Os primeiros textos do escritor inglês George Orwell consideram o apelo do ideário comunista, ao passo que seus dois últimos romances, A Revolução dos Bichos (publicado em 1946) e 1984 (publicado em 1949) se contrapõem radicalmente a esse regime. Ao longo da segunda metade do século XX, foi-se estabelecendo a mística de uma forte ligação entre a obra de Orwell e o histórico do regime comunista, de modo que, com a queda do Comunismo, o desinteresse pelo assunto parece haver provocado uma diminuição no conceito dos méritos do escritor. O argumento da presente dissertação é que estamos frente a um momento nevrálgico no desenrolar da fortuna crítica de George Orwell, no qual a leitura alegórica feita até aqui deve ser substituída pela leitura simbólica, para que os textos do autor possam transcender à derrocada do movimento Comunista, sustentando-se na estética de sua literariedade e na atemporalidade de seu apelo ético. Em outras palavras, não é o texto de Orwell que precisa ser mudado, e sim, o ângulo de abordagem daqueles que constroem a fortuna crítica do autor, pois as referências temporais desgastadas diminuem a potencialidade interpretativa das obras. Um ponto comum que permanece, e que transpassa a obra literária de Orwell, é a opressão exercida por quaisquer sistemas políticos que possam ter atitudes consideradas totalitárias. Esta observação não remete apenas ao sistema comunista, mas também ao imperialista, ao autocrático, e até mesmo ao democrático. Orwell demonstra que um sistema não é totalitário por si só, mas através de suas atitudes em relação ao povo. Se, na época de seus lançamentos, a temática totalitária foi relacionada ao comunismo, tomando-se os textos como alegorias irreversíveis do discurso anti-comunista, a queda daquele regime, ou sua gradual abertura a práticas capitalistas, não basta para condenar as obras de Orwell ao anacronismo, descartando maiores possibilidades interpretativas. Ao propor uma releitura de A Revolução dos Bichos e 1984 substituindo as referências ao comunismo por qualquer tipo de prática totalitária — e concentrar o foco das observações no que é simbólico, ao invés de alegórico — acredito estar cumprindo minha parte neste processo de resgate da fortuna crítica de um escritor que considero ser um dos mais honestos e competentes de seu tempo. / The first texts of the English writer George Orwell approach the appeal of Communist views; however, his two last novels, Animal Farm (published in 1946) and Nineteen Eighty-Four (published in 1949) radically oppose this regime. Along the second half of the 20th century , strong bonds were established between Orwell’s works and the history of the Communist regime, however, with the fall of Communism, the lack of interest for the subject seems to have generated a diminution in the merits and recognition of the writer. The argumentation of this thesis is that we have been facing a central moment in the unfolding of George Orwell’s critical heritage, in which the allegorical reading done so far must be replaced by the symbolical reading, so that the texts of the author can transcend the fall of the Communist movement, supported by the esthetic of the literariety and atemporality of their ethic appeal. In other words, it is not the text of Orwell which must be changed, but the angle of the approach of those who build the author’s critical heritage, because outdated temporal references impair the interpretative possibility of the works. A remaining point that seems to cross all Orwell’s literary works is the oppression exerted by any political systems that can have attitudes considered totalitarian ones. This remark does not address only the Communist system, but also the Imperialist, the autocratic and even the Democratic ones. Orwell demonstrates that a system is not totalitarian on its own, but through its manifestations towards people. If, at the age of their launchings, the totalitarian theme was connected to Communism, taking the texts as irreversible allegories of the anti-Communist discourse, the fall of that regime, or its gradual opening to Capitalist practices, is not enough to condemn Orwell’s works to anachronism, discharging more comprehensive interpretative possibilities. I believe that, by proposing a new reading of Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four, replacing the references to Communism for references to any kind of totalitarian practice--, and concentrating the focus of the observation on what is symbolical – I will be doing my part in this process of rescuing the critical heritage of a writer who I consider one of the most honest and competent authors of his time.

