The diploma thesis is concerned with the portrayal of the female experience with the Second World War in The Night Watch (2006) by contemporary British writer Sarah Waters. The theoretical part outlines the socio-historical background of the novel with particular attention to the female experience of the Second World War in various fields, such as their family lives, job opportunities, and everyday life during the Blitz. Special attention is also given to the description of the female experience with abortion during the war and the lifestyles of female homosexuals in that historical period. The thesis further presents the theoretical delimitation of the neo-historical genre, of which the novel is a representative, and briefly introduces the novel in the context of Sarah Waters's other works in order to establish the basis for the analysis. The practical part of the thesis relies on the theoretical part and examines how the fictional portrayal of the female experience corresponds with the outlined reality. Simultaneously, the work considers how Waters uses the Second World War in her fictional story and which elements she chooses to highlight. Moreover, it discusses the reasons behind emphasising these elements in the novel and how it corresponds to the neo-historical genre. KEYWORDS Sarah Waters;...

Part of the resistance against the Nazi Germany were partisan troops operating in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. They arose in mountainous and forested areas - particullarly suitable terrain was at Moravia-Slovak border, the Moravia-Silesian Beskids and the region Wallachia. The first partisan units were formed there in the spring of 1942 but the major resitance started only after the partisan unit led by Ján Ušiak and Dajan Bajanovič Murzin crossed the border from Slovakia to Moravia and I. Czechoslovak Partisan Brigade of Jan Žižka was founded. This thesis deals wiht the activities of querilla units operating in Wallachia during World War II. It primarily focuses on the troops whitch were part of I. Czechoslovak Partisan Brigade of Jan Žižka therefore is set mainly in the final period of the war, that is 1944-1945. The aim is to analyze life in the partisan units and the problems that the partisans had to face. In selected cases, the close supporters of the guerillas will also be reflected. Most of the professional literature on the topic of the partisan movement focuses mainly on the description of fighting, diversion and sabotage actions or other significant moments in the activities of partisan groups. Therefore, the thesis will focus mainly on less obvious aspects of this...

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Through the U.S. Lend-Lease program, President Franklin D. Roosevelt sought to keep Joseph Stalin's Red Army fighting Adolf Hitler's forces to prevent a separate peace and Nazi Germany's colonization of Soviet territory and strategic resources during the Second World War. Yet after the Red Army's 1943 counterattacks, Roosevelt unnecessarily increased Soviet Lend-Lease aid, oversupplying Stalin's soldiers with more armament than they required for the Soviet Union's defense and enabling their subsequent conquest of East Central Europe and large parts of East Asia. Roosevelt's underestimation of the Red Army's capabilities, his tendency to readily rely on Soviet-influenced advisers, and his unquestioning acceptance of Stalin's implicit threats to forge a separate peace all contributed to his excessive arming of Moscow from 1943 forward. Expanding on the findings of other scholars, this work identifies and explains the impact of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty on Roosevelt's reasoning, the key role of the Arctic convoys in delivering material to the Red Army, and how the unnecessary aid routes through Iran and Alaska resulted in the oversupplying of Stalin's troops. Had Roosevelt not opened these unnecessary routes, the Arctic convoys could have continued to sufficiently supply the Red Army's defensive efforts without empowering it to aggressively spread Communism at gunpoint.

