The country women were always in the social movements, however they are not on the registers as personages in the happenings, but as marginal actors. In the social process, the woman was seen as a marginal actor in the history with different social roles for man and woman, where he was always over then woman. However, in 1980 with social movements started in 1970 , that image started to change in Brazil when highlight women s organizations and between that organizations for country women. It was an important point for the women take part on the social movements. It has been meaning the beginning of the female participation in a field usually represented as male. Furthermore, the relationship between labor unions and female workers were not easy. Since the beginning, labor unions were a space for men. Women always had have important presence in the country life, even not recognized, but the labor unions did not join them to the day-by-day practice or share with them the power in the workers organizations. The main objective of this study consists of analyzing the ways of the women participation in the labor union movement for female and male country workers in Sergipe (MSTTR). The study connects the women difficulties to participate in the MSTTR to the socialization process and, therefore, the formulation of different role for men and women. / As mulheres rurais sempre foram figuras constantes nos movimentos sociais rurais, no entanto não ficaram registradas como personagens dos acontecimentos, mas apenas como coadjuvantes. Isso decorre do processo de socialização no qual a mulher sempre foi vista como ator social secundário na história, a partir da construção de diferentes papéis sociais para homens e mulheres, aquele estando sempre como superior à mulher. Todavia, na década de 1980, com as lutas feministas iniciadas nos anos 1970, no Brasil, essa imagem começa a se transformar, e nesse período surgem organizações de mulheres e entre elas as de trabalhadoras rurais. A formação de movimentos de mulheres em geral e das trabalhadoras rurais em particular, marca definitivamente a participação das mulheres nos movimentos sociais, o que tem significado a entrada do feminino num espaço tradicionalmente representado como masculino. Contudo, as relações entre sindicato/mulheres trabalhadoras não foram das mais fáceis. Já em suas origens, os sindicatos se constituíram historicamente como espaços privilegiados para homens. Embora as mulheres sempre tivessem tido presença significativa na vida do campo mesmo não reconhecida - os sindicatos não as incorporaram à prática cotidiana nem dividiram com elas o poder das entidades representativas dos trabalhadores. Assim, o objetivo principal deste estudo consiste em analisar as formas de participação da mulher no Movimento Sindical dos Trabalhadores e Trabalhadoras Rurais em Sergipe (MSTTR). O trabalho relaciona as dificuldades das mulheres em participar do Movimento ao processo de socialização e, conseqüentemente, à construção de papéis sociais diferenciados para homens e mulheres.

Orientador: Salvador Antonio Mireles Sandoval / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T14:43:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Granzotto_TaniaMaria_D.pdf: 3345125 bytes, checksum: 2f126a84b10f71f0ae27c1952e30dc63 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta tese analisa os movimentos sindicais nas Universidades Estaduais Paulistas ocorridos desde o final dos anos 1970 até 2008. O objetivo da pesquisa, além do resgate histórico das paralisações e greves ocorridas, foi também o de analisar o atual processo de desmobilização das categorias de docentes e de funcionários nestas universidades. Para tanto, buscamos conhecer e compreender o sindicalismo praticado pelas Entidades Sindicais ao longo dos anos. As transformações no mundo do trabalho oriundas do neoliberalismo, o qual levou à conseqüente Reforma do Estado nos anos 1990, promoveram a implementação de ações neoliberais nas universidades públicas e no ensino superior, bem como a mudança do perfil das categorias. Esses e outros fatores vêm dificultando profundamente a mobilização coletiva, tanto da categoria dos docentes, quanto da categoria dos funcionários. / Abstract: This research analyzes the strikes of the public universities of the state of São Paulo that occurred between the decade of 1970 until 2008. The objective of this study, besides the historical account of strikes and work