<p>The purpose of this research is to determine employee satisfaction towards union service delivery and the effect it might have on their motivation. For the purposes of the research, the term customer applies to all union members being serviced by the union and enjoying benefits of negotiations at a centralised or de-centralised level. More generally, trade unions and collective bargaining are seen to enhance the dignity of workers and their control of their working lives, hence the important role trade unions play within the workplace. Service deliveries from a trade union to its members are an important element of employee behaviour and motivation. The research will aim to&nbsp / measure union member&rsquo / s (customer) satisfaction of the service they receive from their union and the impact it possibly has on otivation. The hypothesis of the research is that if workers are satisfied by the service they receive from their trade union their motivational levels will also be high. Alternatively, if workers are dissatisfied by the service they receive from their trade union, their motivation will be low. A Biographical questionnaire, the Organizational Motivation Questionnaire (OMQ) and the Service Quality Questionnaire was administered to respondents to elicit responses on how the aspects of union service delivery impacts on their motivation in the workplace.&nbsp / The results emanating from the current study indicate that there are statistically significant relationships between work content, payment, promotion, recognition, working conditions, benefits, personal, leadership/ supervision, general and work motivation and satisfaction in the technical department of a media organisation in the Western Cape. Furthermore, results show the nine independent variables (work content, payment, promotion, recognition, working conditions, benefits, personal, leadership/ supervision and general) significantly explained the variance in work motivation and service-delivery. The study also shows a statistically significant difference in motivation and job-satisfaction based on the biographical variables (gender, home language, marital status, age, race, job classification, education, qualifications, job grade and tenure). Multiple regression analysis revealed these variables significant explained the variance in job satisfaction and motivation. The results reveal some interesting insights into the relationship between union service delivery, motivation and job satisfaction amongst unionised workers in a media organisation in the Western Cape. Recommendations are made with respect to the management of this focal area of research.</p>

Le nuove tendenze della contrattazione collettiva paiono evidenziare un suo decentramento verso il livello aziendale e territoriale che sta avendo profonde implicazioni sia sul sistema delle relazioni industriali, sia sul welfare state. Nel tentativo di coniugare flessibilità e difesa dell’occupazione, i processi negoziali si stanno caratterizzando per uno scambio tra lavoro e diritti da cui non può che seguire una riconfigurazione dello Stato Sociale e delle metodologie di azione collettiva. La difficoltà oggettiva dello Stato nel fornire risposte concrete ai nuovi bisogni dei suoi cittadini ha spinto alla ricerca di soluzioni alternative basate sulla solidarietà di azienda, o di comparto economico-produttivo, comportando un intervento delle parti sociali nel destinare parti di salario alla copertura dei nuovi rischi. Il welfare integrativo può rappresentare il fondamento di un nuovo patto sociale che valorizzi il rapporto tra capitale e lavoro in ottica partecipativa. La comparazione con il modello britannico, costitutivamente sbilanciato sul livello aziendale, permette una considerazione dell’effetto che tali tendenze potrebbero avere sul sistema italiano. Emergono però le differenze storiche e culturali dei due modelli: mentre in Italia la distribuzione di benefici aggiuntivi a quelli del welfare pubblico per il tramite delle aziende valorizza la dimensione settoriale e territoriale, in Inghilterra l’impresa rimane il luogo privilegiato. / The collective bargaining system is going to experience a decentralization process with the attempt to privilege the company and the district level. This process is having serious consequences for both the industrial relations system and the welfare state. Union is constrained to make concessions, particularly as regards labor flexibility, in order to attain its objectives relating to job security. The result is a reconfiguration of welfare and the decline of collectivism. The necessity of giving a response to the new demands of its citizens has forced the State to find alternative solutions which imply a new kind of solidarity that could be build either on company or on