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本研究為第一本運用數位人文學於政治學領域的研究著作，隨著電腦科技及網際網路的快速發展，過去許多僅能以紙本方式加以儲存的政府檔案與歷史文件，在經過電腦科技的輔助下完成數位化工作。數位化後的文檔即可提供研究者進一步研究與分析使用；對此，本研究採取文字探勘(Text-Mining)技術針對數位化後的資料進行論述分析(Discourse Analysis)，由於本研究的資料來源是奠基在數位化文本上透過文字探勘技術所進行的論述分析；因此本研究在此提出一種基於數位人文方法上的論述途徑:數位論述方法(Digital Discourse Analysis, DDA)。以此作為本研究重要的論述與分析基礎，具體的論述分析步驟與策略則採用Norman Fairclough的三段論述分析法，將文本、論述與社會行動加以聯結，並與數位論述分析法加以結合，發展出基於文本的五大分析步驟:總篇數與總字數分析、關鍵詞變化趨勢分析、情緒形容詞使用分析、論述策略使用分析、重大議題聯結分析以及政策論述策略圖像等五項具體分析步驟與架構。有了上述具體的研究步驟後，研究者將研究的對象至於國內四大報(自由時報、中國時報、蘋果日報以及聯合報)，2009-2014年六年間針對ECFA所做的新聞報導內容以及兩大黨(民主進步黨、中國國民黨)，2009-2014年六年間ECFA政策新聞稿及相關內容，進行論述分析。運用上述五個具體步驟，勾勒出臺灣四大報與兩大黨在針對ECFA進行報導與政策論述時的論述策略使用及語言使用模式。 研究結果顯示，四大報中，中國時報與聯合報對於ECFA的新聞報導內容與論述策略較為類似，皆為正向報導、弱監督式以及社會民生議題聯結度低的報導策略；相較之下，自由時報的報導策略則明顯與中國時報及聯合報不同，自由時報常以強監督式的方式進行報導，並且與社會民生議題的聯結程度較高。蘋果日報方面，ECFA新聞議題並非其報導的重要內容，但與另外三大報相比，蘋果日報的ECFA新聞報導與國際議題的聯結程度較高，也較關心到區域經濟整合等相關議題。在兩大黨方面，對於ECFA的政策論述皆以政治類與經貿類關鍵詞為主要論述主軸，國際以及社會民生議題則是因循著不同年度社會、政治經濟脈絡的不同而策略性的出現；另外，兩大黨的ECFA政策論述皆以內銷導向、國際與社會議題工具性出現、論述立場尚屬中立等共同特性，但較不一樣的是民主進步黨的ECFA政策論述具有高監督性、而中國國民黨的ECFA政策論述則具有高針對性與回應性的特質。除了上述的研究發現外，本研究最後研究者也將此次的研究嘗試與社會科學研究趨勢往「語言」、「論述」、「詮釋」轉向進行討論，以及2000年以後政治學所出現的「改造運動」(Perestroika Movement)進行認識論與方法論的討論。讓本研究成果不僅具有實證價值、更擁有與社會科學和政治學研究發展趨勢對話之效。 / This study is the first book applying digital humanities on Political Science research. After digitized document, that can provide research to do more and deeper analysis. This study used digitized document to do discourse analysis. Due to technology development I advocated a brand new analysis framework: Digital Discourse Analysis (DDA). Practical discourse analysis steps, I introduced Norman Fairclough's idea about: three steps of analysis, link text, discourse and social action. Basic on Fairclough's framework, I developed a five steps analysis: the total number of articles and number of words analysis, keywords trend analysis, emotional adjectives use analysis, discourse strategy use analysis, association analysis of major issues and policy discourse strategies image analysis. I found that the China Times and the United Daily News are more similar on ECFA news reports contents and policy discourse strategies. They usually positive reported, low level of supervised and weak linked to livelihood and social issues reported. On the contrary, Liberty Times was more supervised reported and higher degree of link to social and livelihood issues. As for Apple Daily, ECFA issue is not an important part of its news reported issues. Two major parties ECFA policy discourse have some similar characteristics: begin domestic policy discourse-oriented, international and social issues instrumental appear and discourse stand neutrality. On the other hand, Democratic Progressive Party ECFA policy discourse has more high supervisory; Kuomintang ECFA policy discourse has highly-targeted and responsive characteristics. In this study, the researcher will also discuss some new trend of social science research including of language turn, discourse turn and interpretation turn. And discuss Epistemology and Methodology issues after 2000 Perestroika Movement. So that make this research not only has the empirical research value, but also has the value of dialogue on political science and social science research trends.

