Foreign investments in SADC are regulated by Annex 1 of the SADC Protocol on Finance and Investments (SADC FIP), as well as the laws of SADC Member States. At present, SADC faces the challenge that this regime for the regulation of foreign investments is unstable, unsatisfactory and unpredictable. Furthermore, the state of the rule of law in some SADC Member States is unsatisfactory. This negatively affects the security of foreign investments regulated by this regime. The main reasons for this state of affairs are briefly explained below. The regulatory regime for foreign investments in SADC is unstable, due to recent policy reviews and amendments of key regulatory instruments that have taken place. Major developments in this regard have been the suspension of the SADC Tribunal during 2010, the amendment of the SADC Tribunal Protocol during 2014 to bar natural and legal persons from access to the Tribunal, and the amendment of Annex 1 during 2016 to remove investor access to international investor-state arbitration, better known as investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS). The regulation of foreign investments in SADC has been unsatisfactory, among others because some SADC Member States have failed or neglected to harmonise their investment laws with both the 2006 and the 2016 Annex 1. Furthermore, SADC Member States such as Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Malawi, Mauritius, Seychelles, Eswatini, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe have multiple Regional Economic Community (REC) memberships. This places these Member States in a position whereby they have conflicting interests and treaty obligations. Finally, the future of the regime for the regulation of foreign investments in SADC is unpredictable, due to regional integration efforts such as the recent formation of the COMESA-EAC-SADC Tripartite Free Zone (T-FTA) and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The T-FTA is entitled to have its investment protocol, while the AfCFTA investment protocol will be negotiated from 2018 until 2020. These developments entail that the 2016 Annex 1 will soon be replaced by an investment protocol at either the T-FTA or AfCFTA levels, thereby ushering a new regime for the regulation of foreign investments in SADC. The unknown nature of the future regulations create uncertainty and instability among foreign investors and host states alike. This study analyses the regulation of foreign investments in terms of Annex 1 and selected laws of SADC Member States. In the end, it makes the three findings mentioned above. In order to address these findings, the study makes four recommendations. The first is that foreign investments in SADC must be regulated at African Union (AU) level, by means of an AfCFTA investment protocol (which incidentally is now the case). Secondly, investor-state disputes must be referred to the courts of a host state, optional ISDS, the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (ACJ&HR) or other agreed forum. Thirdly, an African Justice Scoreboard (AJS) must be established. The AJS will act as a gateway to determine whether an investor-state dispute shall be referred to the courts of a host state, ISDS, the ACJ&HR or other forums. Fourthly, the office of an African Investment Ombud (AIO) must be created. The AIO shall facilitate the early resolution of investor-state disputes, so as to reduce the number of disputes that may end-up in litigation or arbitration. / Mercantile Law / LL. D.

The law governing children’s rights is part of international human rights law and therefore plays an important role in the protection of human rights. However, the effectiveness of the protection of children’s rights depends on a State’s compliance with children’s rights instruments and the implementation mechanisms within a given State. There are implementation mechanisms for the protection of children’s rights at the national, regional and international levels. The protection of children’s rights at these three levels is provided for by children’s rights instruments. The monitoring of particular implementation mechanisms with regard to children’s rights is effected by reporting processes through State Parties to domestic institutions, regional, and international organisations. The reports provided by States Parties must contain relevant information with regard to measures that States Parties have taken to implement children’s rights instruments. Inadequate implementation mechanisms for the protection of children’s rights have emerged as the greatest threat to the realisation of children’s rights. This means that the adoption of children’s rights instruments may yield results only when effective implementation steps are taken by the respective States Parties. There are four “cornerstone” principles that underpin the protection of children’s rights.1 These are: non-discrimination; the best interest of the child; the right to life, survival and development; and respect for the views of the child.2 This study will evaluate the right to education and the best interests of the child principle as covered in children’s rights instruments at regional and international levels.Education is a powerful tool in ensuring the protection and enjoyment of children’s rights. Therefore, ineffective implementation of the right to education may have adverse consequences for society. The best interest of the child principle is the guiding principle in all matters concerning children’s rights.3 Therefore, the application and effectiveness of the best interests of the child principle will ensure adequate protection of children’s rights. Further, the study will examine the right to education and the best interest of the child in order to demonstrate how the United Nations (UN) and regional human rights instruments have provided for their implementation. Ratification of children’s rights instruments is a symbolic gesture on the part of States Parties to the recognition and significance of protection of children’s rights. The compliance with children rights instruments or treaty obligations is crucial to ensure adequate protection of children’s rights. Thus, non-compliance with treaty obligations will have a negative impact on the protection of children’s rights. The evaluation of the right to education and the best interests of the child principle will be undertaken against the backdrop of children’s rights instruments. The children’s rights instruments are provided for by the United Nations (UN) and regional human rights systems. The dissertation will evaluate the right to education and the best interests of the child principle within three regional systems, namely, the European Union (EU), the Organisation of American States (OAS), and the African Union (AU). It will also examine pertinent case law within the three regional systems. Finally, the efficacy of implementation mechanisms for the enforcement of children’s rights will be assessed. / Public, Constitutional, & International Law / LLM

