of integration. The relations between the RECs and the continental organization (the AU) have also made apparent the inadequacy of the coordination procedure that had been envisaged. As the African Union does not have sufficient legal means at its disposal to intervene in the implementation of regional community programmes, the execution of the Treaty of Abuja by the RECs lacks homogeneity. In order to achieve the ambitions declared by those member states who signed the treaty, a rationalisation of the proposed integration is necessary. The present study puts forward several proposals as to how such a rationalisation may be accomplished.