The EU’s Trade Relations with China (1975-2008): <p>A Linkage Power at Work?<p><p>(Summary)<p><p>The central aim of this thesis is to improve our understanding of the EU’s power, in particular in its external trade relations/negotiations. Our hypothesis is that the EU is a distinctive kind of linkage power, defined as an actor relying on linkage as a crucial modus operandi in its external relations. We explored how, to what extent and in which distinctive ways the EU is such a linkage power. <p>Our analysis was based on three logically interrelated concepts – power resources, linkage and linkage power. Linkage refers to a leveraging strategy, with an aim of packaging relevant power resources, so as to increase leverage in bargaining, or more generally attain a policy objective. I identified seven types of linkages that the EU used: political-economic issue linkage, economic-economic issue linkage, conditionality, contextual linkage, linkage with a third party, cognitive linkage and synergistic linkage. Linkage can hardly work without proper power resources. The latter, as Dahl (1970) defined, refers to all the resources-opportunities, acts, objects etc – that an actor can exploit in order to affect the behaviour of another. So, linkage is a bridge between power resources and impacts – meaning affecting or changing the behaviour of another party. By putting linkage and power together, we created a new term – “linkage power”, referring to a power based on linkages. The EU, the US, China or any other power can all be such labelled, though these actors may diverge in power resources, linkage strategies and the variables affecting linkage effectiveness. When applying such an analytical framework to the EU, we gave particular attention to the implications of the EU’s sui generis nature on its linkage power.<p>Our case study is the EU’s trade relations with China (1975-2008), which were punctuated by two critical historical junctures – the Tian’anmen Square Incident in 1989 and the EU-China Textile Crisis in 2005. In 1975, The EEC’s successful strategy by linking political issues (Europe-China balancing the Soviet Union and recognising China’s sovereignty over Taiwan) with economic issues (signing the EEC-China Trade Agreement) played a crucial role in securing the establishment of diplomatic relations between the EEC and China. Different types of linkages were then applied to the EEC’s negotiations with Beijing on the 1978 Trade Agreement and the 1979 textile agreement, which effectively prompted the Chinese side to agree to the EU’s terms.<p>Immediately after the 1989 Tian’anmen Square Incident, the EC imposed economic sanctions with an aim of coercing China to accept Western world’s human rights conditions. This linkage did not last long or pay off due to divergent political and economic interests among the Member States and the EC’s institutional handicaps (foreign policy competence was largely in the hands of Member States, collective foreign policy action was non-binding), and soon de-linked.<p>Having realised that confrontational approach did not work well, the EC/EU and its Member States started to change their China policies in 1993-95. The period of 1993-2004 witnessed the EC/EU’s power through partnership. The strategic partnership was seen as a complex of different pairs of issue linkages, ranging from political-strategic issues to economic and human rights issues. The partnership, once established, had fostered new linkages and consolidated old ones. China’s WTO accession was seen as a once-in-a-century opportunity for the EU to exercise linkage through conditionality, so as to extract market access concessions from the Chinese side. Moreover, by linking with China could the European Commission garnered international support for advancing the Galileo project within the Union and ward off some of the US pressure in 2003. <p>The Year 2005 was singled out since an unprecedented trade row on textiles broke out, confronting the EU against China’s export prowess resulting from