Os primeiros textos do escritor inglês George Orwell consideram o apelo do ideário comunista, ao passo que seus dois últimos romances, A Revolução dos Bichos (publicado em 1946) e 1984 (publicado em 1949) se contrapõem radicalmente a esse regime. Ao longo da segunda metade do século XX, foi-se estabelecendo a mística de uma forte ligação entre a obra de Orwell e o histórico do regime comunista, de modo que, com a queda do Comunismo, o desinteresse pelo assunto parece haver provocado uma diminuição no conceito dos méritos do escritor. O argumento da presente dissertação é que estamos frente a um momento nevrálgico no desenrolar da fortuna crítica de George Orwell, no qual a leitura alegórica feita até aqui deve ser substituída pela leitura simbólica, para que os textos do autor possam transcender à derrocada do movimento Comunista, sustentando-se na estética de sua literariedade e na atemporalidade de seu apelo ético. Em outras palavras, não é o texto de Orwell que precisa ser mudado, e sim, o ângulo de abordagem daqueles que constroem a fortuna crítica do autor, pois as referências temporais desgastadas diminuem a potencialidade interpretativa das obras. Um ponto comum que permanece, e que transpassa a obra literária de Orwell, é a opressão exercida por quaisquer sistemas políticos que possam ter atitudes consideradas totalitárias. Esta observação não remete apenas ao sistema comunista, mas também ao imperialista, ao autocrático, e até mesmo ao democrático. Orwell demonstra que um sistema não é totalitário por si só, mas através de suas atitudes em relação ao povo. Se, na época de seus lançamentos, a temática totalitária foi relacionada ao comunismo, tomando-se os textos como alegorias irreversíveis do discurso anti-comunista, a queda daquele regime, ou sua gradual abertura a práticas capitalistas, não basta para condenar as obras de Orwell ao anacronismo, descartando maiores possibilidades interpretativas. Ao propor uma releitura de A Revolução dos Bichos e 1984 substituindo as referências ao comunismo por qualquer tipo de prática totalitária — e concentrar o foco das observações no que é simbólico, ao invés de alegórico — acredito estar cumprindo minha parte neste processo de resgate da fortuna crítica de um escritor que considero ser um dos mais honestos e competentes de seu tempo. / The first texts of the English writer George Orwell approach the appeal of Communist views; however, his two last novels, Animal Farm (published in 1946) and Nineteen Eighty-Four (published in 1949) radically oppose this regime. Along the second half of the 20th century , strong bonds were established between Orwell’s works and the history of the Communist regime, however, with the fall of Communism, the lack of interest for the subject seems to have generated a diminution in the merits and recognition of the writer. The argumentation of this thesis is that we have been facing a central moment in the unfolding of George Orwell’s critical heritage, in which the allegorical reading done so far must be replaced by the symbolical reading, so that the texts of the author can transcend the fall of the Communist movement, supported by the esthetic of the literariety and atemporality of their ethic appeal. In other words, it is not the text of Orwell which must be changed, but the angle of the approach of those who build the author’s critical heritage, because outdated temporal references impair the interpretative possibility of the works. A remaining point that seems to cross all Orwell’s literary works is the oppression exerted by any political systems that can have attitudes considered totalitarian ones. This remark does not address only the Communist system, but also the Imperialist, the autocratic and even the Democratic ones. Orwell demonstrates that a system is not totalitarian on its own, but through its manifestations towards people. If, at the age of their launchings, the totalitarian theme was connected to Communism, taking the texts as irreversible allegories of the anti-Communist discourse, the fall of that regime, or its gradual opening to Capitalist practices, is not enough to condemn Orwell’s works to anachronism, discharging more comprehensive interpretative possibilities. I believe that, by proposing a new reading of Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four, replacing the references to Communism for references to any kind of totalitarian practice--, and concentrating the focus of the observation on what is symbolical – I will be doing my part in this process of rescuing the critical heritage of a writer who I consider one of the most honest and competent authors of his time.