stoppages, was also to understand how the actual process of demobilization of the categories of employees and professors started at these universities. To this, and we aimed at a deeper knowledge and understanding of the working-class union movements over the years. The transformations in the work place derived from economic neoliberalism, which took Brazil to the 1990's the Reform State , lead the implementation of neoliberal changes in the public colleges. These factors have been hampering at the collective mobilization, as much as for the professors' category, as for the employees' category. / Doutorado / Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura / Doutor em Educação

This thesis concerns the trade union reaction to immigration as a phenomenon and toimmigrants as a labour force on the Swedish labour market. It concerns trade union politicsregarding immigration and immigrants, from the political decision taken in 1946 to recruitworkers from other countries because of the labour shortage in Sweden, to 2009 when theconflict in the Swedish town of Vaxholm, that was a consequence of the EU’s expansion to theeast and which received such enormous attention in the Swedish media, was given its finalverdict and the continued existence of the “Swedish model” was placed under question. Thestudy focuses on the labour movement’s central trade union organisation in Sweden, in otherwords the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (Landsorganisationen, or LO as it is commonlyabbreviated in Sweden).The basis for the thesis has been that the process of immigration must naturally in the longterm lead to the addition of workers on the labour market, and consequently increasedcompetition amongst workers. The question has been how the interest organisation LO, whoseprimary mission is to protect the wage rates and social conditions for its members, and whichhas the restriction of competition as an overriding strategy, would handle the phenomenon ofimmigration and the existence of immigrants as a labour force on the Swedish labour marketand within the trade union movement, during the course of the study. The choice of LO as afundamental starting point for the study, being as it is an interest organisation with the shorttermobjective of protecting its members’ interests, but also given the organisation’s more longtermobjectives of being an important actor on the labour market and within society, hasinfluenced the choice of the thesis’ central theoretical concepts; strategy, restriction ofcompetition, calculability, power and hegemony. This very starting point, but also the natureof the source materials and a reflection over the immigration process (from immigration toimmigrant workers on the labour market and finally to trade union members), has meant that Ihave chosen to structure the thesis and present my findings based on three different problemareas. I have chosen to refer to these problem areas as boundaries, there LO have dealt withvarious problems concerning the phenomena of immigration and immigrants on the Swedishlabour market, as well as problems related to some of its own members having foreignbackgrounds. These boundaries consist firstly of an outer boundary that is a physicalboundary, coincident with national boundaries and influencing immigration politics, there LOwas able to consider the scope of the immigration process and make calculations about whatthe resultant addition of new workers, that is a natural consequence of the immigrationprocess, would mean for the labour market. Secondly an inner boundary, that encompasses thelabour market but is more transparent to members of society and influences immigrant politics,there LO was able to consider the terms and conditions that should be made available to theimmigrant workers, in general within society and in particular on the labour market. Finally aninnermost boundary, encompassing the trade union membership, there LO was able to managethe terms and conditions for the immigrant workers within the trade union movement.The thesis’ overriding objective has been to examine LO’s strategies for these threeboundary areas and to see if there is a coherent pattern behind LO’s actions on these threevarying levels. A more theoretical objective with this thesis has been to examine if the possiblepatterns that would appear in LO’s actions within these three boundary areas, could bediscussed from the perspective of a power structure.