globalisation and China’s WTO accession. Linkages were used as a predominant strategy to help the EU to persuade and press the Chinese side firstly accept voluntary export restrictions and then share the burden of allowing the blocked textiles in European ports to be released. In 2006-08, the trade deficit problem emerged, coupled with a series political spats between Europe (France and Germany) and Beijing on the Tibet issue. As the EU-China honeymoon was over, the Commission toughened its approach towards China. Although linkage was again used to redress the trade deficit, its effects were not satisfactory, as the EU power resources were eroded. <p>Our conclusions are (1) linkage is a crucial modus operandi in the EU’s internal bargain and its external relations with China; (2) Linkage was generally effective vis-à-vis China, but with variations, either over time or across different linkage types; (3) The EU is a sui generis linkage power, resulting from its institutional characteristics and heterogeneity of interests among the Commission and Member States. We find that the EU’s increased institutionalisation (both regional and bilateral) and competences generally facilitated its use of linkage strategies. The EU’s sui generis structure and its internal interest divergences have mixed implications on its linkage effectiveness. On one hand, the EU’s linkage power was weakened accordingly. But on the other, the Commission could tactically make use of some Member State government’s row with Beijing and advance its own economic agenda (such as the EU-China High-level Economic and Trade Dialogue, HED). Moreover, our research also confirmed Andrew Moravcsik’s argument that issue linkage is more easily made within an issue-area than across issue-areas. But we differ from him on the reason behind that. We find that this was largely attributable to the EU’s pillar structure and competence divisions. <p>The theoretical contributions include: (1) Linkage power provides a distinctive prism to look into the EU’s concrete strategies in internal bargains, and external commercial negotiations. Linkage serves as a crucial strategy for the EU to handle its relations with a far-abroad country like China, including establishing diplomatic relations, negotiating trade deals, forging strategic partnerships and holding high-level dialogue. (2) Giving some insights to the EU’s actorness. We find that the EU, though institutionally not a unitary actor, was somehow able to present its power to the extent like a sovereign state on some occasions using linkage strategies. (3) Contributing to the understanding of the EU’s means to spread its governance model. We find that the EU’s norm-setting goals have often been achieved through non-normative ways – such as interest exchange and trade-off, and other deliberate ways of persuasion and even coercion, mainly based on linkage. (4) Shedding light on the interactions between the Commission and the Member State governments and on the Commission’s autonomy in external trade relations. <p> Two future directions of research have been identified: (1) comparative studies: the EU’s linkage practices vis-à-vis the US, Russia and middle powers, or other actors’ linkage strategies vis-à-vis China; (2) post-Lisbon linkage strategies used by the EU. <p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Abstract Trade between Finland and Japan underwent remarkable development in both quantity and value from the early commercial connections at the beginning of the 20th century until the 1970s and the first oil crisis. At first, the exports to Japan and imports from Japan were handled by European trade intermediaries. Gradually these indirect trade networks were superseded by semi-direct and direct networks between Finnish and Japanese companies. Trade networks and their evolution steered the flow of goods, which for Finnish exports mainly consisted of forest industry products, namely, pulp and paper. The nature of Japanese imports was, however, more versatile, consisting