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis seeks to provide a critical discussion of the contributions of the African Union towards the potential development of an African security community since its inception in 2002. Utilising Security Community Theory, and the framework for the study of security communities developed by Adler & Barnett (1998) it commences with an interrogation of the AU. This interrogation is arranged along the three tiers of the framework. The first tier is the precipitating conditions, which cause states to orient themselves in each other’s direction and desire to coordinate their relations. The second tier investigates the factors conducive to the development of mutual trust and collective identity. The third, and final, tier identifies the necessary conditions of dependable expectations of peaceful change. The study goes on and introduces three African case studies, which illustrate the contributions of the African Union towards the potential development of an African security community. The case studies are the African Union mission in Burundi, the African Union mission in Sudan, and the recent intervention of the African Union in the post-election crisis in Côte d'Ivoire. All three case studies were able to provide ample evidence to illustrate the AU’s contributions. The study concludes with two major findings. Firstly, this study is able to illustrate that the AU has made significant contributions towards the development of peace and security in Africa. Secondly, that the AU has made significant contributions at all three tiers of the framework, and therefore major contributions to the potential development of an African security community. However, the AU is still in its embryonic phase, and any prediction concerning the existence, or potential existence of an African security community would be premature. Even though there are ostensibly, positive developments in the area of continental peace and security this study is able to illustrate several remaining challenges to further contributions by the AU. The first is a lack of resources. The AU is heavily dependent on the contributions of its member states, and a number of members persistently fail to meet their contributions to the organization. A second challenge is the loosely defined relationship with the UN (and other external partners). It is crucial that a constructive relationship be established, if not, differences might antagonise the two organisations and negatively affect any future contributions of the AU towards the development of an African security community. Finally, the role of core states, most notably regional hegemons such as South Africa and Nigeria will remain important for stabilizing and encouraging the further development of an African security community. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis poog om n kritiese bespreking te bied van die bydra wat die Afrika Unie na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het sedert sy intrede in 2002. Deur gebruik te maak van Sekuriteits Gemeeenskap Teorie, en die raamwerk vir die studie van sekuriteits gemeenskappe deur Adler & Barnett (1998) begin die studie met n direkte ondersoek van die AU. Hierdie ondersoek vind plaas volgens die drie vlakke van die raamwerk. Die eerste vlak is die kondisies wat veroorsaak dat state hulself na mekaar orienteer, en n wil ontwikkel om hulle sake te koordineer. Die tweede vlak ondersoek die faktore vir die ontwikkeling van wedersydse vertroue en gesamentlike identiteit. Die derde, en finale, vlak identifiseer die nodige kondisies van afhanklike verwagtinge vir vreedsame verandering. Die studie gaan voort met drie Afrika geval studies, wat die bydra van die AU na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap illustreer. Die geval studies sluit in die Afrika missie in Burundi, die Afrika missie in Sudan, en die onlangse intervensie deur die AU in die na-eleksie krisis in Côte d'Ivoire. Al drie geval studies verskaf wye getuienis wat die bydra van die AU illustreer. Die studie sluit af met twee hoof bevindings. Eerstens, kon hierdie studie illustreer dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes na die ontwikkeling van vrede en sekuriteit in Afrika gemaak het. Tweedens, dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes op al drie vlakke van die raamwerk gemaak het, en daarom ook mondige bydraes tot die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het. Nogtans, is die AU self nog in n onvolwasse stadium, en enige voorspelling in verband met die bestaan, of oor die potensiele bestaan van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap is voortydig. Al is daar opmerkilike positiewe ontwikkelinge in die area van kontinentale vrede en sekuriteit, kan hierdie studie steeds verskeie uitdagings identifiseer wat verdere bydraes deur die AU kan hinder. Die eerste uitdaging is n tekort aan bevondsing. Die AU is hoogs afhanklik op die bydrae van sy lidmaat state, maar n paar lede mis aanhoudend hulle bydraes tot die orginasasie. n Tweede uitdaging is die ongedefineerde verhouding tussen die AU en die VN (en ander eksterne vennote). Dit is belangrik dat n konstruktiewe verhouding in werk gestel word, indien nie, kan verskille die twee organisasies van mekaar dryf en enige toekomstige bydraes van die AU na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits kompleks negatief beinvloed. Laastens, sal die rol van kern state, mees aanmerklik streek leiers soos Suid Afrika en Nigerie, belangrik bly om die sekuriteits kompleks te stabiliseer en verdere ontwikkeling in die toekoms te bevorder.

