Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-15T21:44:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 5 Rafael Manzo1.pdf: 4392363 bytes, checksum: 71de84e409fb9db4c894e1b6a7d6648a (MD5) Rafael Manzo2.pdf: 4260356 bytes, checksum: 59ca5cc4582bf6dfd2ad6d6e1070a05f (MD5) Rafael Manzo3.pdf: 4200865 bytes, checksum: decc10f48b30c1fd8c1149f275447c2e (MD5) Rafael Manzo4.pdf: 3521652 bytes, checksum: f295544333d54df2ca01e691d45aa6de (MD5) Rafael Manzo5.pdf: 2281043 bytes, checksum: 26034287b165c5bbf21d401c13bf80ff (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-28 / Europe was overrun by a wave of totalitarian regimes between the decades of 1920 and 1940, motivated by a distrust of liberal democracy and economic liberalism, which, from being considered the foundation for the progress in the nineteenth century, was later regarded as responsible for the outbreak of World War I and the economic crisis that followed, which reached its climax with the collapse of stock exchange in New York, in 1929. The Italian Fascism and German Nazism stood out among these regimes, respectively as the founder and the image of success of the totalitarian right-wing, which influenced part of Latin America, including the "Estado Novo" of Getúlio Vargas. The present thesis explores the use of architecture by such dictators as one of the most effective propaganda in the construction and propagation of the image of strength that the regime wished to convey, both national and internationally. The main style used for this propaganda was Tardo- classicism, which was seen as the perfect way to communicate the totalitarian government's power. In Brazil, there was no predominance of modernist architecture for the representation of the Vargas State (1930 1945) instead, the regime's image was not associated with an unique architectural style by internationally renowned architects, as this semiotic analysis of the buildings can confirm. / A Europa foi tomada por uma onda de regimes totalitários entre as décadas de 1920 e 1940, motivados por uma descrença na democracia liberal e no liberalismo econômico que, de bases da modernidade impulsionadora do progresso a partir do século XIX, passaram a ser taxados como responsáveis pela eclosão da Primeira Guerra Mundial e pela crise econômica que se seguiu, acentuada pela quebra da bolsa de Valores de Nova York, em 1929. O Fascismo italiano e o Nazismo alemão destacaram-se, respectivamente, como o fundador e a imagem do sucesso do Totalitarismo de direita e influenciaram parte da América Latina, inclusive o Estado Novo de Getúlio Vargas. Esta tese explora a utilização da arquitetura por estes ditadores europeus, como um dos mais eficientes suportes propagandísticos da imagem de força que pretendiam transmitir, interna e externamente. O principal estilo adotado para este propósito foi o Tardo- classicismo, devido às suas possibilidades sígnicas de representar o poder instituído. No Brasil, um aparente predomínio da Arquitetura Moderna como a representação da imagem do Estado Getulista (1930-1945), causado pelo sucesso de arquitetos desta vertente e pela projeção internacional desta arquitetura, não se confirmou pois, através de um inventário de obras executadas e de uma análise semiótica dos edifícios dos principais ministérios getulistas, constatou-se a inexistência de uma linguagem arquitetônica única para este propósito

The work focuses on the issue of revisionism of Soviet history in Anglo-Saxon historiography. The aim is to analyze the causes and circumstances of Revizionism, its origins and the character of the dispute between revisionist and totalitarianist interpretation of Soviet history. It also deals with the question of whether one of the interpretations has achieved dominance in its field. Key Words Revisionism, totalitarism, historiography, Cold War, Soviet Union

To Begin Something New A Conceptual Analysis of Hannah Arendt’s Space of Appearance This essay is about Hannah Arendt’s political philosophy and uses her book, The Human Condition, as its main point of reference. Specifically it’s Arendt’s theory of political action and how it manifests in the world that is going to be explored. The method of the essay is a conceptual analysis and the aim is to answer the following question: “What is ‘the space of appearance?’” The purpose of this essay is twofold. Firstly, to expand on Arendt’s political philosophy. Secondly, it is an attempt to map Arendt's insights into the political turmoil of her time on to ours. To - through Arendt’s writing - find the tools to make clear what often seems cryptic. One of the core ideas that this essay depends on