The dissertation is dedicated to the under-researched subject of the official sculpture in the DDR and ČSR in the time-frame 1948-1968. By evaluating the material on a broad background of the art historical, historical, cultural and ideological determinants, the dissertation endeavour to provide an accurate insight into the internal processes of the cultural machinery of the Socialist states with regard to sculpture and sculptors. The comparative character of the dissertation contributes to the understanding of the critical questions of art historical research of the period - such as the (in)authenticity of the local varieties of Socialist Realism and relatedness to the SSSR Socrealism, dates of the Socrealism existence, engagement of modernist sculptors, principles of the state/artist relationship or the second life of the Socrealist sculpture.

This thesis constitutes the first comparative study of the phenomenon of alternative art galleries functioning during the 1970s in two neighbouring state socialist regimes, namely, the German Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of Poland. Firmly contextualised in the cultural-political climate of Honecker's and Gierek's quasi-liberalisation, it examines the socio-cultural function of non-conformist exhibition spaces and focuses, specifically, on two case studies: Galerie Arkade in East Berlin and Galeria/Repassage in Warsaw. By looking at a wide variety of practices produced in those spaces, this thesis investigates the commonalities and differences in how the galleries operated and how they related to the divergent post-Stalinist conditions. For instance, due to more repressive cultural-politics in the GDR, it proved more difficult to accommodate experimental practices in Arkade, since even exhibiting abstract art was problematic for the East German officials. Conversely, in Poland Gierek's liberalisation resulted in the state's limited acceptance of radical artistic practices such as performance and conceptual art but only in the marginal spaces of artist-run galleries. Despite their alternative status, the galleries were, to a certain degree, dependent administratively and financially on these socialist institutions and were at the same time exposed to surveillance by the state security services. These aspects of galleries' activities are often neglected and so to remedy this lack this thesis offers new perspectives on and insights into various aspects of the functioning of alternative culture in this region. The originality of this research lies also in its references to new archival material which has not been published, nor interpreted before. The interpretation of these rich primary sources makes use of a new theoretical framework that combines Michel Foucault's theory of heterotopia in a macro-level analysis and Henri Lefebvre's ideas on the social production of space in a micro-level analysis. In particular, the galleries' histories are seen in this thesis as intertwined with the advancing process of disintegration of state socialism in the Eastern Bloc as this was perceptible to varying degree in different socialist states. Accordingly, it argues that the galleries were symptomatic of and, simultaneously, contributed through various practices to the 'post-socialist condition'.

Os primeiros textos do escritor inglês George Orwell consideram o apelo do ideário comunista, ao passo que seus dois últimos romances, A Revolução dos Bichos (publicado em 1946) e 1984 (publicado em 1949) se contrapõem radicalmente a esse regime. Ao longo da segunda metade do século XX, foi-se estabelecendo a mística de uma forte ligação entre a obra de Orwell e o histórico do regime comunista, de modo que, com a queda do Comunismo, o desinteresse pelo assunto parece haver provocado uma diminuição no conceito dos méritos do escritor. O argumento da presente dissertação é que estamos frente a um momento nevrálgico no desenrolar da fortuna crítica de George Orwell, no qual a leitura alegórica feita até aqui deve ser substituída pela leitura simbólica, para que os textos do autor possam transcender à derrocada do movimento Comunista, sustentando-se na estética de sua literariedade e na atemporalidade de seu apelo ético. Em outras palavras, não é o texto de Orwell que precisa ser mudado, e sim, o ângulo de abordagem daqueles que constroem a fortuna crítica do autor, pois as referências temporais desgastadas diminuem a potencialidade interpretativa das obras. Um ponto comum que permanece, e que transpassa a obra literária de Orwell, é a opressão exercida por quaisquer sistemas políticos que possam ter atitudes consideradas totalitárias. Esta observação não remete apenas ao sistema comunista, mas também ao imperialista, ao autocrático, e até mesmo ao democrático. Orwell demonstra que um sistema não é totalitário por si só, mas através de suas atitudes em relação ao povo. Se, na época de seus lançamentos, a temática totalitária foi relacionada ao comunismo, tomando-se os textos como alegorias irreversíveis do discurso anti-comunista, a queda daquele regime, ou sua gradual abertura a práticas capitalistas, não basta para condenar as obras de Orwell ao anacronismo, descartando maiores possibilidades interpretativas. Ao