of readymade consumer goods, such as textiles. Since the 1950s, the imports have been mostly high technology products – cameras and cars and related goods. Bilateral trade relations were especially significant from the standpoint of Finnish foreign trade, as Japan became one of Finland’s most important trading partners. Their trade relationship also had a broader significance for international commerce, especially in the early 1960s when Finland became the first market in Europe to start regular imports of Japanese cars. This study establishes a network theory of international trade relations based on an actor tier division between and within trade and trade policy activity. The trade activities by private companies is divided into three types of networks, which then form direct, semi-direct and indirect export and import activities. The same network type division also applies to trade policy activity by governments and other actors. Based on extensive empirical evidence, it is argued that the types of cooperation (networks) between companies and their evolution have determined the development leading to commercial success, stagnation, or a downward trend in Finnish-Japanese trade. On the other hand, the role of trade policy relationships has in most cases been confined to setting or dismantling the limitations of actual trade activity. Trade policy relations further have played only a minor role in promoting trade, which is fundamentally based on the network building that take place between private corporations. An extensive amount of archival and other sources collected from archives and libraries in Finland and Japan were used in this doctoral thesis. / Tiivistelmä Suomen ja Japanin välinen tavarakauppa kehittyi määrässä ja arvossa mitattuna 1900-luvun alun pienestä purosesta vuolaaksi virraksi 1970-luvun ja ensimmäisen öljykriisin vuosiin mennessä. Yhteyksien alkuvaiheessa vienti Japaniin ja tuonti Suomeen kulkivat eurooppalaisten välikäsien kautta, mutta vähitellen nämä kaupan epäsuorat verkostot saivat rinnalleen suomalaisten ja japanilaisten yhtiöiden väliset suorat ja välittömät yhteistyöverkostot ja lopulta korvautuivat niillä. Verkostot ja niiden evoluutio ohjasivat kaupan tavaravirran kehitystä, joka suomalaisen viennin osalta painottui puunjalostusteollisuuden tuotteisiin ‒ pääasiassa selluloosaan ja paperiin. Japanilaisten tavaroiden tuonti oli rakenteeltaan monipuolisempaa koostuen suoraan kuluttajille tarkoitetuista kappale- ja tekstiilitavaroista ja 1950-luvulta lähtien korkean teknologian tuotteista, kuten kameroista ja henkilöautoista. Kahdenkeskisten kauppasuhteiden merkitys korostui varsinkin Suomen ulkomaankaupassa, sillä Japanista tuli yksi Suomen huomattavimmista kauppakumppaneista. Kauppasuhteilla oli kahdenkeskisiä yhteyksiä laajempiakin vaikutuksia, joista ehkä merkittävin oli japanilaisten henkilöautojen pysyvä rantautuminen Suomen kautta Euroopan markkinoille 1960-luvun alussa. Tutkimuksen tuloksena on syntynyt kansainvälisten kauppasuhteiden verkostoteoria, joka perustuu kaupan ja kauppapolitiikan väliseen toimijatasojakoon. Kauppasuhteiden kaupallinen toiminta jakautuu verkostotyypeittäin välittömään, suoraan ja epäsuoraan vienti- ja tuontitoimintaan samoin kuin kauppapoliittinenkin toiminta omissa vuorovaikutussuhteissaan. Tutkimuksen laajat empiiriset näytöt osoittavat, että yritysten välisen yhteistyösuhteen eli verkoston tyypistä ja evoluutiosta riippuen on kaupallisten toimijoiden välinen vuorovaikutus joko kasvanut, jähmettynyt tai kuihtunut pois. Kauppapoliittisilla suhteilla oli Suomen ja Japanin väliseen kauppavaihtoon ennen kaikkea rajoittava ja vähäisemmässä määrin edistävä vaikutus. Yritysten välisten yhteistyöverkostojen synty ja kehitys perustuivat jokaisen yhtiön omaan myynti- ja ostopolitiikkaan, jolla toimijat määrittelivät suhteensa kohdemarkkinoihin ja yhteistyökumppaniensa kanssa käytävään kaupalliseen toimintaan. Tutkimuksessa on laaja-alaisesti hyödynnetty useiden kaupan ja kauppapolitiikan toimijoiden lähdeaineistoja Suomesta ja Japanista. / 要旨 １９００年代初頭から１９７０年代に至るまで、フィンランドの対日本貿易は輸出入数量に加えて、通商関係上の重要性という観点からも目覚ましい発展を遂げてきた。