SILVA, Elivanda de Oliveira. A transformação da natureza humana nos governos totalitários e a ascensão do animal laborans na esfera pública: uma leitura biopolítica da obra de Hannah Arendt. 2012. 98f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Filosofia, Fortaleza (CE), 2012. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-12T13:20:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-EOSILVA.pdf: 676258 bytes, checksum: 676a5a24a8b3bb142d5f90aedae7c976 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-12T14:18:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-EOSILVA.pdf: 676258 bytes, checksum: 676a5a24a8b3bb142d5f90aedae7c976 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-11-12T14:18:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-EOSILVA.pdf: 676258 bytes, checksum: 676a5a24a8b3bb142d5f90aedae7c976 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Our study has the purpose to carry through a biopolitic reading of Hannah Arendt’s work, what means analyzing the relation between life and politics, from the contained biopolitic elements in the autor’s philosophy. To make it possible, we will use to concept from Giorgio Agamben, mainly, the concepts of bare life, state of exception, homo sacer so that, having understook them, we can work on the biopolitic elements of the arendtian’s work, which pass by it in an implicit form. Thus, our intention is to demonstrate that, even in an not explicit way, it has, in the arendtianas reflections, about “ what we are doing” in modernity, that is, reducing the human condition to the mere activity of the animal laborans, worried, exclusively, in preserving its life in biological direction, biopolitics elements that, in our agreement, serve as argument tools to elucidate the reflexive intentions of this author. The two points that we choose for the accomplishment of this research, in intention to point the biopolitic elements in Arendt, are the primacy of the natural life on the political action, resulted from the extreme valorization of the labor in modernity, and the pretension of total domain of the totalitarianism, that used the scenario of the mass societies of century XX, to place in march its ambition of transforming the human nature, reducing the man to a mere animal. Our intention, therefore, is from the analyses of the arendtian’s work Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) and the Human Condition (1958), to demonstrate textually that, exactly for never appearing in its writings, the concept of biopolitcs, configures as a conducting wire so that we can notice the reach and the depth of the politic-philosophical thought of Hannah Arendt, that appears as an authentic interpreter of her time, whose writings continue relevant so that we can understand the political and human reality. / Nosso estudo tem como objetivo realizar uma leitura biopolítica da obra de Hannah Arendt, o que significa analisar a relação entre vida e política, a partir dos elementos biopolíticos contidos na filosofia da autora. Para tanto, iremos lançar mão do arcabouço conceitual de Giorgio Agamben, principalmente, dos conceitos de vida nua, estado de exceção, homo sacer para que, de posse desses, possamos trazer à tona os elementos biopolíticos da obra arendtiana, os quais a perpassam de forma implícita. Assim, nossa intenção é demonstrar que, mesmo de maneira não explícita, há, nas reflexões arendtianas, acerca “do que estamos fazendo” na modernidade, ou seja, reduzindo a condição humana à mera atividade do animal laborans, preocupado, exclusivamente, em preservar sua vida em sentido biológico, elementos biopolíticos que, em nosso entendimento, servem como ferramentas argumentativas para elucidarmos as intenções reflexivas dessa autora. Os dois pontos que escolhemos para a realização desta pesquisa, no intuito de apontar os elementos biopolíticos em Arendt, são o primado da vida natural sobre a ação política, resultado da supervalorização do trabalho na modernidade, e a pretensão de domínio total do totalitarismo, que se utilizou do cenário das sociedades de massa do século XX, para colocar em marcha a sua ambição de transformar a natureza humana, reduzindo o homem a um mero animal. Nosso propósito, portanto, é a partir das análises das obras arendtianas Origens do Totalitarismo (1951) e a Condição Humana (1958), demonstrar que, mesmo nunca aparecendo textualmente em seus escritos, o conceito de biopolítica configura-se como um fio condutor para que possamos perceber o alcance e a profundidade do pensamento político filosófico de Hannah Arendt, que se mostra como uma autêntica intérprete de seu tempo, cujos escritos continuam relevantes e nos dão base para compreendermos a realidade política e humana.