propor uma releitura de A Revolução dos Bichos e 1984 substituindo as referências ao comunismo por qualquer tipo de prática totalitária — e concentrar o foco das observações no que é simbólico, ao invés de alegórico — acredito estar cumprindo minha parte neste processo de resgate da fortuna crítica de um escritor que considero ser um dos mais honestos e competentes de seu tempo. / The first texts of the English writer George Orwell approach the appeal of Communist views; however, his two last novels, Animal Farm (published in 1946) and Nineteen Eighty-Four (published in 1949) radically oppose this regime. Along the second half of the 20th century , strong bonds were established between Orwell’s works and the history of the Communist regime, however, with the fall of Communism, the lack of interest for the subject seems to have generated a diminution in the merits and recognition of the writer. The argumentation of this thesis is that we have been facing a central moment in the unfolding of George Orwell’s critical heritage, in which the allegorical reading done so far must be replaced by the symbolical reading, so that the texts of the author can transcend the fall of the Communist movement, supported by the esthetic of the literariety and atemporality of their ethic appeal. In other words, it is not the text of Orwell which must be changed, but the angle of the approach of those who build the author’s critical heritage, because outdated temporal references impair the interpretative possibility of the works. A remaining point that seems to cross all Orwell’s literary works is the oppression exerted by any political systems that can have attitudes considered totalitarian ones. This remark does not address only the Communist system, but also the Imperialist, the autocratic and even the Democratic ones. Orwell demonstrates that a system is not totalitarian on its own, but through its manifestations towards people. If, at the age of their launchings, the totalitarian theme was connected to Communism, taking the texts as irreversible allegories of the anti-Communist discourse, the fall of that regime, or its gradual opening to Capitalist practices, is not enough to condemn Orwell’s works to anachronism, discharging more comprehensive interpretative possibilities. I believe that, by proposing a new reading of Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four, replacing the references to Communism for references to any kind of totalitarian practice--, and concentrating the focus of the observation on what is symbolical – I will be doing my part in this process of rescuing the critical heritage of a writer who I consider one of the most honest and competent authors of his time.

À ce jour, ont été écrites de nombreuses et remarquables études qui analysent les textes littéraires, philosophiques, journalistiques, épistolaires d’Albert Camus, et ce dans diverses perspectives : stylistiques, narratologiques, linguistiques, psychanalytiques, symboliques, thématiques, biographiques, intertextuelles, sociologiques, politiques, esthétiques, éthiques, philosophiques entre autres. Or, rares sont les études qui examinent l’idée et l’image du temps chez cet écrivain français du siècle dernier, à partir de ses essais philosophico-littéraires. L’essayiste songe par exemple à la conception temporelle, en l’associant tantôt au mouvement circulaire du monde méditerranéen, beau et éternel, ou du cosmos (L’Envers et l’endroit, Noces, entre autre), tantôt à la fonction de la conscience humaine qui espère, se souvient et se révolte (Le Mythe de Sisyphe), tantôt à la marche de l’histoire humaine, européenne (L’Homme révolté). En considérant l’œuvre entière de Camus, et surtout ces quatre essais, L’Envers et l’endroit, Noces, Le Mythe de Sisyphe et L’Homme révolté, notre thèse a pour objectif d’étudier les trois conceptions temporelles, qui n’ont pas reçu une attention critique suffisante : l’éternité, la triple temporalité (le passé, le présent et l’avenir) et le temps historique. / To this day, there have been written numerous and remarkable studies which analyze the literary, philosophical, journalistic, and epistolary texts of Albert Camus from diverse perspectives : stylistic, narratological, linguistic, psychoanalytical, symbolic, thematic, biographical, intertextual, sociological, political, esthetic, ethical, philosophical, among others. Rare are studies which examine the idea and the image of time as conceived by this 20th century French writer, as evidenced in his philosophical-literary essays. Camus considers the conception of time by associating it with the circular movement of the Mediterranean world, beautiful and eternal, and that of the cosmos (Betwixt and Between, Nuptials), with the functioning of the human conscience which hopes, remembers, rebels (The Myth of Sisyphus), or with the course of both human and European history (The Rebel). By studying the complete works of Camus, especially, the following four essays—Betwixt and Between, Nuptipals, The Myth of Sysiphus, and The Rebel— our thesis aims to study three temporal notions which have not received sufficient critical attention: eternity, triple temporality (past, present, and future), and historical time.