貿易開始当初、両国間の取引は在欧仲介業者を通して行われる間接貿易の形式がとられていたが、次第にフィンランドと日本の企業間ネットワークを利用した直接貿易や準直接貿易がそれに取って代わるようになっていった。さらに、貿易ネットワークとその発展は物流動向にも影響をもたらした。フィンランドは主に森林資源を利用した産業製品、つまりはパルプや印刷紙の輸出に重点を置き、日本はフィンランドとの貿易開始当初より、織物をはじめとした多岐にわたる既製品を輸出しており、特に１９５０年代からはカメラや自家用車といったハイテク製品の輸出に主軸を置いてきた。 日本が対外貿易における最重要取引国のひとつになったため、フィンランドにとって日本との二国間貿易は特に重視すべきものであった。１９６０年代、フィンランドは日本製自家用車をヨーロッパ諸国に定期的に輸出するための玄関口としても重要な役割を果たしていたため、二国間貿易が与える影響は日本とフィンランドの二か国にとどまらず、より広範に及ぶものになった。 本研究により、商業活動と貿易政策の両方を取り巻く当事者たちによって構成された分割多重構造に基づく国際貿易のネットワーク理論が導き出された。企業間の通商関係は直接貿易・準直接貿易・間接貿易の三つのネットワーク形態に分類され、同様のネットワークの分類型は国の貿易政策によって結ばれた通商関係の分類にも適用できるものである。幅広い経験的証拠に基づいた研究により、フィン日貿易においては、企業同士の協力体制や企業間のネットワーク展開が、取引を商業的成功へと発展させていくか、もしくは逆に停滞・停止させてしまうかを左右する要因であったことが明らかになった。その一方で、貿易政策によって結ばれた国家間の通商関係は概して実質的には貿易活動を制限し、さらには阻害する要因となっていたと結論付けられた。貿易契約締結や貿易活動の発展は民間企業が各自で結んだ売買契約、即ち民間企業の間に構築されたネットワークを基盤としており、貿易政策としての通商関係が貿易関係促進のために果たす役割は事実上軽微なものであった。 本論文は、フィンランドと日本において収集した経済・経済政策に関する広範な文献資料を用いて執筆されたものである。

Les fouilles archéologiques à Argilos qui ont pris place entre 1992 et 2018 ont permis de mettre à jour une quantité monumentale d’artéfacts de bronze. Comptabilisant près de 750 artéfacts, la collection d’objets de bronze d’Argilos illustre multiples facettes de la vie, entre autres, quotidienne, domestique et commerciale, qui animaient Argilos depuis sa fondation au VIIe siècle avant J.-C. jusqu’à ce que la cité tombe aux mains de Philippe II, en 357 avant J.-C. L’étude de ce matériel inédit donnera l’occasion, tout d’abord, de faire le point sur nos connaissances liées à l’industrie métallurgique grecque. Sont abordées toutes les étapes préalables à la fabrication d’un produit fini. La seconde partie de ce mémoire consiste en le recensement dans un catalogue détaillé de chaque artéfact mis au jour à Argilos, Celui- ci permet ainsi d’actualiser et de compiler les connaissances sur le matériel de bronze provenant spécifiquement des cités grecques nord-égéennes et d’ainsi compléter et confirmer l’information consignée dans le dixième volume des fouilles d’Olynthe, soit le catalogue le plus récent sur le sujet. L’analyse de la répartition spatiale de ce matériel permet de développer notre compréhension du site archéologique en termes d’utilisation des bâtiments, de leur construction et des activités quotidiennes qui s’y déroulaient. Finalement, une analyse stylistique permet de valider plusieurs hypothèses et d’émettre plusieurs postulats quant à la place qu’occupe Argilos dans le commerce régional et méditerranéen, et à la composition de la population qui l’habite. / The archaeological excavations that took place between 1992 and 2018 have allowed the discovery of a monumental amount of bronze artifacts. Accounting for nearly 750 artifacts, the collection of Argilos bronze objects illustrates several aspects of life, daily, domestic and commercial, which animated Argilos from its foundation in the 7th century BC until when Philipp II conquered the city, in 357 BC. The study of this material, never published before, will give the opportunity, first of all, to gather all of our knowledge related to the Greek metallurgical industry. All the steps prior to the manufacture of a finished product are covered in that first section. The second part of this thesis consists of the census in a detailed catalog of each artefact unearthed at Argilos. Thus, it will allow to complete and confirm the information recorded in the tenth volume of the Olynthe excavations, that is to say the most recent catalog on the subject. The analysis of the spatial distribution of this material allows us to develop our understanding of the archaeological site in terms of the use of the buildings, their construction and the daily activities that took place there. Finally, a stylistic analysis validates several hypotheses and permits the development of several assumptions about the place occupied by Argilos in regional and Mediterranean trade, and the composition of the population that inhabits it.