is a reading of The Human Condition through the lens of Arendt’s doctoral thesis, Love and Saint Augustine. Here she describes the concept of love in the work of the Christian philosopher, Saint Augustine of Hippo, as desire of something good. In this essay I then use this understanding of “love as desire” to describe why humans act politically. The essay revolves around Arendt’s notion that political action depends on the plurality of man and that a multitude of people acting together within “the space of appearance” creates the processes of unfolding events which constitute human history. The ability to create and reshape history is seen by Arendt as one of the core abilities that make up the human condition. But to create history, a desire for change is needed. By following this argument I come to the conclusion that those with the real potential to use this ability are the ones most oppressed and marginalized by tyrannical regimes or power structures. At the end of the essay I conclude with presenting two paramount crises that humanity is currently facing: The crisis of climate change and the large scale obsolescence of labor through automation. Instead of making an attempt to propose a solution to these crises, I argue that a lack of ability or willingness to act politically is what blocks potential possibilities for these challenges to be overcome.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T21:01:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente estudo trata do tema A reconsideração da Vita Activa na crítica ao esquecimento da Política em Hannah Arendt, resgatando a preocupação central do pensamento de Hannah Arendt: pensar sobre a política. Para aprofundar tal questão, percorre-se, de um lado, os prin-cipais eventos que causaram a crise da política e, de outro, a possibilidade de recuperação da sua dignidade e sentido. No primeiro aspecto, centra-se a discussão em dois núcleos funda-mentais: um ligado à perda da dignidade da política e o ocaso da tradição política do ocidente; e o outro que se refere ao surgimento da era moderna e a conseqüente instrumentalização da política. Em ambos, reflete-se sobre a introdução de novos conceitos e formas de organização da política, demonstrando-se que, em sua gênese, a essência da política foi danificada e trans-formada numa prática violenta, instrumentalizadora, destituída da preocupação com a realiza-ção do ser humano e com a construção do espaço público. Já no segundo aspecto, incide-se sobre as t / The present study discus The reconsideration of Vita Activa in the criticism to the forgetfull-ness of Politics in Hannah Arendt, getting back the central worry of Hannah Arendt thought: To think about politics. To deepen such question it acrosses from one side, the mean events that caused the crises in politics and, from the other side, the possibility of recovering of its dignity and meaning. At first, the discution focus on two fundamental cores: one is conected to the loss dignity of politics and the case of the ocidental politics tradiction; and the other that refers to the emerging of modern era and the consequent instrumentation of politics. On both, its concidered about the introduction of new concepts and forms of organisation of politics, showing that in its origen, the essence of politics was damaged and turned into a violent, in-strumentalist, and destituted practice of worry about human been fulfilment and building of a public space. Instead, on the second aspect, it reflects on three activities

Essayiste mondialement connu, éditorialiste dans de grands hebdomadaires français, agrégé de philosophie, Jean-François Revel a accompagné la vie intellectuelle française et internationale de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. Né le 19 janvier 1924 à Marseille, décédé le 30 avril 2006, il se caractérise par un itinéraire intellectuel qui s’ancre profondément dans son temps. Il l’est comme tous les penseurs de son siècle, certes, mais sans doute encore davantage, car il est un penseur peu théoricien, avant tout soucieux des faits. Il compose son argumentaire libéral et l’emploie dans la grande presse et dans ses essais à grand succès, au service de la défense d’une démocratie qu’il juge menacée de l’intérieur et de l’extérieur.Libéral impénitent, Revel prend résolument la défense de la démocratie libérale contre le totalitarisme communiste et le socialisme marxiste. Polémiste, il critique durement la Constitution de la Ve République, le « grand dessein » du général de Gaulle, l’Union de la gauche entre socialistes et communistes et l’antiaméricanisme des Français. Sceptique popperien, il tente