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This thesis presents a case study of Sweden’s foreign relations with Mozambique. It has been conducted in a deductive way departing from Arturo Escobar’s post-development theory, and with qualitative textual and content analysis combined with a semi-structured interview as methods. The aim of the study has been to test post-development theory on a least likely case, i.e. a case least likely to prove the theory right. The question being posed is whether countries giving foreign aid are doing so with altruistic or egoistic motives, and the starting point for this case study is the supposition that Sweden might exhibit a degree of altruism in its foreign policy. Sweden has been chosen as an example of an odd man out-state in international perspective, in order to ascertain whether structuralist critiques of the Western establishment and its development practices hold true or not. The results of this study show a mixed picture, where certain criteria of Escobar’s theory are found even in this least likely case; however, they are not fulfilled to the maximum, and the study also shows deep flaws in Escobar’s theory. The thesis presents a scrutiny of the historical relations between Sweden and Mozambique and moves on to a reading of official documents from Swedish authorities. Escobar’s cynical view of the Western establishment as consisting exclusively of malicious plutocrats is challenged, acknowledged and questioned at the same time. The study teaches us that there are exceptions to the rule, and that it might be dangerous to be so categorical in one’s assessments.

The study examines to what extent Levitsky & Ziblatt’s theory of democratic backsliding, as a universal three-step sequential process of democratic deterioration, can explain the novel phenomena of Covid-19 autocratization, in the context of Poland. Via said aim, the research serves as an explorative investigation into the strategies and methods used to invoke democratic backsliding amidst the Covid-19 pandemic. The theory’s external validity is assessed by analyzing the most blatant and far-reaching policies of Polish Covid-19 autocratization, targeting the presidential election, health personnel, and civil servants. To structure said analysis Vedung’s goal-attainment evaluation model is utilized. Results conclude that the theory lacks significant explanatory power. While the targets of democratic deterioration remained relevant, theoretical conformity only occurred for one of the analyzed policies, while the rest revealed tactics of democratic deterioration not theoretically applicable. Moreover, substantial parts of the theory remained irrelevant, and the theory’s sequential aspect did not apply. Consequently, the study proposes a revised version of the theoretical framework, encompassing strategies of democratic deterioration specific to the examined context and that disregards the sequential aspect. The likely explanation for the lack of theoretical conformity is attributed to the structural component; the theory suggests democratic backsliding as a gradual and strategic process, whereas Covid-19 autocratization occurred more chaotically and opportunistically, instigating autocratization whenever and wherever possible. The opportunistic structure also elucidates the novel and imaginative strategies through which autocratization was invoked, capitalizing on the alternative prospects of democratic deterioration presented by the crisis.

Recent developments in Sweden’s security policy have prompted the rearmament of the total defence. The total defence comprises both military and civil defence. The civil defence, in conjunction with crisis preparedmess, forms Sweden’s civil preparedness. However, the civil preparedness has been assessed as inadequate in meeting the requirements arising from recent developments in external security policy. Additionally, Sweden’s imminent NATO membership imposes further requirements on civil preparedness. The operational activities within civil preparedness are predominantly carried out by private entities, necessitating private-public collaboration. Nevertheless, existing regulations and competing interests pose substantial obstacles to sustained and iterative collaboration. This thesis employs a comparative nested case study, analysing two sectors of operations coordinated by the Swedish Post and Telecom Authority. These sectors demonstrate varying degrees of collaboration in civil preparedness. By utilizing Emerson & Nabatchi’s (2015) collaborative governance theory, this thesis identifies that drivers prompting collaboration play a significant role. Specifically, legal and policy frameworks are assessed to be the most crucial factor. The cases exhibit unique characteristics, thereby providing a reasonable test the of collaborative governance theory’s eligibility. This thesis acknowledges certain limitations in the theoretical assumptions due to technological advancements. Consequently, further assessment of the theory is encouraged, as it may require refinement to adequately address new forms of incentives for collaboration resulting from emerging threats.

