Orientador: Angela Maria Carneiro Araujo / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T14:20:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Filgueiras_VitorAraujo_M.pdf: 1185068 bytes, checksum: 60453c1659217179a4b135ee0faebd41 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: A presente dissertação discute o aprofundamento da pulverização da organização sindical no Brasil após a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988. O objetivo principal do texto é apontar alguns elementos para a construção de uma explicação para tal pulverização ¿ que também chamarei de atomização ou fragmentação sindical, e significa o incremento do número de entidades com diminuição do quantum médio de trabalhadores associados e representados. Houve alterações e continuidades na legislação concernente à organização sindical na Constituição de 1988, concentradas no seu artigo 8o. Como já apontaram alguns autores, o novo quadro normativo estimulou o crescimento do número de sindicatos, especialmente pela implicação entre ¿monopólio de representação¿ e garantia de contribuições compulsórias para as entidades. Porém, a literatura subestimou as modificações introduzidas pela Carta Política, que deixaram abertas novas possibilidades de organização dos sindicatos. Creio que, além das questões legais, algumas mudanças no chamado ¿mundo do trabalho¿ e a permanência (ou radicalização) de aspectos da cultura sindical brasileira são fatores chaves para explicar o aprofundamento da fragmentação da organização sindical do país. Toda a discussão tem como base empírica os dados da Pesquisa Sindical do IBGE (2003), que abrange o universo dos sindicatos brasileiros existentes ao final do ano de 2001, sendo complementados por números fornecidos pelo Ministério do Trabalho e Emprego até o ano de 2005 / Abstract: This dissertation discusses the further fragmentation of the trade union organization in Brazil after the promulgation of the Federal Constitution of 1988. The main objective of the text is pointing some elements for the construction of a former explanation for such fragmentation - which I also call as union atomization, and means increase in the number of entities with decrease in the average quantum of members and workers represented. There were continuities and changes in legislation concerning trade union in the Constitution of 1988, concentrated in its Article 8. As pointed out by some authors, the new regulatory framework stimulated growth in the number of unions, especially by implication between "monopoly of representation" and guarantee of compulsory contributions for the entities. However, the literature underestimated the changes, which left open new possibilities for union organization. I believe that, in addition to legal issues, some changes in the so-called "world of labor" and permanence (or radical) of aspects of Brazilian culture union are key factors to explain the further fragmentation of the union organization in the country. The entire discussion is based on empirical data from the Trade Union Research of the IBGE (2003), which covers the universe of the Brazilian unions existing at the end of 2001, as supplemented by figures provided by the Ministry of Labour and Employment by the year of 2005 / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

This qualitative study examines whether, and to what extent, gender equality can be used for trade-union revitalisation purposes. The white-collar unions; Unionen and Fackförbundet ST, are two prominent cases of studying actor’s promotion of gender equality on the Swedish labour market. This study sets out two questions; In what ways do they work with gender issues? Why do they work with gender equality - Is it being used strategically or because they think that it is an important issue? The empirical study is based on twenty interviews with the respective union leadership, elected representatives and officials. The results of the study show that both unions are working on gender equality, because their members consider gender equality to be a priority. As regards the issue of gender equality as a strategy, my study shows that Unionen is working on gender equality as a strategy while Fackförbundet ST do not. Unionen do so that they can recruit a new group, namely young members. Therefore, my study shows that gender equality can be used as a union revitalisation strategy. The study also shows that union revitalisation strategies are contextual in the sense that strategies that work in countries with high female employment rates and high female union coverage, are different from strategies that work in countries with low female employment rates and low female union coverage.

La loi du 20 août 2008 portant rénovation de la démocratie sociale a institué un nouveaumode de reconnaissance de la représentativité syndicale. Cette réforme a renouvelé les critères de lareprésentativité syndicale dont l’audience électorale des organisations syndicales aux électionsprofessionnelles constitue le socle. Dès lors, la représentativité syndicale n’est plus déterminée par unschéma descendant du niveau national et interprofessionnel vers les branches et les entreprises maispar un système ascendant dont le point de départ est l’entreprise. Ce changement a créé non seulementun lien entre les organisations syndicales et la communauté de travail mais également un lien entre lesreprésentants syndicaux et la communauté de travail dont le vote des salariés constitue le principalfondement. Désormais, la reconnaissance des périmètres des institutions représentatives élues dupersonnel conditionne ceux d’appréciation de la représentativité syndicale. Ainsi, l’enchevêtrementdes établissements distincts pour la mise en place des institutions représentatives élues du personnelrend délicate l’appréciation de la représentativité syndicale dans les entreprises à structure complexe.Face aux nouveaux enjeux liés à la reconnaissance de ces périmètres, l’employeur et les représentantsdes organisations syndicales pourraient être amenés à les instrumentaliser dans ce type d’entreprise.A ce titre, nous confronterons les dispositions de la loi du 20 août 2008, telles que réceptionnées par lajurisprudence, avec les garanties qu’elles apportent pour la préservation des liens précédemmentévoqués dans les entreprises à structure complexe. / The law of 20 August 2008 on renewing social democracy has established a new way ofrecognition of trade union representativeness. This reform has renewed the criteria for trade unionrepresentativeness whose the number of votes for trade unions in personnel representative bodies is thefoundation. Therefore, trade union representativeness is no longer determined by a top-down approachfrom national level to branch and company level, but by a bottom-up system where the starting point isthe company. This change has created not only a link between trade unions and the workingcommunity, but also a link between union representatives and the working community whose vote isthe main foundation. Now, the recognition of the boundaries of the elected personnel representativebodies determines where trade union representativeness will be appreciated. Thus, the tangle ofseparate institutions for the establishment of elected personnel representative bodies makes nuancedappreciation of union representativeness in the complex-structure companies. Faced with newchallenges related to the recognition of these boundaries, the social partners could be asked to exploitthem in this type of companies. As such, we will confront the law of 20 August 2008, as interpreted bycase law, with the guarantees they provide for the preservation of the links mentioned above incomplex-structure companies.