de dégager les ressorts intellectuels de ce qu’il appelle la « tentation totalitaire » et de la paralysie des démocraties occidentales confrontées aux ambitions géostratégiques de l’URSS.Publiciste à la manière des écrivains du XIXe siècle, témoin des grands défis politiques, économiques, sociaux et idéologiques du XXe siècle, sentinelle isolée du libéralisme au temps du marxisme triomphant, ardent défenseur de la démocratie libérale si combattue et malmenée par les fascismes et les totalitarismes nazi et communiste, Revel aura donc occupé une place à la fois centrale et marginale dans l’histoire des idées en France.En outre, Revel est resté, en vérité, et malgré une ferme empreinte anglo-saxonne, un libéral démocrate français, certain de son ancrage à gauche en dépit des controverses le visant, affronté à une gauche française profondément marxisée et une droite gaulliste et post-gaulliste très nettement hostile au libéralisme. Pour lui, l’adhésion au libéralisme intégral n’est pas une question de dogme, mais d’expérience : le libéralisme politique assure la paix civile, l’équilibre des pouvoirs et la participation des citoyens à la vie politique ; le libéralisme économique garantit mieux que l’interventionnisme étatique l’efficacité et la justice sociale.Penseur mineur par rapport à Aron ou Hayek, essayiste et polémiste, Revel a, depuis son décès, été plongé dans un relatif confinement. Son rôle de diffuseur des idées libérales dans la grande presse – plutôt que dans les cercles universitaires – n’est que rarement souligné dans les travaux sur le libéralisme au XXe siècle. L’objet de ce travail est de tenter de remédier modestement à ce confinement. / Writer all over the world, columnist in top French weeklies, graduated in philosophy, Jean-François Revel went through the international and French intellectual life from the end of the war on. Born on July 19, 1924, Marseilles, passed away on April 30, 2006, his intellectual profile was deeply rooted in his time. So were his intellectual contempories in this century, but undoudtedly still more, because his thought was little theoritical, based on facts before all. His liberal reasoning was used in the largest press and in his best-selling books at the service of democracy, that he sees as threatened internally and externally.Publicist in the way of the 19th century-writers, watchman of prominent political, economic, social and ideological challenges in the last century, isolated sentinel of liberalism in the period of triumphant Marxism, fierce champion of liberal democracy that was fought by fascisms and Nazi and Communist totalitarianisms, Revel played a role both central and marginal in the history of ideas in France.Moreover, Revel remained, and in spite of a real Anglo-Saxon stance, a French liberal democrat, convinced of being left-winger even though he was the target of controversies, faced with both a deeply Marxised French Left and a clearly antiliberal Gaullist and post-Gaullist Right. Giving his support to integral liberalism was not a question of dogma but of experience. Political liberalism ensures civil peace, check and balance, the participation of citizens to political life, and economic liberalism is better than state interventionism to create social justice and to guarantee efficiency.Philosopher of minor interest if compared with Aron or Hayek, political writer and polemist, Revel has, since he died, been relatively confined. His role of vulgarizator of liberal ideas in the largest press – rather than in the academic inner circles – has rarely been underlined in the studies dealing with 20th century-liberalism. The topic of this thesis is to try to modestly make Revel’s work better known.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

I denna studie har ett spårande och tolkande i utvalda böcker av Astrid Lindgren skett med hjälp av historiebruk. Syftet var att ta reda på hur och om dessa tolkningar av historiebruket kan användas i historieundervisningen. Studien riktar sig mot historieämnet på gymnasieskolan. Tolkningarna av historiebruket utgår från en historiebrukstypologi där likheter mellan verkliga händelser och händelser i barnböckerna spåras. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att det genom tolkningar av historiebruk går att spåra händelser i den verkliga historien kopplat till totalitarism i barnböcker skrivna av Astrid Lindgren. Resultatet visar också att med stöd av läroplanen för gymnasieskolan är undervisning med denna typ av tolkningar möjlig. Tolkningarna av berättelserna kan fungera som ett stöd för lärare i gymnasieskolan som har för avsikt att använda sig av denna metod.