Cette thèse a pour objet l'étude de l'encadrement normatif de l'internement concentrationnaire. Ce concept désigne les règles et procédures produites et appliquées par les administrations concentrationnaires et encadrant le quotidien des détenus internés dans les camps de concentration nazis. Notre étude est pragmatique. Elle se fonde principalement sur l'analyse des archives des administrations concentrationnaires : les règles et procédures concernant l'internement des détenus édictées par les administrations centrales et leur application au niveau du camp de Buchenwald principalement. Cette approche permet de démontrer que l'internement du détenu n'est pas caractérisé par l'arbitraire. Il se déroule au contraire conformément à un encadrement normatif aux caractéristiques spécifiques. Malgré des imperfections formelles dues à leur fondement spécifique sur la Volonté du Führer (Führerwille), les règles et procédures concentrationnaires encadrent l'ensemble de l'internement du détenu : les contacts avec l'extérieur, la répression disciplinaire, le travail forcé et la mort. La participation du personnel SS et civil ou des détenus au fonctionnement du camp se fait ainsi conformément à un encadrement normatif. Cela explique en partie pourquoi les différents acteurs, croyant leurs actes fondés et justifiés par cet encadrement normatif d'allure pseudo-juridique, participèrent au fonctionnement des camps. / The object of this thesis is to study the normative framework of concentration camp internment. The term ‘normative framework’ refers to the rules and procedures established and applied by the concentration camp administrations and which governed the internment of those prisoners in Nazi concentration camps. Our study is pragmatic. It is based primarily on the analysis of concentration camps’ administrative archives: the rules and procedures issued by central administrations concerning the internment of prisoners and their application, mainly at the Buchenwald camp.This approach demonstrates that the period of internment was not characteristically arbitrary. Rather, it occurred in accordance with a normative framework with specific characteristics. Despite formal imperfections due to their specific foundation in the Führer’s Will (Führerwille), concentration camp rules and procedures governed the inmate’s entire internment: contacts with the outside, punishment, forced labor and death. The participation of SS members, or employees of firms using detainee labor or even detainees themselves, was carried out in accordance with a normative framework. This explains in part why the various actors, believing their actions grounded in and justified by this pseudo-legal framework, took part in camp operations.

Les littératures d’Afrique et des Caraïbes des années soixante-dix à quatre-vingt-dix comptent une série de romans ayant pour thème de prédilection la politique. Certains critiques y voient l’émergence d’un genre romanesque baptisée « nouveau roman ». D’autres en soulignent la confluence thématique dans des travaux se rapportant au roman dit « politique » ou « anti-utopiste ». Jusque-ici, il semble que la réception de cette forme d’écriture et son thème favori n’ont pas été mis en étroite corrélation avec le contexte historique particulier dans lequel ils s’inscrivent. Or, ce dernier est déterminant dans le cadre d’une meilleure connaissance de ces textes encore en quête de définition. En effet, les années soixante-dix à quatre-vingt-dix correspondent à la période des dictatures d’Afrique et des Caraïbes. Ce constat nous a amené à envisager une nouvelle réception de cette tendance romanesque sur un modèle universel : le « roman politique », pour ne retenir que ce concept. Pour l’expérimentation de cette hypothèse de recherche, dans le cadre d’une démarche comparatiste, le choix a été de confronter les « constantes » et les « variantes » de ces littératures à la lumière d’un corpus de six ouvrages. Ainsi, la représentation de la dictature a permis de découvrir un univers conflictuel clos institué par une pratique et une pensée politiques inédites. Le jeu des acteurs y est une tragédie dans un espace labyrinthique. Le tableau dévoile des individus désarmés et sous la domination d’un système à l’allure de monstre. L’image du « cercle de feu » illustre bien cette tragédie à grande échelle où toute tentative d’évasion rapproche l’homme de la mort. Un style d’écriture métonymique y entretient l’errance des personnages qui, sans cesse, butent contre les murs infranchissables de la dictature. Le