The perpetual conflict in Darfur, Sudan, which started anew in 2003, had dire humanitarian consequences and threatened international peace and security. The UN Security Council, which has the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, adopted Resolution 1769 on 31 July 2007 and authorised a 26 000 person-strong joint African Union/United Nations hybrid operation in Darfur (UNAMID) to take over from AMIS (the African Union peace operation in Darfur). UNAMID was established with dual command and control linked to both the African Union and the United Nations and both organisations would have an equal say in its mandate and operations. Given this unique and unprecedented arrangement between a regional organisation and the United Nations in terms of maintaining international peace and security, the aim of this research was to: • Understand and describe the political motivations/reasons why the United Nations formed a hybrid peace operation with the African Union; • Establish in which way the aforementioned impacted on future efforts of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security, especially on the African continent; and, based on this, • To determine whether or not hybrid operations were a viable alternative for the United Nations to maintain international peace and security. By means of a thorough analysis of the theoretical underpinnings of international peace and security, an assessment of the peace and security architecture of the United Nations and the African Union, an investigation into the origins of the Darfur conflict, an examination of the structure and mandate of UNAMID, and through an empirical investigation, a new theoretical proposition is provided in the conclusion of the thesis. It is concluded that the UNAMID model, in practical terms, is not an optimal mechanism for the United Nations to use to maintain international peace and security because it suffers from numerous internal political inequities and operational inadequacies. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012

Vingt et un an après la création du Tribunal International pour le Rwanda et dix-sept ans après la signature du traité de Rome donnant naissance à la Cour pénale international, la fièvre dénonciatrice que connait cette institution n’est toujours pas apaisée. La CPI est-elle otage des idéaux qui justifient sa création et des forces politiques antagonistes auxquelles elle reste malgré tout liée ? Les africains commettraient-ils davantage de crime passibles de poursuites devant la Cour que les ressortissant d’autres continents ? Si l’étude des procédures judiciaires nées des crimes commis dans des conflits se déroulant sur le continent africain et l’analyse des procédures de mise en cause de certains Chefs d’Etats africains soulignent le très important travail de lutte contre l’impunité que réalise la Cour pénale internationale, le bilan de ce travail met toutefois en évidence la collision des procédures judiciaires avec des impératifs politiques internationaux. Ce travail de recherche montre que si la CPI se veut un prolongement de la sécurité collective, l’efficacité de son action et son universalisme sont aujourd’hui mise en doute, au point de cristalliser les rapports de l’organisme judiciaire international avec le continent africain. / Twenty-one year after the creation of the International Tribunal for Rwanda and seventeen years after the signing of the Treaty of Rome giving rise to the International Criminal Court, the whistleblower fever that knows this institution is still not appeased. Is the ICC hostage ideals that justified its creation and antagonistic political forces which it nevertheless remains bound? African they commit more crime prosecuted before the Court that the national of other continents? If the study of legal proceedings arising from crimes committed in conflicts taking place on the African continent and in the analysis of the party proceedings of some African Heads of States stress the very important work to fight against impunity that makes the International Criminal Court, the outcome of this work, however, shows the collision of legal proceedings with international political imperatives. This research shows that if the ICC is an expansion of collective security, the effectiveness of its action and universalism are now in doubt, as to crystallize the reports of the international judicial body with the mainland African.