Le but de ce mémoire est de poser un regard comparatiste sur les conséquences éventuelles de la politique eugénique totalitaire du Troisième Reich, et ce, dans l’optique où ce régime aurait eu la chance de poursuivre ses ambitions à ce niveau. En portant respectivement notre attention sur la structure organisationnelle du NSDAP, de l’État et de l’autorité, sur les étapes spécifiques de l’établissement du totalitarisme hitlérien, sur les diverses techniques de propagande et d’endoctrinement utilisées par les nazis pour accomplir l’unification du peuple allemand, ainsi que sur l’application pratique et le discours relatif à la politique eugénique dans le Reich et sur les territoires occupés, nous comprendrons que le mouvement propre au totalitarisme hitlérien, en changeant constamment sa définition respective de l’« élite » et de l’être « dépravé », n’aurait jamais mis fin à la purge raciale de la population sous son joug. Par conséquent, la place de l’« allemand moyen » aurait été quasi inexistante. Le Troisième Reich, par élimination et élevage social constant, aurait donc créé un « homme nouveau », basé sur l’idéologie arbitraire et instable du régime et pigé dans les peuples occupés à divers degré. Au bout de plusieurs générations, cet être nouveau aurait constitué le « noyau racial » de la population d’une nouvelle Europe aryanisée, construite sur le cadavre de la plus grande partie des anciens peuples du continent, incluant le peuple allemand. / The aim of this memoir is to examine and compare what could have been the consequences of the Third Reich’s totalitarian eugenics, considering the context in which this regime had the opportunity to fulfill its political ambitions. In fact, the NSDAP, the state and the authority’s structure; the various steps that led to the establishment of the Hitlerian totalitarian regime; the numerous propaganda and indoctrination exercises taken on Nazis in order to achieve the german unification; the practical purposes as well as the eugenics related discourse within the Reich and all of the occupied territories, are some of the most important aspects explaining the evolution of the Hitlerian totalitarian movement. These factors clearly demonstrate why a movement that is constantly changing its opinion about the elites and the reprobates could never have put to an end the racial purge that was in place at that time. Consequently, the ordinary German citizen would have been practically nonexistent. The Third Reich would therefore have created a new type of people through elimination and by continuously manipulating the notion of class and social ranking. The nazi conception of power, the state, race, and national unity was based on an arbitrary and erratic ideology that was, to a certain extent, acquired from the invaded people. A great many generations later, this new human being would have represented the main ethnic group of the newly formed Aryan population, a nation built upon the dead bodies of the majority of the ancient people living on the European continent, including the German.

Le but de ce mémoire est de poser un regard comparatiste sur les conséquences éventuelles de la politique eugénique totalitaire du Troisième Reich, et ce, dans l’optique où ce régime aurait eu la chance de poursuivre ses ambitions à ce niveau. En portant respectivement notre attention sur la structure organisationnelle du NSDAP, de l’État et de l’autorité, sur les étapes spécifiques de l’établissement du totalitarisme hitlérien, sur les diverses techniques de propagande et d’endoctrinement utilisées par les nazis pour accomplir l’unification du peuple allemand, ainsi que sur l’application pratique et le discours relatif à la politique eugénique dans le Reich et sur les territoires occupés, nous comprendrons que le mouvement propre au totalitarisme hitlérien, en changeant constamment sa définition respective de l’« élite » et de l’être « dépravé », n’aurait jamais mis fin à la purge raciale de la population sous son joug. Par conséquent, la place de l’« allemand moyen » aurait été quasi inexistante. Le Troisième Reich, par élimination et élevage social constant, aurait donc créé un « homme nouveau », basé sur l’idéologie arbitraire et instable du régime et pigé dans les peuples occupés à divers degré. Au bout de plusieurs générations, cet être nouveau aurait constitué le « noyau racial » de la population d’une nouvelle Europe aryanisée, construite sur le cadavre de la plus grande partie des anciens peuples du continent, incluant le peuple allemand. / The aim of this memoir is to examine and compare what could have been the consequences of the Third Reich’s totalitarian eugenics, considering the context in which this regime had the opportunity to fulfill its political ambitions. In fact, the NSDAP, the state and the authority’s structure; the various steps that led to the establishment of the Hitlerian totalitarian regime; the numerous propaganda and indoctrination exercises taken on Nazis in order to achieve the german unification; the practical purposes as well as the eugenics related discourse within the Reich and all of the occupied territories, are some of the most important aspects explaining the evolution of the Hitlerian totalitarian movement. These factors clearly demonstrate why a movement that is constantly changing its opinion about the elites and the reprobates could never have put to an end the racial purge that was in place at that time. Consequently, the ordinary German citizen would have been practically nonexistent. The Third Reich would therefore have created a new type of people through elimination and by continuously manipulating the notion of class and social ranking. The nazi conception of power, the state, race, and national unity was based on an arbitrary and erratic ideology that was, to a certain extent, acquired from the invaded people. A great many generations later, this new human being would have represented the main ethnic group of the newly formed Aryan population, a nation built upon the dead bodies of the majority of the ancient people living on the European continent, including the German.