Esta tese analisa a relação entre os jornalistas e o Sindicato dos jornalistas Profissionais no Estado de São Paulo, tendo como base empírica pesquisa realizada junto à categoria e os mais de trinta anos de experiência do autor no movimento sindical. O trabalho investiga as raízes do distanciamento entre os profissionais e a entidade, fenômeno que vem se agravando paulatinamente desde os anos 1980. Discute se tal distanciamento constitui declínio ou crise, conceitos abordados na obra de Leôncio Martins Rodrigues (1999) para analisar a realidade atual do movimento sindical global e brasileiro, marcado pela queda das taxas de sindicalização. Declínio como o caminhar rumo ao fim e crise como recuo, mas que contém em si a esperança e a possibilidade de superação a partir da capacidade crítica e da emergência de novas e criativas perspectivas, estratégias e apostas políticas, em contextos sociais complexos, mutantes e diversos. O autor dialoga com o pensamento de Henri Lefebvre (1981; 2006) e sua análise crítica da realidade e dos conflitos sociais e políticos que a marcam. Analisa as principais mudanças na imprensa e no jornalismo, no mundo e no Brasil. Entre essas, ressalta a questão da despolitização presente tanto no conteúdo da produção jornalística como nas gerações pós-anos 1970, que passaram a integrar a nova base social da categoria, marcada pela juvenilização combinada à crescente precarização das condições de trabalho. Em termos das relações de trabalho, a flexibilização e a reorganização produtiva que tomaram conta do mundo nas últimas décadas tiveram uma impacto particular entre os jornalistas, fenômeno que o autor analisa em especial no caso exemplar do Projeto Folha, e os reflexos desses processos sobre os jornalistas, assim como no seu relacionamento com o Sindicato. A tese apresenta em largos traços, de forma descritiva, o que é o Sindicato dos Jornalistas Profissionais no Estado de São Paulo e suas principais iniciativas e atividades. Com base nos dados e nos depoimentos recolhidos das respostas do questionário, esboça o perfil do jornalista profissional de São Paulo e realiza a análise de conteúdo dos depoimentos. Para esta análise foi feita uma adaptação da metodologia proposta por Laurence Bardin (2010). O desenvolvimento da tese aponta para novas questões a serem aprofundadas em futuras pesquisas acadêmicas e vem contribuir para problematizar a organização de uma categoria fundamental para o fortalecimento da democracia brasileira. / This thesis investigates the relationship between journalists and the Professional Union of Journalists in São Paulo State based on empirical data and research conducted by the author who has more than 30 years of experience in the union movement. This piece examines the roots of distancing between the professional and the entity, a phenomenon that has slowly worsened since the 1980\'s. It has been pondered over whether this distance constitutes a decline or crisis, in concepts touched on in the work of Leôncio Martins Rodrigues (1999) to analyze the current global and Brazilian reality of the union movement, marked by the fall of the union taxes. Decline as a walk towards the end and crisis as a retreat, containing in itself the hope and possibility of bypassing from a critical capacity and the emergence of new and creative perspectives, strategies and political evils, in complex social contexts, changing and diverse. The author sees through the thinking of Henri Lefebvre (1981; 2006) and his critical analysis of reality coupled with social and political conflicts. He analyses the main changes in press and journalism, in the world and in Brazil. Amid these, he underlines the question of the de-politicization present in the contents of journalistic production as well as in the generations after the 1970\'s which turned to integrating the new social base of the workers, marked by renovation allied to the increasing precariousness of working conditions. In terms of working relations, the flexibility and the productive reorganization that engulfed the world in the last decade had a particular impact among journalists, a phenomenon which the author particularly examines with the exemplar case of the Folha Project, and the consequences of these processes in relation to the journalists, as well as in their ties with the union. The thesis presents in a wide portrait, a descriptive way of what is the Professional Union of Journalists in São Paulo State and their main initiatives and activities. Based on data and on respondents\' contribution, it outlines the profile of the professional journalist in São Paulo State and analyses the contents from the questionnaires. For this analysis an adaptation of the methodology proposed by Laurence Bardin (2010) was made. The development of this thesis points out new questions to be deepened in future academic research and contributes to discussion on the organization of a fundamental category to the strengthening of Brazilian democracy.