The aim of this work is to describe the quality of social dialogue in local government in the area of Czech Republic, to find out if there is, in the presence of trade union in the local government institutions, a positive influence on civil servants working for local authorities and if the impacts on austerity measures realized are reduced. For this purpose, it is important to give a detailed description of a position and function that the local government in the public sector in the Czech Republic has and to clarify a position of civil servants working for local authorities. In this work, there is also described the system of social dialog and there are analyzed the social dialog institutions with the aim of the local government. In order to find out the trade union influence over the public servants working for local authorities satisfaction, it is carried out a survey at all levels of local government. It is found a little influence on the satisfaction that the trade unions have, resulting from a relatively poor labor union organized character. This situation is, in connection with austerity measures, one cause of the social dialog in the public sector ineffectiveness.

Assurer un équilibre, entre les différentes parties du contrat du travail, a toujours été l'un des buts de la création de la branche du droit du travail. La mise en place des règles du droit du travail réside, certes, dans une finalité particulière ; elle est constituée par la volonté d'émanciper le travailleur même, dans l'espace de l'entreprise. C'est assurément dans le même dessein que, pour permettre aux libertés individuelles de ne pas rester à la lisière de l'entreprise, des droits d'expression collective ont été attribués aux travailleurs : la liberté syndicale, le droit de grève et le principe de participation. Il convient d'étudier la fondamentalité de ces droits, dans un champ qui doit nécessairement s'affranchir de tout ordre juridique national, en regard du caractère universel dont ils disposent. Mais encore faut-il partir de deux ordres internes pour mener une réflexion non superficielle. Comment ne pas dès lors partir du « pays des droits de l'homme » et du « quartier latin de l'Afrique », pour voir dans quelle mesure les droits fondamentaux de l'homme au travail sont partout respectés. La problématique de « mimétisme juridique » génère t-elle des difficultés sur le plan des garanties des libertés collectives des travailleurs en Afrique et, plus précisément, au Bénin ? Qu'en est-il de la réalité des droits fondamentaux de l'homme au travail dans l'ex Dahomey ? Telles sont les formes de questions auxquelles cette étude comparative des libertés collectives des travailleurs se propose d'apporter une esquisse de réponse. / To ensure a balance, between the different parts of the work contract, has always been the aim of the employment law creation. The implementation of the rules of employment law certainly has got a particular purpose. It is constituted by the wish to get the worker emancipated in the business space. It is certainly in the same purpose that, in order to enable individual liberties not to remain in the edge of the enterprise, those collective expressions rights were given to workers: the liberty of trade unions, the right to strike and the principle of participation. We will have to study the fundamental nature of those rights in a way which would be totally free of any national legal system, in regard of the universal character there have. However, we still have to start from two internal orders to reach a non-superficial reflexion. Then, why shall we not focus on the “human right country” and the “Latin district of Africa” to understand in which extent fundamental human rights regarding employment are respected everywhere. Does the “mimicry legal” issue generate difficulties in Africa workers' collective liberties and freedom field and more specifically in Benin? What about fundamental human rights regarding employment in ex Dahomey? That comparative study on worker's collective liberties will make an attempt to answer.

Cette thèse vise à éclairer à partir d'une étude longitudinale un double paradoxe entre syndicat, gestion et environnement. Nous reconstituons à partir d’archives syndicales le processus qui a permis aux syndicats et plus précisément aux confédérations d’acquérir une légitimité sur les problèmes environnementaux à partir des années 1970. En réponse aux absurdités de la société et du fait de leur responsabilité vis-à-vis des salariés qu'elles défendent, elles mettent en place des politiques syndicales environnementales qui bien qu’irrégulières permettent un appui à l'action des militants pour la préservation des emplois, des conditions de vie des salariés dans l'entreprise (santé, sécurité) et hors de l'entreprise. Leur expertise en partie éclipsée par le jeu des acteurs en force autour d'elles les autorise à être régulièrement force de proposition auprès des décideurs institutionnels notamment pour un cadre juridique propice au dialogue environnemental; elles participent ainsi à la construction du premier rapport de développement durable en 2001. Au-delà de la construction d'une histoire syndicale, cette thèse contribue à la définition du concept de participation à la gestion et à celui de la gestion environnementale (Richard, 2012). / This thesis intends to highlight, thanks to a longitudinal study, a double paradox between union, management and environment. The process that has enabled unions and more precisely confederations to gain legitimacy about environmental issues since the 1970's was reconstructed based on trade-union archives. In reply to the absurdities of society and owing to the responsibility for the employees they defend, confederations set up union environmental policies. These policies, despite being irregular, are a support to activist actions to protect jobs, working conditions (health, safety) and personal life conditions of workers. Their expertise, partly outshined by other powerful actors, allows them to often be proactive with institutional decision-makers especially in order to have a legal framework favourable to a dialogue concerning the environment. That's how they participated in the creation of the first sustainable development report in 2001. Beyond the construction of a union history, this thesis contributes to the definition of the concept of participation in management and environmental management (Richard, 2012).