L’œuvre romanesque de Romain Gary est un écho du XXe siècle. Des périls de l’histoire, l’écrivain n’en ignore aucun. La Seconde Guerre mondiale forge sa conscience morale ; elle est la source de son gaullisme, basé sur un idéal de l’Homme, auquel il demeure fidèle. Mais au-delà de cette matrice, les années d’après-guerre façonnent également sa pensée. Car ses carrières diplomatique et littéraire n’ont pas été dissymétriques. Des quinze années passées au Quai d’Orsay, nombre de ses romans sont directement inspirés. La diplomatie révèle donc la topographie de la pensée de l’écrivain, qui ne résulte pas seulement du traumatisme de la Shoah et de la fraternité de la Résistance, mais est également forgée en réaction au totalitarisme soviétique et à la résurgence des nationalismes. Explorer sa carrière diplomatique, c’est aller aux sources de son œuvre romanesque, déceler dans l’événement le matériau de la fiction. Romain Gary a donc doublement composé avec l’histoire immédiate, cherchant à en comprendre les déterminants – c’est le travail du diplomate – et à en dépeindre les effets – c’est l’œuvre de l’écrivain. Dès lors, le roman apparaît comme le palimpseste de la dépêche. Et c’est en démêlant cet écheveau, entre diplomatie et littérature, histoire et fiction, que sa pensée politique apparaît avec le plus de clarté, de complexité aussi, et de nuances : en tirant ce fil, son œuvre romanesque démontre son unité et sa cohérence tant vis-à-vis des événements historiques que des positions de l’homme. / The novels of Romain Gary echo the events of the 20th Century. None of the great crises of the period is ignored by the author. Gary’s moral conscience was forged by the Second World War and it led him to a philosophy of Gaullism based on a human ideal, to which he always remained faithful. But beyond this matrix the post-war years also shaped his thinking. His diplomatic and literary careers follow a symmetrical path. His fifteen years working for the French Foreign Ministry were the direct inspiration for several of his novels. It is diplomacy which reveals the writer’s intellectual topography. This was not just a product of the trauma of the Shoah and the fraternity of the resistance but was also forged in reaction to Soviet totalitarianism and the resurgence of nationalisms. To explore his diplomatic career is to discover the sources of his novels, to reveal the factual basis of his fiction. Romain Gary made a double usage of contemporary events, first as a diplomat intent on understanding underlying causes, second as a writer painting a picture of the effects. Thus the novel can be seen as a palimpsest, a reworking of the diplomat’s despatch. As this skein is untangled, as diplomacy and literature, history and fiction are teased apart, Gary’s political thinking is revealed in the greatest clarity, complexity, and nuance. As the thread is drawn out, Gary’s novels demonstrate a unity and a coherence both with regard to historical events and to his own personal convictions.

Victimes et bourreaux témoignent de la double dégradation, anthropologique et morale, subie par la figure de l’homme à Auschwitz. Hannah Arendt et Emmanuel Lévinas, tous deux Juifs et nés en 1906, ont tenté de retrouver le sens de la dignité humaine après la Shoah. Partageant la même admiration embarrassée pour la pensée de Martin Heidegger, dont ils ont suivi l’enseignement, ils s’engagent dans des voies philosophiques très différentes. Alors qu’Arendt met en avant l’espace politique comme lieu d’expression de la pluralité et de reconnaissance publique des différences individuelles, Lévinas fait de l’éthique la « philosophie première » et situe le proprement humain dans la responsabilité infinie pour autrui. Là où Arendt insiste sur l’importance de la pensée et du jugement dans la recherche des normes morales, Lévinas soutient que la lutte contre le mal est indissociable de la réponse à l’appel du Bien.Deux axes problématiques guident, dans ce travail, la confrontation entre les deux philosophes : l’articulation entre universalité et diversité d’une part ; le lien entre éthique et politique d’autre part. L’enjeu étant l’organisation d’un monde commun pour l’expression et la préservation de la dignité humaine. / The victims and the torturers attest to both the human and moral degradation suffered by the figure of man at Auschwitz.Hannah Arendt and Emmanuel Lévinas, both Jews and born in 1906, attempted to recover the meaning of human dignity after the Holocaust. Despite sharing the same embarrassed admiration for the thought of Martin Heidegger, whose courses they followed, they choose very different philosophical paths.While Arendt emphasizes the political space as the place where plurality is expressed and individual differences are publicly acknowledged, Lévinas makes ethics « first philosophy » and situates what is essentially human within infinite responsibility for the Other. Where Arendt insists on the importance of thought and judgment in the search for moral standards, Lévinas holds that the struggle against evil is inseparable from responding to the call of the Good.In this thesis, two critical themes guide the comparison between each philosopher: the connection between universality and diversity on one hand; and, the link between ethics and politics on the other. The issue at stake is the organization of a shared world for the expression and the preservation of human dignity.

In my paper, I explore how totalitarian regimes use technology to break the borders between the private and public spheres, through the study of two fictional works. Reflecting how real regimes operate, these fictional totalitarian regimes apply technology to extend the sphere of public authority. Exploring the idea, I am going to compare two totalitarian regimes in different periods of time. The first one is the Republic of Gieald, which is depicted in The Handmaid’s Tale 1985 by Margaret Atwood, and the second one is the society presented in the movie The Island, directed by Michael Bay. By technology in my paper, I mean it in the most comprehensive sense of the term, modern invented technologies and institutions after 18th century in post Industrial Revolution era. In what follows, I am applying the concepts, which are the product of control invention. I will argue that the states penetrate into private sphere by imposing repressive rules for having sex or reproductivity. Moreover, I portray that the states use different forms of media and surveillance in private and public spheres, to enlarge the state.