Abstract The aim of the study was to develop an instrument and to statistically test the main structure of the middle-range nursing theory for the self-care of home-dwelling elderly. Further, connections between the satisfaction with life, self-esteem, functional capacity and self-care behavior styles of older people living at home were studied. According to the theory in question, self-care is a partly conscious, partly subconscious way to function and live, including an emotional aspect. It evolves during a person’s life course. The theory consists of four main types of self-care, which are associated with older person’s past life and future: responsible, formally guided, independent and abandoned self-care. Also, the functional capacity, life satisfaction and self-esteem vary between persons having different self-care behaviour styles. Furthermore, individual factors – turning points of life, habitual ways to react, resources, meanings of the self-care and experiences of getting old – oriented self-care, either into the internal, unambiguous or external, ambiguous direction. The interview data to test the instrument (n = 200) and the theory (n = 179) were collected by structured interviews from home-dwelling older people aged 74 or older around Finland. The interview data of both phases of the study were analysed with descriptive and multivariate statistical methods. Face-validity was used to ensure the content validity of the instrument. The instrument appeared to be reliable and the main structure of the theory was predominantly supported by the data. The main types of self-care and their connections to the self-care orientations were especially confirmed. Also, the connections between self-care behaviour styles, orientations towards the future and experiences of ageing were fairly well confirmed. In addition, connections between different self-care behaviour styles, functional capacity, life satisfaction and self-esteem were found in the study. The study produces new knowledge of the experiences and self-care of older people as well as of the factors connected to it. The results can be used in clinical settings to improve the care of home-dwelling older people. The theory can also be used as a theoretical basis in the education of geriatric care. / Tiivistelmä Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena oli testata Backmanin (2001) kehittämän kotona asuvien ikääntyvien itsestä huolenpidon teorian ydinrakenne, kehittää mittari teorian testaamiseksi ja tutkia itsestä huolenpitoon yhteydessä olevia tekijöitä. Teorian mukaan ikääntyvien itsestä huolenpito on elämänkulun aikana kehittynyt, osittain tietoinen, osittain tiedostamaton tapa toimia ja elää, joka sisältää myös emotionaalisen ulottuvuuden. Teoria koostuu neljästä itsestä huolenpidon päätyypistä: omavastuinen, ulkoapäin ohjautuva, omapäinen ja luovutettu itsestä huolenpito. Jokaisella tyypillä on sille ominainen itsestä huolenpidon tapa, menneisyys ja tulevaisuuteen suuntautuminen. Myös toimintakyky, elämään tyytyväisyys ja itsearvostus vaihtelevat eri tavoin itsestään huolehtivilla ikääntyvillä. Itsestä huolenpitoa suuntaavat yksilölliset tekijät: elämän taitekohtien luonne, reagointitapa, voimavarat, itsestä huolenpidon merkitys ja vanhenemisen kokeminen. Näiden tekijöiden kautta muodostuu kaksi itsestä huolenpidon pääsuuntaa: sisäistetty, selkeä itsestä huolenpito ja ulkokohtainen, selkiytymätön itsestä huolenpito. Haastatteluaineistot mittarin (n = 200) ja teorian (n = 179) testaamiseksi kerättiin strukturoiduilla haastatteluilla 74 vuotta täyttäneiltä kotihoidon asiakkailta eri puolilta Suomea. Haastatteluaineistot analysoitiin tilastollisesti kuvailevilla ja monimuuttujamenetelmillä. Lisäksi mittarin sisältövaliditeettia arvioitiin face-validiteetilla. Mittari osoittautui luotettavaksi tutkittaessa suomalaisten 75 vuotta täyttäneiden kotihoidon asiakkaiden itsestä huolenpitoa ja siihen yhteydessä olevia tekijöitä. Teorian ydinrakenne sai tukea aineistosta erityisesti omavastuisen ja ulkoapäin ohjautuvan itsestä huolenpidon osalta. Myös itsestä huolenpidon eri tapojen yhteyksiä toimintakykyyn, elämään tyytyväisyyteen ja itsearvostukseen pystyttiin tunnistamaan muiden paitsi luovutetun itsestä huolenpidon tavan osalta. Tutkimus tuottaa uutta tietoa ikääntyvien kokemuksista, itsestä huolenpidosta ja siihen yhteydessä olevista tekijöistä. Tieto ja ymmärrys auttavat ikääntyvien kanssa työskenteleviä toteuttamaan yksilöllisempää, ikääntyvien asiakkaiden voimavaroja huomioivaa ja toimintakykyä tukevaa hoitoa. Testattua teoriaa voidaan käyttää myös teoreettisena lähtökohtana terveydenhuollon ammatillisessa koulutuksessa opetettaessa ikääntyvien hoito- ja huolenpitotyötä.

Nonlinear four-wave interactions (Snl) are critical for acquiring realistic spectra needed by operational wave models. High computational demand to calculate these interactions led to an approximation method named the Discrete Interaction Approximation (DIA) to be used broadly in the major operational wave models for a long time. However, the accuracy of the DIA has been controversial since it was first introduced and more precise approximations such as the Two Scale Approximation (TSA in short) are now available. The only issue with the initial TSA`s efficiency is performing an order of a magnitude slower than the DIA in speed. This study questions the exactness of the DIA while trying to increase the competence of the TSA by making improvements on its execution time. Particularly, in this thesis, the main effort is on the local scale term of the TSA since it is the part that consumes the most time while running the code. The findings of this work imply that the TSA can improve its operation speed significantly while maintaining its accuracy with making alterations in the code. By decreasing the number of bands in the local scale it is possible to run the TSA up to 7.5 faster than its initial version.

Ethnic contentions would barely arise at the drop of a hat. To understand the roots of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, known as one of the most intractable ethnopolitical conflicts in the South Caucasus region, it is crucial to trace back to the Karabakh movement, a civic uprising that mobilized ethnic Armenians around a struggle for independence. What advantages would self-determination allow, that would not be achievable elsewise? To address this puzzle, I conducted a qualitative single-case study, designed as a deductive process-tracing, aimed at answering the research question why does political mass mobilization emerge (when it can possibly not)? Building upon relevant literature suggesting that horizontal inequalities lead to civil war, this research tests the following hypothesis: Perceived horizontal inequalities between coexisting ethnic groups are what underlie the emergence and evolvement of political mass mobilization. The comparative analysis of 11 in-depth interviews with Karabakh movement participants from Stepanakert and Yerevan, combined with an extensive investigation of over 120 secondary materials, suggests that, as was observed in the case explored, relative deprivation fed by experienced horizontal inequalities is what underlies the emergence of mass political movements, demonstrating strong explanatory potential within the theory on horizontal inequality.