discours littéraire n’y est pas qu’une plaidoirie en faveur de l’homme et de la liberté ; il y est également une dénonciation de la condition de l’écrivain et de l’asservissement de la littérature. / The literatures of Africa and the Caribs of the seventies in ninety count a series of novels having for theme of preference the politics. Certain critics see there the emergence of a romantic kind baptized "new novel ". Others underline the thematic confluence in works relating to the said novel "politics" or "anti-utopian". Up to now, it seems that the reception of this shape of writing did not put in narrow correlation its favourite theme with the particular historic context, which unites them. Now, this last one is determining within the framework of a better knowledge of these texts still in search of definition. Indeed, the seventies in ninety correspond to the period of the dictatorships of Africa and the Caribbean islands. This report brought to us to envisage a new reception of this romantic tendency on a universal model: the "political novel ", to retain only this concept. For the experiment of this hypothesis of search, within the framework of a comparative approach, the choice was to confront "constants" and "variants" of these literatures in the light of a corpus of six works. Therefore, the representation of the dictatorship allowed discovering a closed conflicting universe established by one new political practice and a thought. The set of the actors is there a tragedy in a space, which looks like a labyrinth. The board reveals moved individuals and dominated by a system to the speed of monster. The image of the "circle of fire" the illustrious property a large-scale tragedy where any escape attempt moves closer to the man of the death. A style of metonymical writing maintains the wandering of the characters there who, ceaselessly, stumble over the unbridgeable walls of the dictatorship. The literary speech is not there that a plea in favour of the man and of the freedom; it is there a termination of the condition of the writer and the subjection of the literature.

This thesis is concerned with the world of The Handmaid's Tale (1985) and The Testaments (2019), works of Margaret Atwood. The dystopian theocratic totalitarian regime featured in these novels invites a socio-historical and anthropological analysis and interpretation from the perspective of the subjugated female characters. The theoretical part, introduced by an overview of Atwood's work, provides the reader with crucial information regarding the historical parallels which inspired the narrative, as well as a delimitation of relevant anthropological concepts, such as liminality or status reversal. Subsequently, using both the knowledge gathered in the theoretical and in Atwood's works, the rise of the fundamentalist cult of the Sons of Jacob and their project, the Republic of Gilead, is explained, and their ideology is uncovered in the first section of the practical part. Second part of the interpretation focuses on the position of women within the system that subjugates and oppresses them. The analysis is performed by the means of comparing and contrasting the ideal models of the positions of women as designed by the architects of the system with the actual application on the example of selected characters. The ultimate aims of this thesis are to prove the innate sexism and misogyny of the...

This thesis examines the concept of active citizenship in conception of Vaclav Havel. It further focuses on the possibilities of the legacy of such distinguished personality of modern history in the area of youth education. The theoretical part of the thesis describes the concepts of active citizenship and totalitarianism, and connects them to the example of communist era in Czechoslovakia. Using qualitative research methods, the empirical section of the thesis analyzes the perception of the concept of active citizenship and how Havel's legacy is perceived by students and the employees of Vaclav Havel Library. The analysis also deals with development of civic approach within the scope of Vaclav Havel Library efforts aiming at citizenship education. Using the method of document analysis, the thesis also deals with Havel's essay The Power of the Powerless, which is by Vaclav Havel Library presented as one of his key works serving as a basis for citizenship education. Key words Citizenship, Active Citizenship, Totalitarianism, Communism, Vaclav Havel, Legacy of Vaclav Havel, Vaclav Havel Library, The Power of the Powerless