industry level. Trade unions can play a role in this context by providing workers a coverage from the new social risks throughout switching part of the salary to benefits. A form of integrative welfare can represent the foundation of a new social pact in order to reconsider the relation between workers and enterprises in a more cooperative way. The comparison with the British system, where negotiations primarily take place at company level, allow us to consider the possible effects of this new trend on the Italian one. Cultural and historical differences are evident: while in Italy the distribution of additional benefits involve more frequently the industrial and district levels, in Great Britain enterprises are the main actors.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:46:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TassiaRMS_DISSERT.pdf: 1707607 bytes, checksum: b9a6407d1793d314c75840371a435288 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-02-22 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / This paper discusses the dilemmas and challenges of the union of social workers in contemporary Brazil. The study is supported by the theme in a literature search, especially productions that deal with the trade union movement of workers in the brazilian reality, as well as on field research, which consisted of interviews with national trade union leaders of the CUT and CONLUTA as also representatives of national organizations representing the professional category of social workers, notably CFESS, ABEPSS ENESSO and a labor union and the national category, FENAS. The analysis of the object is oriented in the perspective of totality, considering its founding and contradictory aspects of the current socio-historical dynamics. The inflections occurred in the razilian Labor Movement in the early 1990s, during which the offensive of capital, characterized by the fusion of flexible accumulation and the dictates of neoliberal policy is established in the country, caused a profound shock in life and organization of the class working. The major repercussions of this process are evident today in the form of defensive organization of trade union struggles, notably fragile and fragmented. In the case of the category of social workers is symptomatic of the political backlash, experienced the process of reopening their unions and the creation of FENAS. This definition, part of the analysis that considers more strategic perspective of class organization, corporate antiunionism of the mass of the 1980s, built, largely, by category and expressed by the extinction of their union and unification to the broader struggles of workers with transition to unionization by industry. Given this reality, we analyze the performance of the political perspectives of the brazilian labor movement, from the characterization of organizational arrangements for trade union struggles and situate this process, the motion to reopen union of social workers, from the emergence of FENAS. Therefore, we aimed to identify the particular and the ideological and political perspectives that make up the dilemma of the trade union movement from this reopening, as corresponds to a political trend, largely, overcome within the brazilian social work / Este trabalho discute os dilemas e desafios da organiza??o sindical dos assistentes sociais no Brasil contempor?neo. O estudo da tem?tica est? respaldo em uma pesquisa bibliogr?fica, com destaque para as produ??es que tratam sobre o movimento sindical dos trabalhadores na realidade brasileira; bem como, numa pesquisa de campo, que consistiu de entrevistas com dirigentes sindicais nacionais da CUT e CONLUTAS, como tamb?m de representantes nacionais das entidades representativas da categoria profissional de assistentes sociais, notadamente, CFESS, ABEPSS e ENESSO e da entidade sindical nacional da categoria, FENAS. A an?lise do objeto se orienta na perspectiva de totalidade, considerando os seus aspectos fundantes e contradit?rios na din?mica s?cio-hist?rica atual. As inflex?es ocorridas no Movimento Sindical brasileiro, no in?cio da d?cada de 1990, per?odo no qual a ofensiva do capital, caracterizada pela fus?o da acumula??o flex?vel e dos ditames da pol?tica neoliberal se instala no pa?s causou um profundo abalo na vida e organiza??o da classe trabalhadora. Os principais rebatimentos desse processo se evidenciam atualmente, na forma defensiva da organiza??o das lutas sindicais, notadamente fragilizada e fragmentada. No caso da categoria dos assistentes sociais ? sintom?tico o retrocesso pol?tico, vivenciado pelo processo de reabertura dos seus sindicatos e da cria??o da FENAS. Esta defini??o, parte da an?lise que considera mais estrat?gica a perspectiva de organiza??o classista, anticorporativista do sindicalismo