Les accords de libre-échange sont généralement étudiés indépendamment les uns des autres; ou, quand ils le sont conjointement, le détail des dispositions n'est pas présenté. L'objet ici est de fournir un tracé des différents accords de libre-échange entre le Canada et les États-Unis, aussi loin qu'il est possible de remonter. Nous couvrons: le traité de réciprocité de 1854; l'accord rejeté de 1911; les deux accords issus de la vision de Hull de 1935 et 1938; l'accord avorté de 1947; le Pacte de l'automobile de 1965; et les trois accords les plus récents, soit l'ALÉ, l'ALÉNA et l'ACÉUM. Le survol proposé est prépondéramment juridique. Il s'agit d'abord et avant tout de la comparaison des dispositions des différents accords. En outre, nous nous concentrons sur le commerce de biens, car c'est le seul fil conducteur qui permette des parallèles remontant jusqu'au XIX e siècle. Ensuite, cette analyse est baignée dans un contexte historique, dans la mesure où celui-ci aide à bien mieux cerner les enjeux soulevés par les dispositions spécifiques. Enfin, nous ajoutons à ce corps de l'étude des observations de nature économique. De ce fait, nous proposons une approche multidisciplinaire: le détail de la méthodologie suivie est exposé en détail. À présent, de manière plus précise, la problématique soulevée est la suivante: à l'étude de toutes les ententes commerciales entre le Canada et les États-Unis, quelle est la forme, l'approche, qui est la plus susceptible de faciliter efficacement le commerce entre les deux pays dans l'avenir? La conclusion est fort simple: les accords de libre-échange à spectre large—c'est-à-dire comprenant plusieurs secteurs producteurs de biens—ont en général été plus faillibles que les accords sectoriels, qui se concentrent sur des questions plus modestes, mais plus précises. En effet, les trois derniers accords de libre-échange entre le Canada et les États-Unis sont, derrière des apparences d'ententes englobantes, en dernière analyse, des amalgames d'accords sectoriels agencés dans une charpente à aspirations globales. C'est là la conclusion principale des présents efforts. Nous tirons en outre plusieurs points de synthèse, qui aident à illustrer les points fixes caractérisant les relations commerciales entre le Canada et les États-Unis au fil des décennies. / When free trade agreements are studied, they are usually considered independently of each other or, when they are examined jointly, the details of the provisions are not presented. The aim here is to provide an overview of the various free trade agreements between Canada and the United States, going as far back as is feasible. We do cover: the reciprocity treaty of 1854; the rejected agreement of 1911; the two agreements based on Hull's views of 1935 and 1938; the aborted agreement of 1947; the auto pact of 1965; and the three most recent agreements, FTA, NAFTA and the USMCA. The proposed survey is predominantly juridical in nature. It is first and foremost a comparison of the provisions of the various agreements. In particular, we focus on trade in goods, as this is the only thread that allows for parallels going back to the 19th century. Next, this analysis is framed in historical contexts, as these help us better understand the issues raised by the various provisions. Finally, economic comments are added to this core of the research. We thus propose a multidisciplinary perspective: the finer points of the followed methodology are set out in detail. Now, more specifically, the main question raised is spelled out as follows: after considering all of the trade agreements between Canada and the United States, what is the format, the approach, that is most likely to be the most effective in facilitating trade between the two countries in the future? The conclusion is quite simple: broad-spectrum free trade agreements—that is, agreements that cover several goods-producing sectors—have generally been more fallible than sectoral agreements, which focus on smaller, but more specific issues. Indeed, the last three free trade deals between Canada and the United States are, behind the appearances of all-encompassing agreements, essentially amalgamations of sectoral agreements arranged in a framework of global aspirations. This is the main conclusion of our research. We also make several other synthetical points, which illustrate some of the unwavering issues that have characterized the Canada-U.S. trade relationship over the years.