Cotutelle / Cette thèse étudie la Résistance française en procédant à l'élargissement des cadres d'analyse dans lesquels elle est généralement confinée, à la fois en termes d’espace et de temps. Elle s'intéresse aussi à l'Empire, champ peu exploré dans l'historiographie de la Résistance. La présente analyse cherche à élucider cette question : quel est le rapport des résistants et des anciens résistants à l'Empire et à l'impérialisme ? Afin d'y répondre, elle interroge d'abord les journaux de résistance ainsi que plusieurs projets constitutionnels en préparation de l'après-guerre produits entre 1940-1944. Ces sources révèlent la continuité de la Résistance avec la « mission civilisatrice » de la IIIe République alors même que la société française tendait à rejeter tous les autres éléments du régime précédent. La thèse se consacre ensuite principalement à l'étude de nombreuses trajectoires individuelles jusqu'à la décolonisation de l'Algérie en 1962. Les publications contemporaines de la période et les témoignages personnels rédigés a posteriori permettent d'accéder de manière profonde et nuancée au rapport à l'Empire des anciens résistants ainsi qu'à la confrontation des principes qu'ils ont défendus au péril de leur vie aux enjeux coloniaux d'après-guerre où la relation de domination est renversée. Par l'analyse des liens entre l'expérience individuelle et collective de la résistance au nazisme et au régime de Vichy puis l'évolution des différentes positions face aux enjeux impériaux, la thèse offre une nouvelle perspective de l'histoire de la Résistance et de l'histoire impériale française de 1940-1962 qui joint les impératifs étatiques, politiques et économiques d'une part, à la place occupée par les principes résistants et républicains à vocation universelle d'autre part. Chacune des personnalités sur lesquelles l'analyse met l'accent s'est démarquée par son engagement considérable, voire colossal, pour différentes causes dont l'expérience résistante était l'une des plus significatives. Cette thèse permet donc de décloisonner l'histoire de la Résistance à l'échelle individuelle également, en mettant en relation certains des principaux engagements individuels de résistants et de résistantes sur une période étendue. / This thesis examines French resistants and ex-resistants’ ties with the Empire, during and after the Second World War. It therefore explores a broader timeframe and geographic area than what previous historiography about French Resistance has offered up until now. In analyzing French Resistance newspapers and constitutional projects from 1940 through 1944, the thesis reveals that while the principles of the Third Republic were repudiated by French society at the time, one particular element remained: the idea of the civilizing mission. Then, through the study of numerous personal testimonies covering the years between the Liberation and the end of the Algerian War, the research offers a profound and nuanced insight on ex-resistants views of the Empire and their point of view on their country's colonial system. After 1944, the power dynamic shifted to the resistants: they were no longer dominated by a violent German state, they were now the ones enforcing domination to the colonies. The testimonies reveal the internal conflict French ex-resistants were dealing with when faced with the problems of decolonization. It also shows how the principles, for which they risked their lives during the war, were modified or reshaped to fit with their views on how to deal with the colonies’ wishes for emancipation. In examining how the war against fascism and the Vichy regime impacted personal attitudes towards the Empire and the exercise of domination, the study offers a new perspective on the French Resistance and French Imperial history from 1940 to 1962, one that accounts for political and economic imperatives as well as for the importance of the different interpretations of the Republic's core principles for these individuals. The individuals were selected because of the importance of their political, social or military commitments through the period. By focusing on the relationships between these successive commitments, the analysis enlarges the scope through which the French Resistance must be understood.

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This research aims to illuminate how and why war challenges the limits of poetic representation, through an analysis of non-combatant poetry of the Second World War. It is motivated by the question: how can one portray, represent, or talk about war? Literature on war poetry tends to concentrate on the combatant poets of the First World War, or their influence, while literature on the Second World War tends to focus on prose as the only expression of literary war experience. With a historicist approach, this thesis advances our understanding of both the Second World War, and our inherited notions of 'war poetry,' by parsing its historiography, and investigating the role critical appraisals have played in marginalising this area of poetic response. This thesis examines four poets as case studies in this field of research-W.H. Auden, Louis MacNeice, Dylan Thomas, and Stevie Smith-and evaluates them on both their individual explorations of poetic tone, faith systems, linguistic innovations, subversive performativity, and their collective trajectory towards a commitment to represent the war in their poetry. The findings from this research illustrate how too many critical appraisals have minimised or misrepresented Second World War poetry, and how the poets responded with a self-reflexivity that bespoke a deeper concern with how war is remembered and represented. The significance of these findings is breaking down the notion of objective fact in poetic representations of war, which are ineluctably subjective texts. These findings also offer insight into the 'failure' of poetry to represent war as a necessary part of war representation and prompt a rethinking of who has the 'right' experience-or simply the right-to talk about war.

On April 9, 1940, Germany invaded Denmark. Instantly, the fate and status of Greenland, a Danish colony, was thrust into limbo. During the war, Greenland’s vital mineral resources and location made it significant for the warring parties on both sides of the Atlantic. However, conflicting international corporate and political interests made any act to defend the island on the part of the Allies, or the officially neutral Americans, problematic. Within a year of the Danish occupation, the American government had signed an agreement for the defense of Greenland, extending the protection of both the Monroe Doctrine and the American military to the island. This action was an important step in the formal expansion of American influence in the Western Hemisphere that occurred during the Second World War. This thesis argues that global economic, political, and technological changes led to Greenland’s increased geopolitical significance and set the stage for a shift in the balance of power within the North Atlantic Triangle. It demonstrates how decisions relating to the security of the island came to be made and how conflicting interests within and between governments affected the genesis of the occupation. It explores how Winston Churchill’s decision to mine the North Sea led to the American occupation of Greenland and examines the ways in which the effects of Churchill’s actions raised concerns in Canada about the possibility of a British defeat, which in turn led Mackenzie King, the Canadian Prime Minister, to align his foreign policy closer to that of the United States’ President Roosevelt. This thesis also asserts that Roosevelt successfully used the potential foreign occupation of Greenland to demonstrate to the American public the dangers of foreign conflicts to the United States and to further his hemispheric security objectives both domestically and abroad. These events had a profound and lasting impact on the relationships within the North Atlantic Triangle and on political identity in Greenland, and signalled an important shift in the foreign policy of the United States toward greater American involvement in world affairs.