de massa dos anos 1980, incorporada, majoritariamente, pela categoria e expressa pela extin??o dos seus sindicatos e unifica??o ?s lutas mais gerais dos trabalhadores com a transi??o para a sindicaliza??o por ramo de atividade. Diante desta realidade, analisamos as perspectivas pol?ticas de atua??o do movimento sindical brasileiro, partindo da caracteriza??o das modalidades de organiza??o das lutas sindicais e situamos nesse processo, o movimento de reabertura dos sindicatos de assistentes sociais, a partir do surgimento da FENAS. Com isso, objetivamos identificar as particularidades e as perspectivas ideo-pol?ticas que conformam o dilema da organiza??o sindical a partir deste movimento de reabertura, j? que corresponde a uma tend?ncia pol?tica, majoritariamente, superada no interior do Servi?o Social brasileiro

La représentation collective des salariés se caractérise par une pluralité de sources : internationales, européennes, étatiques et professionnelles. Leur identification permet d’établir une cartographie. Certaines ont pour objet de garantir les droits fondamentaux des salariés d’essence collective. D’autres participent plus directement à structurer le système de représentation collective des salariés. Cette cartographie renseigne ensuite sur leur importance respective à régir ce dernier domaine. Le développement du droit de l’Union européenne d’un côté et l’essor de la négociation collective de l’autre tendent ainsi à relativiser l’importance traditionnelle de la loi. De même, la promotion des normes négociées conduit corrélativement à un déclin des normes issues du pouvoir patronal. Leur articulation permet de comprendre les différents rapports qu’elles nouent entre elles. Elle met en évidence ce vers quoi est orientée l’articulation des sources de la représentation collective des salariés. Classiquement, cette articulation vise à garantir le droit des salariés à être représentés. De manière renouvelée, elle s’inscrit dans un processus de contractualisation et de décentralisation de la production normative. Le domaine de la représentation collective de salariés n’offre pas seulement une illustration particulière et vivante des mutations des sources du droit. Caractérisé par l’importance des normes de structure, il est un parfait observatoire pour appréhender le dynamisme de l’agencement des sources du droit et pour comprendre les mécanismes qui rendent possibles les déplacements d’une source à l’autre. / Workers’ collective representation is guaranteed by several sources of Law: international, European, statutes and collective bargaining. Pinpointing all of them enables a “map-making”. Some sources are to ensure workers’ collective fundamental rights. Some others aim to design workers representation. This « law-mapping » indicates each law’s respective importance. The increasing importance of the European Union law and of the collective bargaining in this matter alleviates statutes’ traditional role. In the same time the increasing role of collective bargaining diminishes management role in this respect. Studying the coordination of the different laws helps to understand their functions regarding one another. It makes possible to identify their purpose. Traditionally, such a coordination aims only to ensures workers’ representation. Now on, this coordination falls within the scope of a « contractualized » and decentralized normative production. Workers’ collective representation is not only a topic illustration of sources of laws mutation, it is also a field to observe the dynamic current of their coordination and interaction.

No description available.

Relations between collective autonomy and government in Uruguay: chronic with open endingThe present article, after making a brief recount of the model of Uruguayan collective labor relations, analyzes the foundation and impact of heteronomous regulation on the protection of trade union freedom and collective bargaining released in the context of transformation model during periods from 2005 to 2009 and so far until 2012, with the purpose of determining whether the same meant a profound and definitive break of the pre-existing model or rather it emphasizes some of its elements without disturbing the nature / El presente artículo, tras efectuar un breve recuento del modelo de relaciones colectivas de trabajo uruguayo, analiza el fundamento y el impacto de la regulación heterónoma en materia de protección de la libertad sindical y de negociación colectiva, regulación emitida en el marco del modelo de transformación durante los períodos 2005 a 2009 y lo que va hasta el 2012. El objetivo del trabajo es determinar si dicha regulación significó una ruptura profunda y definitiva del modelo preexistente o si enfatiza más bien alguno de sus elementos sin alterar la naturaleza.