Le continent africain est particulièrement marqué depuis la fin de la guerre froide par unerésurgence des conflits armés internes. L’incapacité de l’organisation de l’Unité Africaine, principaleorganisation continentale depuis sa création en 1963, à prévenir de tels conflits, a contraint ses Etatsmembres à restructurer l’ensemble du dispositif institutionnel, normatif et opérationnel du systèmerégional de maintien de la paix et de la sécurité. La création de l’Union Africaine et le développementde son architecture de paix et de sécurité au début des années 2000, a auguré d’une évolution du cadreinstitutionnel continental de la prévention des conflits armés. En instituant la démocratie et la paixcomme des préalables à son objectif principal de développement, l’Union Africaine, dans unearticulation délicate mais ambitieuse avec les communautés économiques régionales, s’est approprié laprévention régionale des conflits armés, par une approche contemporaine qui repose surl’identification des diverses causes de ces conflits, afin de développer des moyens spécifiques pour lesprévenir. / Le continent africain est particulièrement marqué depuis la fin de la guerre froide par unerésurgence des conflits armés internes. L’incapacité de l’organisation de l’Unité Africaine, principaleorganisation continentale depuis sa création en 1963, à prévenir de tels conflits, a contraint ses Etatsmembres à restructurer l’ensemble du dispositif institutionnel, normatif et opérationnel du systèmerégional de maintien de la paix et de la sécurité. La création de l’Union Africaine et le développementde son architecture de paix et de sécurité au début des années 2000, a auguré d’une évolution du cadreinstitutionnel continental de la prévention des conflits armés. En instituant la démocratie et la paixcomme des préalables à son objectif principal de développement, l’Union Africaine, dans unearticulation délicate mais ambitieuse avec les communautés économiques régionales, s’est approprié laprévention régionale des conflits armés, par une approche contemporaine qui repose surl’identification des diverses causes de ces conflits, afin de développer des moyens spécifiques pour lesprévenir.

The perpetual conflict in Darfur, Sudan, which started anew in 2003, had dire humanitarian consequences and threatened international peace and security. The UN Security Council, which has the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, adopted Resolution 1769 on 31 July 2007 and authorised a 26 000 person-strong joint African Union/United Nations hybrid operation in Darfur (UNAMID) to take over from AMIS (the African Union peace operation in Darfur). UNAMID was established with dual command and control linked to both the African Union and the United Nations and both organisations would have an equal say in its mandate and operations. Given this unique and unprecedented arrangement between a regional organisation and the United Nations in terms of maintaining international peace and security, the aim of this research was to: • Understand and describe the political motivations/reasons why the United Nations formed a hybrid peace operation with the African Union; • Establish in which way the aforementioned impacted on future efforts of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security, especially on the African continent; and, based on this, • To determine whether or not hybrid operations were a viable alternative for the United Nations to maintain international peace and security. By means of a thorough analysis of the theoretical underpinnings of international peace and security, an assessment of the peace and security architecture of the United Nations and the African Union, an investigation into the origins of the Darfur conflict, an examination of the structure and mandate of UNAMID, and through an empirical investigation, a new theoretical proposition is provided in the conclusion of the thesis. It is concluded that the UNAMID model, in practical terms, is not an optimal mechanism for the United Nations to use to maintain international peace and security because it suffers from numerous internal political inequities and operational inadequacies. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012

This study involves a critical appraisal of the legal implications of South Africa’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court (ICC) in the context of its international and regional human rights obligations. The dissertation also investigates the history and formation of the ICC, South Africa’s involvement and its role as a guardian of international and regional human rights obligations in Africa. The study reviews the circumstances leading to South Africa’s notice of withdrawal from the ICC, including the legal implications and international human rights obligations. This inquiry considers South Africa’s proposed withdrawal from the ICC which is supported by points of departure and a comprehensive literature review. The decision to withdraw from the ICC is considered to be a political one. However, this study raises questions about the executive’s withdrawal in regard to its domestic, regional and international human rights obligations, irrespective of whether it is a member of the ICC. The study surveys the background to South Africa’s participation in the ICC, its membership of the African Union and the implications of ICC membership including the obligations imposed on member states. / Criminal and Procedural Law / LL. M.