Cracks in the Spirit of Community is a study of a Swedishtrade union in a period of change. Increasingly, traditionaltrade unions´ work based on collective solutions has comeinto question, and the customer perspective of trade unionactivities is becoming more prominent. At the same time, ageneration of mainstay trade union supporters at ourcountry´s workplaces are approaching retirement age. Howdo these - now ageing - children of Sweden´s"people´s home" hand over our society´s institutionsand pass on its traditions to a new generation? Is there a riskthat knowledge will be lost? And is anyone in the newgeneration ready to receive this knowledge? A systematic and structured dialogue with participants fromSif, Sweden´s leading white collar union, helped developthis complex of problems. The work focused on the interactionbetween people to build up a community of understanding, whichwas at the core of earlier trade union tradition. Broadeningthe present pattern of action allows more long-term trends tobe traced. A disregard for matters of common concern, andunstated dissension, cause cracks in the spirit of community,cracks that undermine the power of collective action inpolitical matters. This dissertation poses complex questionsabout democracy, participation and common responsibility. The case study was carried out as a series of dialogueseminars with a carefully-selected group of people from Sif.The dialogue seminar method was developed to bring to the foretacit knowledge in skills research. By focussing onvalue-based, shared human knowledge, the dissertation puts tothe test a new application of the dialogue seminar method. Thisstudy illustrates a shift from common interests to individualinterests. It points out general trends in the development ofour society - a trade union member, an employee and a citizenis often one and the same person. / <p>QC 20120208</p>

Pour devenir plus flexible, le secteur public a ouvert la voie à de nouveaux principes inspirés de la gestion propre aux firmes, soit la marchandisation des services (Fairbrother et Poynter, 2001). Notre recherche souhaite mieux comprendre les facteurs qui peuvent influencer l’implication du syndicat lorsque la marchandisation est introduite dans la gestion de la prestation des services municipaux. Pour se faire, nous avons choisi de comparer des cas des municipalités dans deux pays, la Ville de Québec et Edinburgh en Écosse, afin de nous aider à comprendre davantage les interactions entre les influences nationales et locales. Nous proposons que les ressources de pouvoir du syndicat local et la stratégie patronale influencent l’implication du syndicat dans la gestion de la prestation des services municipaux, peu importe le contexte national. Les résultats de la recherche nous indiquent que les ressources de pouvoir et la stratégie patronale influencent directement l’implication syndicale. Alors que les ressources de pouvoir donnent un rapport de force au syndicat face à l’employeur, la stratégie patronale peut encourager ou freiner l'implication syndicale. Nos résultats ont aussi soulevé certaines différences entre les contextes nationaux de l’Écosse et du Québec affectant l’implication syndicale: les législations de « Best Value » au Royaume-Uni et celles encadrant les conventions collectives et relations de travail au Québec. Ainsi, des recherches futures sont nécessaires pour mettre à l’épreuve les modèles nationaux couramment utilisés en relations industrielles pour contribuer à la création d’une nouvelle théorie comparative. / In order to become more flexible, the public sector has opened the way to new principles inspired by the private sector: the marketisation of services (Fairbrother et Poynter, 2001). Our research aims to better understand the factors which affect the participation of trade unions when marketisation is introduced in the delivery of local government services. To do so, we have decided to compare local government case studies in two different countries, Québec City and Edinburgh in Scotland, to help us better understand the interactions between local and national influences. Our hypothesis is that local trade union power resources and the employer’s strategy will influence trade union participation in the management of local government service delivery, regardless of the national context. The main findings of our research suggest that power resources and employer stategy both directly affect local trade union involvement in the management of local government service delivery. While power resources help to bolster the trade union’s power, the employer strategy can either encourage or impare trade union participation. Our results also raised differences relating to the national contexts of the UK and Québec which affected local trade union participation : « Best Value » legislation in the UK and « Code du Travail » legislation which frame collective agreements and industrial relations in Québec. We consider that future research on the subject is necessary in order to verify the current models on national industrial relations and to develop new comparative theories.

<p>The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors?</p><p>The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition.</p><p>The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed.</p><p>Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors.</p><p>Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.</p>

The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors? The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition. The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed. Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors. Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.