Cette thèse propose d’explorer, à partir d’une intervention réalisée dans un milieu de travail non ordinaire, celui d’une section départementale d’un syndicat, les spécificités de la dimension impersonnelle du « métier » de syndicaliste.L’intervention s’est déployée selon la perspective méthodologique et méthodique propre à la clinique de l’activité, auprès d’un collectif de militants d’un syndicat des enseignants du premier degré qui ont pris pour objet d’analyse une part de leur activité syndicale. Cette intervention, tant dans son déroulement que dans le contenu des analyses co-produites par les militants, a été particulière. Après un examen de la littérature relative à des travaux qui s’intéressent au syndicalisme analysé comme une activité et à des métiers exercés dans le secteur social, cette particularité s’est précisée et s’est constituée en objet de recherche. Elle concerne l’une des quatre dimensions du « métier » de syndicaliste, la dimension impersonnelle. Les analyses du matériau issu des autoconfrontations croisées ont permis de montrer que cette dimension est floue et « in-discutée ». Nous avons alors avancé l’hypothèse que cette « in-discussion » pourrait s’expliquer par des contradictions qui traverseraient les principes fondateurs du syndicat. Ces particularités de la dimension impersonnelle du « métier » de syndicaliste ont aussi des conséquences sur les autres dimensions du métier ce qui nous a conduit à interroger l’usage du mot « métier » pour évoquer l’activité syndicale. La réflexion se prolonge alors par une discussion de la conceptualisation de la dimension impersonnelle du métier en clinique de l’activité. Alors qu’elle est souvent définie de manière imprécise comme ce qui relève indifféremment de la prescription, des tâches ou des fonctions, il est proposé de concevoir cette dimension comme un rapport entre des buts et des moyens donnés par l’organisation. Le travail réalisé sur les spécificités de la dimension impersonnelle du « métier » de syndicaliste permet également de préciser la notion de but : elle contiendrait distinctement des buts généraux et des buts issus de l’organisation du travail. / This thesis seeks to explore, from a “transformation-action” in a “non-ordinary” workplace such as a trade union county branch, the specificities of the impersonal dimension experienced in the occupation of trade unionist.The transformation-action took place within a group of activists from a high school teachers’ trade union that collectively analyzed their own activity within the union. It was conducted according to the activity clinics consistent methods and methodologies. This transformation action was unusual in the way it was conducted and in that the content was co-produced by activists themselves. Following research and literature related on unionism analyzed as being a working activity as well as occupations in the field of social work, this characteristic became itself an object of research. This was identified as one of the trade unionist occupation’s four dimensions, the impersonal dimension.The analysis carried out on “crossed self-confrontation” material showed that this dimension is poorly defined and "not-discussed". We suggest that this "non-discussion" could be explained by existing contradictions within the Union founding principles themselves. The characteristics of the impersonal dimension of the trade unionist occupation also has effects on the other dimensions of the occupation; this has led us to question the use of the word occupation to describe the union activity.The debate is to be continued with a discussion of the conceptualization of the occupation impersonal dimension in the field of clinic of activity. Often described in indistinct terms as it relates either to the prescription, or to the tasks or functions, it is suggested to develop this dimension as being a link between goals and means given by the organization. The work based on the specificities of the impersonal dimension of the trade unionist occupation also clarifies the goal concept : it contains general goals on one hand and goals from the work organization on the other hand.

This rapport examines six Swedish workplace unions, in manufacturing internationalised companies, degree of internationalised trade union work. The report is based on interviews with local shop stewards. All local workplace unions were in some form internationalised. They were placed in three different groups of strategies: Passive, Tactical and Strategic. The Passive union only tried to get information; the Tactical unions were reactive against initiative from company management and used the channels provided of Industrial Relation laws. The Strategic unions where acting from an analysis that demanded collaboration with foreign trade unions and were active in trying to build contacts.In discussing why a local workplace trade union become internationalised three explaining factors was constructed: A relation to the company which gave the union more information and resources than the minimum level of required legislation. Second; a strategic analysis involving a threat against the employees. And third; a belief that the trade union could make a difference.