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2018-10-19T19:20:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 EDUARDO GOMES DOS PASSOS - PDF.pdf: 1136070 bytes, checksum: f633dccb7b6e3bf863517050002275a0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-19T19:20:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 EDUARDO GOMES DOS PASSOS - PDF.pdf: 1136070 bytes, checksum: f633dccb7b6e3bf863517050002275a0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-10-16 / This study incorporates fields of “Social Policy - Social Movements and Citzenship” research project of the Master’s degree Social Work program, and aims to analyze and comprehend how has the organization of the public services basic educators in Goiás State been happening since the period after political reopening in Brazil. It is bibliographical and documentary research and also interviews is contempled with educators of the public basic network of Goiás State that participated in the organizations (Syndicate) in defense of the category combine to promote common interests: The Sintego (Union of the Workers in Education of Goiás State) and the MPG (Movimento de Mobilização dos Professores do Estado de Goiás). With regard to Sintego, the context of its genesis, development and crisis was observed, which intensify in the 90s as well as the following decades in a world context of productive restructuring of the monopolist capitalism and a deepening/wider/increase of the opening of the periphery societies to the neoliberalism capitalism. With regard to the MPG, its origin is approached within the neoliberal context, as a movement of opposition to the political direction given by the union (Sintego) to the movement of workers in education. / Este estudo insere-se na linha de pesquisa “Política Social – Movimentos Sociais e Cidadania”, do Programa de Mestrado em Serviço Social, e tem por objetivo compreender e analisar como vem acontecendo a organização dos trabalhadores em educação da rede básica pública em Goiás, desde o período pós reabertura política, no Brasil. Foram realizadas pesquisas bibliográficas, documentais e também entrevistas com trabalhadores em educação da rede básica pública de Goiás que participam das organizações classistas em defesa da categoria: o Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Educação de Goiás (Sintego) e o Movimento de Mobilização dos Professores de Goiás (MPG). Com relação ao Sintego, foram observados o contexto de sua gênese, desenvolvimento e crise, que se aprofunda nas décadas de 1990 e seguintes, em um contexto mundial de reestruturação produtiva do capital e de um aprofundamento da abertura das sociedades periféricas ao capitalismo mundial. Com relação ao MPG, é abordada sua origem no contexto neoliberal, como um movimento de oposição à direção política dada pelo Sintego ao movimento dos trabalhadores em educação.

La historia del anarquismo en España es la de un movimiento heterogéneo, plural y de manifestaciones muy diversas. El anarquismo fue en Asturias un movimiento, igualmente diverso y pluralista, en constante rivalidad con el republicanismo y el socialismo, primero, y con el comunismo, después, desde los orígenes, hasta la Guerra Civil. Fue un movimiento principalmente sindical, de movilización de masas, además de un movimiento cultural y “político” dentro de su apoliticismo doctrinal, que representó una vía específica y caracterizada dentro de la CNT, y de ahí el interés que presenta, más allá de la pura localización geográfica de la Federación de Asturias, León y Palencia. Militantes y dirigentes manifestaron siempre una peculiar percepción de la función del anarquismo en España, que no siempre fue la de la mayoría dentro de la organización nacional. Sin embargo, nunca se plantearon abandonarla, prueba del carácter esencialmente plural y “libertario” de la CNT. / The history of Spanish anarchism rest on a pluralist and heterogeneous movement beyond their ideas or political praxis. In Asturias, the anarchism and the anarchist militants and leaders, were in constant rivalry with republicanism, socialism and communism, from the origins to the Civil War. But, in fact, the asturian anarcosindicalismo, as tradeunion movement, and the asturian anarcosindicalistas were involved on mass mobilization, also than in cultural and political aims. Their specific idea about the role of the anarchism, in general, and the CNT, in particular, on Spanish politics, not always achieved the majority support in the CNT and was the making of a deep crisis in different times. Notwithstanding that, the Federacion Regional de Asturias, León y Palencia didn´t want to think to leave the organization off, because CNT were a pluralist and “libertarian” organization.