Nous proposons, avec cette recherche, un parcours qui se veut exhaustif de la littérature coloniale portugaise des années 1920 en rapport avec le Mozambique. Dans une première partie, nous fournissons des données contextuelles et définissons des concepts opératoires d’analyse indispensables pour procéder à l’étude des récits coloniaux et de leur temps historique. Des données biographiques sur les principaux auteurs de cette période sont présentées, ainsi que leurs œuvres. L’analyse porte ensuite sur les deux grands vecteurs, géographique et morphologique, de constitution et de division des sujets coloniaux. La perception morphologique de l’autre, sur la base d’un référentiel géographique, se trouve directement liée aux représentations de la pensée raciale portugaise développées dans une large mesure à partir de la mythologie aryenne et du darwinisme social. Les récits à l’étude montrent comment les notions de « lutte des races » et de sélection des communautés les plus aptes contribuent à l’élaboration d’une « stratégie de la cruauté » et au déclenchement de flux de mort d’une grande intensité. Le double processus de déterritorialisation des populations par les conquêtes et de leur re‑territorialisation avec la transformation sociale de l’espace par le capitalisme colonial prend place dans un contexte politique totalitaire. L’instauration de la dictature raciale et la généralisation de la terreur engendrent l’astreinte des colonisés à une condition de servitude économique et sexuelle. Le désir colonial permet aussi l’émergence de formes d’hybridité sociale ou culturelle et la mise en cause de l’autorité discursive, immédiatement contrées par le développement d’une politique de domesticité coloniale. / This research proposes a very thorough examination of Portuguese colonial literature related to Mozambique in the 1920s. In the first part, contextual data is made available and concepts essential for carrying out the study of colonial texts in their historical time are defined. Biographical data about colonial authors and data about their works is presented. The analysis is then centred on the main cores, geographical and morphological, of the constitution and the division of the colonial subjects. The morphological perception of the other, based on a geographical reference, is directly related to the representations of Portuguese race‑thinking, developed to a large extent through Aryan Mythology and Social Darwinism. The texts studied show how the notions of the “struggle of the races” and of survival of the fittest among human communities contributed towards the elaboration of a “strategy of cruelty” and the unleashing of death flows of great intensity. The double process of deterritorialisation of populations through conquest and their reterritorialisation through the social transformation of space by colonial capitalism took place in a political context of totalitarianism. The installation of a racial dictatorship and the generalisation of terror forced the colonised into a position of economic and sexual servitude. The colonial desire also allowed the emergence of hybrid social or cultural forms and a questioning of discursive authority; those found an immediate opposition in the development of a politics of colonial domesticity.

The diploma thesis Totalitarian tendencies of German colonial policies deals with German colonial policies towards Africans in the period between 1884-1914. The main focus is placed on the characteristics and analysis of German native policy in the most important of German colonies - German South West Africa. This piece attempts to pinpoint the relationship between the colonizers and the colonized, to illustrate the racist prejudice of the Germans and to describe the impact of these ideas on the colonial reality. Furthermore, this work reflects upon the Herero war, with particular interest being paid to the German war strategy, and tries to identify the reasons behind its radicalization as well as to resolve the query concerning the genocidal intent. The totalitarianism section of this thesis explores the totalitarian aspects of German native policy in German South West Africa and their development following the Herero war. A comparison of German colonial policies towards the natives with colonial policies of the other major powers active on the African continent follows. The final chapter endeavours to answer the question regarding the continuity of German history and continuity between German colonialism and National Socialism.

Title: The second life of Zdeněk Nejedlý in Czech historiography and culture Author: Mgr. Václav Nájemník Supervisor: doc. PhDr. Ivana Čornejová, Csc. Department: The History and History Didactics Department Keywords: Zdeněk Nejedlý, second life, methodology, reception, historiography, culture, communism, totalitarianism, literature, art, Bedřich Smetana, Alois Jirásek Abstract: The following dissertation deals with the "second life" of Czech historian, musicologist, reviewer and politician Zdeněk Nejedlý (1878-1962). Its aim is not to elaborate a new biography, but to describe and analyse the influence of this personality on Czech historiography and culture during the communist totalitarian system. His influence is usually perceived as very strong, but seems to have changed over time, and moreover weakened. An important topic will also be the development of the attitude of historians, writers and other cultural personalities to the personality and work of Zdeněk Nejedlý in the context of Czech history in the second half of the twentieth century. The purpose of the work is to show that the personality of Zdeněk Nejedlý is not the only negative factor that worked for society, but that he himself participated actively in the creation of this image. Finally, it also appears that the "second life" of some of...