Orientador: Andréia Galvão / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T00:05:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Moura_MarcelaMedeiros_M.pdf: 1000343 bytes, checksum: 929f947c3cd68464f50446d7b03609cf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O presente trabalho se propõe, a partir de uma análise comparativa entre o Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Paulo (SMSP), o Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Bernardo do Campo e Diadema (SMABC) e o Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São José dos Campos (SMSJC), a analisar as transformações ocorridas no movimento sindical brasileiro durante os dois governos Lula (2003-2010). Partimos do pressuposto de que existe uma relação estreita entre os sindicatos analisados e as centrais sindicais às quais estão filiados, e entre os sindicatos e a estrutura sindical estabelecida pelo Estado. Temos por objetivo estudar o posicionamento político-ideológico dos sindicatos e relacioná-lo às convenções coletivas com fins de testar duas hipóteses. Uma primária: se existe uma relação de influência entre as centrais sindicais e os sindicatos aqui analisados, bem como entre os sindicatos e o posicionamento das centrais, ou seja, se há uma co-relação de influência que proporciona um direcionamento da política sindical tanto para os sindicatos como para as centrais. Uma hipótese secundária, que a pesquisa pretende ajudar a esclarecer: se a política governamental influi diretamente na organização das centrais sindicais brasileiras e no perfil político-ideológico que estas assumem / Abstract: This thesis aims to analyze the changes in the brazilian labor movement during Luis Inácio Lula da Silva's two administrations by comparing three metalsmith unions: Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Paulo (SMSP - São Paulo State's Metalsmiths Union), Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Bernardo do Campo e Diadema (SMABC - São Bernardo do Campo and Diadema Metalsmiths Union) and Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São José dos Campos (SMSJC - São José dos Campos Metalsmiths Union). It is assumed that there is a close relation linking these unions and the central unions to which they are affiliated, and also between unions and the syndical structure dictated by the State. Our purpose is to study the union's political stances and link them to the collective negotiations. This way, we will try two hypotheses. First, whether the union centrals and the unions discussed here influence each other, and also whether the unions' and the unions central's political stances are related, to say, whether there is a co-relation of influence which directs syndical policy not only in the unions but also in the union centrals. And second, whether governmental politics affects Brazilian union central's organization and their political profile in a straightforward manner / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

A União dos Trabalhadores Gráficos de São Paulo foi o ambiente mais freqüentado pela vanguarda operária durante as décadas de 1920 e 1930. O marco inicial da pesquisa remonta a 1919, ano da fundação permanente da instituição. Surgida pela necessidade de organização da classe operária pós-greve de 1917, a U. T. G. esteve à frente de episódios que colaboraram para que a entidade atingisse o posto de vanguarda do sindicalismo paulista e brasileiro. O cenário sofreria mudanças estruturais com a intervenção do governo nas questões trabalhistas, a partir de 1930. O enfraquecimento sindical independente foi acompanhado de contestações, nos quais estavam envolvidos os trabalhadores gráficos. A vigilância policial empreendida a esses profissionais demonstrava a importância atribuída ao setor. Em 1935, após a explosão revolucionária comunista, os integrantes da vanguarda operária, dentre eles diversos gráficos, foram sistematicamente perseguidos e detidos pelas autoridades policiais como forma de prevenção. Temas como hegemonia, consciência de classe, intelectualidade, repressão, greves, ideologias, imprensa operária, etc., são alguns dos atributos inerentes ao cotidiano desta entidade sindical. Através de fontes antagônicas foram reconstituídos os principais discursos do ambiente sindical gráfico no seu período áureo. / The Graphic Workers Union of Sao Paulo was the place most frequented by the workers avant-garde during the decades of 1920 and 1930. The initial mark of this research is 1919, year of the permanent foundation of this institution. Emerging from the necessity of organization of the working classes after the strike of 1917, the G.W.U. was at the head of episodes that contributed for the group to reach the avant-garde position in the unionism in Sao Paulo and in Brazil. The setting would experience some structural changes, with the intervention of the government in the labor issues, from 1930. The weakness of the independent unions was followed by contestations, in which the graphic workers were involved. The police vigilance dedicated to these professionals demonstrated how much importance they gave to this sector. In 1935, after the communist revolutionary explosion, the members of the workers avant-garde, including many graphic workers, were systematically persecuted and held in custody by the police as a preventive measure. Elements such as hegemony, class-consciousness, intellectuality, repression, strikes, ideologies, and graphic press, among others, are some of the characteristics inherent to the quotidian of this union. The main discourses of the graphic syndical environment in its golden age were reconstituted through antagonistic sources.