Esta tese analisa a relação entre os jornalistas e o Sindicato dos jornalistas Profissionais no Estado de São Paulo, tendo como base empírica pesquisa realizada junto à categoria e os mais de trinta anos de experiência do autor no movimento sindical. O trabalho investiga as raízes do distanciamento entre os profissionais e a entidade, fenômeno que vem se agravando paulatinamente desde os anos 1980. Discute se tal distanciamento constitui declínio ou crise, conceitos abordados na obra de Leôncio Martins Rodrigues (1999) para analisar a realidade atual do movimento sindical global e brasileiro, marcado pela queda das taxas de sindicalização. Declínio como o caminhar rumo ao fim e crise como recuo, mas que contém em si a esperança e a possibilidade de superação a partir da capacidade crítica e da emergência de novas e criativas perspectivas, estratégias e apostas políticas, em contextos sociais complexos, mutantes e diversos. O autor dialoga com o pensamento de Henri Lefebvre (1981; 2006) e sua análise crítica da realidade e dos conflitos sociais e políticos que a marcam. Analisa as principais mudanças na imprensa e no jornalismo, no mundo e no Brasil. Entre essas, ressalta a questão da despolitização presente tanto no conteúdo da produção jornalística como nas gerações pós-anos 1970, que passaram a integrar a nova base social da categoria, marcada pela juvenilização combinada à crescente precarização das condições de trabalho. Em termos das relações de trabalho, a flexibilização e a reorganização produtiva que tomaram conta do mundo nas últimas décadas tiveram uma impacto particular entre os jornalistas, fenômeno que o autor analisa em especial no caso exemplar do Projeto Folha, e os reflexos desses processos sobre os jornalistas, assim como no seu relacionamento com o Sindicato. A tese apresenta em largos traços, de forma descritiva, o que é o Sindicato dos Jornalistas Profissionais no Estado de São Paulo e suas principais iniciativas e atividades. Com base nos dados e nos depoimentos recolhidos das respostas do questionário, esboça o perfil do jornalista profissional de São Paulo e realiza a análise de conteúdo dos depoimentos. Para esta análise foi feita uma adaptação da metodologia proposta por Laurence Bardin (2010). O desenvolvimento da tese aponta para novas questões a serem aprofundadas em futuras pesquisas acadêmicas e vem contribuir para problematizar a organização de uma categoria fundamental para o fortalecimento da democracia brasileira. / This thesis investigates the relationship between journalists and the Professional Union of Journalists in São Paulo State based on empirical data and research conducted by the author who has more than 30 years of experience in the union movement. This piece examines the roots of distancing between the professional and the entity, a phenomenon that has slowly worsened since the 1980\'s. It has been pondered over whether this distance constitutes a decline or crisis, in concepts touched on in the work of Leôncio Martins Rodrigues (1999) to analyze the current global and Brazilian reality of the union movement, marked by the fall of the union taxes. Decline as a walk towards the end and crisis as a retreat, containing in itself the hope and possibility of bypassing from a critical capacity and the emergence of new and creative perspectives, strategies and political evils, in complex social contexts, changing and diverse. The author sees through the thinking of Henri Lefebvre (1981; 2006) and his critical analysis of reality coupled with social and political conflicts. He analyses the main changes in press and journalism, in the world and in Brazil. Amid these, he underlines the question of the de-politicization present in the contents of journalistic production as well as in the generations after the 1970\'s which turned to integrating the new social base of the workers, marked by renovation allied to the increasing precariousness of working conditions. In terms of working relations, the flexibility and the productive reorganization that engulfed the world in the last decade had a particular impact among journalists, a phenomenon which the author particularly examines with the exemplar case of the Folha Project, and the consequences of these processes in relation to the journalists, as well as in their ties with the union. The thesis presents in a wide portrait, a descriptive way of what is the Professional Union of Journalists in São Paulo State and their main initiatives and activities. Based on data and on respondents\' contribution, it outlines the profile of the professional journalist in São Paulo State and analyses the contents from the questionnaires. For this analysis an adaptation of the methodology proposed by Laurence Bardin (2010) was made. The development of this thesis points out new questions to be deepened in future academic research and contributes to discussion on the organization of a fundamental category to the strengthening of Brazilian democracy.