This diploma thesis "The Place of Truth by Ernest Gellner and Eric Voegelin" compares two major thinkers in the field of discourses of truth, faith, modernity, and democracy. Eric Voegelin represents unorthodox conservative views of the abstract place of truth, which is in close connection with the existence of individuals and with close relation to transcendent basis of being. Liberal thinker Ernest André Gellner is an advocate of individualism and rationalism, which significantly impact the very concept of truth. Attention is mainly focused on how these two different points of view define relation between domain of truth to modern democracy and totalitarian movements represented by ideologies, which were hegemonizing sphere of truth in society.

Ce mémoire porte sur la récupération politique de la figure et des œuvres du compositeur Giuseppe Verdi (1813-1901) pendant la période fasciste en Italie (1922-1943), et plus précisément à l’occasion des manifestations relatives aux célébrations du quarantième anniversaire de sa mort en 1941, alors que l’Italie est en guerre contre la France et l’Angleterre. Le premier chapitre explore le développement du mythe de Verdi, et montre comment le compositeur est graduellement transformé en héros national pour devenir une icône de l’art lyrique italien, s’inscrivant dans un effort de glorification du passé pour la promotion d’un esprit nationaliste italien pour, ultimement, attester de la suprématie du pouvoir fasciste. Le deuxième chapitre propose une étude de l’organisation des festivités de 1941; il se penche aussi bien sur les événements musicaux que sur les discours et les publications, pour ensuite présenter une analyse plus approfondie des célébrations organisées à Parme. Il y est question de la riche réception des manifestations, qui assurent l’entretien et la fortification du mythe verdien. Le troisième chapitre analyse les éléments discursifs entourant les festivités, afin de démontrer que l’encensement de la figure de Verdi suit diverses lignes de force qui convergent vers la représentation fasciste de la civilisation italienne. Par l’exploitation des sujets nationalistes véhiculés dans ses opéras, la restitution de son image révolutionnaire et patriotique et l’exaltation de son génie, présenté comme étant à la fois italien et universel, les adhérents du régime ont entretenu et développé le mythe Verdi selon le canon de l’idéologie fasciste. Le but ultime de ce mémoire est de montrer comment, pendant la période fasciste et plus particulièrement au cours des célébrations de 1941, Verdi a fait l’objet d’une récupération idéologique visant à appuyer la légitimité du pouvoir en place pour créer une hégémonie favorable au climat de consensus nécessaire au régime en temps de guerre. / This thesis focuses on the political recovery of the figure and works of the composer Giuseppe Verdi (1813-1901) during the fascist period in Italy (1922-1943), and more specifically in 1941 during the celebrations commemorating the fortieth anniversary of his death, a moment in time which coincided with Italy’s war against France and England. The first chapter explores the development of Verdi’s myth and sheds light on how the composer was gradually transformed into a national hero to become an icon of Italian opera. This was part of a wider effort to glorify the past in order to promote an Italian nationalist spirit, and ultimately, attest to the supremacy of the fascist power. The second chapter studies the organization of the festivities of 1941; it examines musical events as well as speeches and publications, and presents a more in-depth analysis of the celebrations organized in Parma. It deals with the rich reception of the manifestations, which assure the maintenance and the fortification of the Verdian myth. The third chapter analyzes the discursive elements surrounding the festivities, in order to demonstrate that the exalting of Verdi’s figure follows various lines of force that converge towards the fascist representation of the Italian civilization. By exploiting nationalist subjects conveyed in his operas, restoring his revolutionary and patriotic image and exalting his genius, presented as being both Italian and universal, the adherents of the regime maintained and nurtured a Verdian myth according to the fascist’s cannon. The ultimate goal of this thesis is to show how, during the fascist period and more specifically during the celebrations of 1941, Verdi was subjected to an ideological appropriation that aimed, on the one hand, at given the legitimacy to the fascism authority and on the other, establish a climate of social consensus essential to the exercise of power during wartime.

This work explores the possibilities of Hegel's critique of liberalisms and Marxism. Firstly, I define the "Return to Hegel", or more precisely, the way how we should conceive of this return to Hegel in order to really return to him. In second part, this formal definition of return is given its content, i.e. Hegel's concept of state. This concept had been denied by the doctrine of liberalism as well as of Marxism and this denial, as I try to demonstrate, can be considered a theoretical cause of totalitarianism. Or, in other words, totalitarianism can be speculatively comprehended as the manifestation of this denial. Thus as long as we live in a post-totalitarian era, Hegel is our contemporary. The last part consists of an explication of Hegel's critique of understanding (Verstand). The main reason for this explication is that liberalism and Marxism are 'understanding'- theories of state, and because of that, they were not able to conceive of the state as an object of Reason (Vernunft) and therefore, they failed to recognize the state as rational in itself. The theoretical result of this analysis is that Hegel's critique of understanding can be grasped, so to speak, as a 'critique of ideology avant la lettre', if the concept of ideology is adequately redefined.