The law governing children’s rights is part of international human rights law and therefore plays an important role in the protection of human rights. However, the effectiveness of the protection of children’s rights depends on a State’s compliance with children’s rights instruments and the implementation mechanisms within a given State. There are implementation mechanisms for the protection of children’s rights at the national, regional and international levels. The protection of children’s rights at these three levels is provided for by children’s rights instruments. The monitoring of particular implementation mechanisms with regard to children’s rights is effected by reporting processes through State Parties to domestic institutions, regional, and international organisations. The reports provided by States Parties must contain relevant information with regard to measures that States Parties have taken to implement children’s rights instruments. Inadequate implementation mechanisms for the protection of children’s rights have emerged as the greatest threat to the realisation of children’s rights. This means that the adoption of children’s rights instruments may yield results only when effective implementation steps are taken by the respective States Parties. There are four “cornerstone” principles that underpin the protection of children’s rights.1 These are: non-discrimination; the best interest of the child; the right to life, survival and development; and respect for the views of the child.2 This study will evaluate the right to education and the best interests of the child principle as covered in children’s rights instruments at regional and international levels.Education is a powerful tool in ensuring the protection and enjoyment of children’s rights. Therefore, ineffective implementation of the right to education may have adverse consequences for society. The best interest of the child principle is the guiding principle in all matters concerning children’s rights.3 Therefore, the application and effectiveness of the best interests of the child principle will ensure adequate protection of children’s rights. Further, the study will examine the right to education and the best interest of the child in order to demonstrate how the United Nations (UN) and regional human rights instruments have provided for their implementation. Ratification of children’s rights instruments is a symbolic gesture on the part of States Parties to the recognition and significance of protection of children’s rights. The compliance with children rights instruments or treaty obligations is crucial to ensure adequate protection of children’s rights. Thus, non-compliance with treaty obligations will have a negative impact on the protection of children’s rights. The evaluation of the right to education and the best interests of the child principle will be undertaken against the backdrop of children’s rights instruments. The children’s rights instruments are provided for by the United Nations (UN) and regional human rights systems. The dissertation will evaluate the right to education and the best interests of the child principle within three regional systems, namely, the European Union (EU), the Organisation of American States (OAS), and the African Union (AU). It will also examine pertinent case law within the three regional systems. Finally, the efficacy of implementation mechanisms for the enforcement of children’s rights will be assessed. / Public, Constitutional, and International Law / LLM

En dépit de sa complexité analytique, la situation sécuritaire de la Corne de l’Afrique peut être soumise aux outils de la Science politique afin de mieux comprendre les interactions entre les différents acteurs. Cette recherche s’efforce d’analyser les ressorts d’une équation sécuritaire qui peut paraître insoluble : le régionalisme est-il aujourd’hui un prérequis à l’émergence d’une paix régionale ? Pour répondre à cette question il est nécessaire de comprendre quels rôles jouent les processus sécuritaires régionaux (régionalisation et régionalisme) dans la construction des États de la Corne de l’Afrique. Cette étude s’efforce d’étudier les interactions entre le régionalisme, fondement de l’architecture de paix et de sécurité continentale, la régionalisation des conflits, qui semble à l’oeuvre dans cette région, et les processus de construction/formation de l’État. Les rapports entre les trois termes de l’équation dépendent du contexte et des interactions entre les différentes entités composant la région (États, acteurs non étatiques qui se dressent contre eux ou négocient avec eux et acteurs extérieurs). Deux types de dynamiques sont mises en évidence au terme de cette étude : l’une endogène, l’autre exogène. Dans la première, nous constatons que les conflits participent à la formation de l’État. Ils sont en grande partie des conflits internes et montrent qu’il existe une crise dans l’État. Ces États dominent le processus de régionalisme qui tente de réguler la conflictualité régionale avec un succès relatif puisque les organisations régionales cherchent à renforcer ou reconstruire l’État selon les critères idéalisés de l’État wébérien vu comme source d’instabilité. Le processus exogène se caractérise par le rôle des conflits régionaux dont l’existence sert de justificatif au développement et au renforcement du régionalisme, perçu comme la réponse la plus appropriée à ces problèmes de conflictualités. Cette conflictualité a pour source l’État car celui-ci est perçu comme faible. Le régionalisme permettrait de renforcer les États et diminuerait leurs velléités de faire la guerre. / In spite of its analytical complexity, the security context in the Horn of Africa may be submitted to the Political Science’ tools in order to better understand the complex interactions between the various actors. The present research thus seeks to analyze the mechanism underlying what appears as an unsolvable security problem: is regionalism a prerequisite for the emergence of a regional peace? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to understand the role of regional security processes (regionalization and regionalism) in the state formation and state building of the Horn of Africa’s states. This study endeavours to explore the interactions between regionalism, which are inherent in the creation of an African peace and security architecture, the regionalization of conflict, which seems at work in this area, and construction/formation state process. The relationship between the three terms of this equation depends on the context and interactions between the various entities that make up the region (states, non-state actors that stand against them or negotiate with the states and external actors). This study thus reveals two kinds of dynamics at play: an endogenous process and an exogenous one. In the first one conflicts are involved in the formation of the state and are largely internal conflicts. It demonstrates that there is a crisis in the state States dominate the regionalism process which tries to regulate regional conflit with relative success because regional organizations seek to strengthen or rebuild the state according to the idealized criteria of the Weberian State seen as a source of instability. The exogenous process is characterized by the role of regional conflicts whose very existence serves to justify the development and the strenghtening of regionalism thus perceived as the most appropriate answer to those security problems. States are the source of conflicts because they are perceived as weak. Regionalism would strengthen states and reduce the inclination of states to make war.