This thesis is engaged in the formation of the concept of class in the second generation of the Czech (Bohemian) Working-Class Movement. I selected time termination, because of the beginning of the 1890s involved onset of second generation of working-class movement, which deflected from radikalism the first generation of pioneers to engagement oscillating between reformism of Bebel and revisionism of Bernstein. Even since the early 1890s gradually alternated Class about itself (Klasse an sich) at precisely defined Class for itself (Klasse für sich). Thesis seeks to answer the question: Why occured to the above-mentioned phenomenon in the second generation? The traditional explanation of Marxist Historians about the end of Persecutory Phase and logical accession Mass Party seems too schematic. The year 1914 is selected as an upper time milestone, because the First World War caused a series of high quantitative and qualitative transitions in social relations: proletarianization of wide classes in society; fatal deteroration of living, social, health and political conditions of workers. The Working Classes in the prewar and wartime periods are two different social phenomena, which ought to analyse historically separately. The thesis is conceptually draws on Benedict Anderson's seminal work Imagined...

韓國公共電視之一的MBC，因新聞報導立場不公、社長金在哲利用人事權力不當解雇批判執政黨的製作人與記者，造成MBC喪失公正放送的意義，員工為捍衛公共電視的價值，在工會的帶領下，於2012年1月底展開長達170天的罷工。為了解這場罷工的前因後果，以及對台韓媒體工會運動帶來的意義，本研究透過深度訪談與次級資料分析，檢視2012年MBC罷工的事前、事中與事後經過。 　　研究發現，導致MBC工會發起罷工的事前原因，來自於MBC政治朋黨化下親執政黨立場的管理階層，與李明博政府欲將MBC私有化而影響MBC節目內容走向的舉動，破壞了MBC身為公共電視應保有的「公正放送」價值。而罷工當時，MBC工會成員的高度參與，社會大眾與其他媒體工會的聲援，促使這場罷工得以延續長達170天。可惜的是，罷工結束後，MBC不僅無力保障公正放送，阻止MBC的政治朋黨化與私有化，更造成勞資間原有的團體協約中斷；MBC工會認為，短期之內可藉由社長選任制度的改革著手，而長期則要仰賴執政者對公共電視獨立地位的認可，才有希望達到公正放送的目標。 　　另外，這場為捍衛「公正放送」而展開的罷工行動，也可發現除了薪資與福利之外，媒體工作者的「專業價值」也是工會在意的勞動條件；這就是本研究在分析2012年MBC罷工後，所觀察到工會在「民主性功能」的展現。同時，民主性功能也是未來台灣學術研究上，可以用以分析媒體工會的另一觀點。 / As one of the public TV networks in Korea, MBC has lost the impartiality of broadcasting for its biased news reports and the unfair dismissal by the MBC’s president, Kim Jae-Chul, of producers and journalists who criticized the government. For protecting the value as a public TV, MBC employees ,led by the MBC union, started a 170-day strike in January, 2012. In order to realize the causes and effects of this strike, and the implications for the media union movement both in Taiwan and Korea, this study will examine the causes, the processes and the effects of the strike by using in-depth interview and secondary data analysis. According to the research data, the causes of the strike were due to political factions of MBC’s executive management and the ruling party, and the privatization of the MBC by Lee Myeong-Bak Administration; those two causes destroyed the impartiality of broadcasting, which was the central value that the public TV was supposed to protect. The strike had continued for 170 days with a high degree of participation from the MBC union and the supports from other media unions and the citizens. Unfortunately, after the strike, MBC was still neither able to protect the impartiality of broadcasting nor to maintain the organizational contract between the union and the management. Talking about the protecting of the impartiality of broadcasting, the MBC union considered that it could be a short-term target to reform the election system of president in MBC, but in the long-term, it needs the ruler to take the public TV as an independent media. Besides, through the strike which was started by protecting “the impartiality of broadcasting”, we can find out that not only the wage and welfare, but the professional values of media workers is the working condition that a union will be concerned about. And it’s so-called “the function of democracy” of the union which is a research finding by analyzing the MBC strike in 2012. Furthermore, the academic circle in Taiwan can also take the function of democracy as another viewpoint to analyze the media union.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1941. / Vita. Bibliography: p. 265-272.