Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2000. / Thesis advisor(s): Paul Stockton, Letitia Lawson. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate the power relations in women’s farmers’ cooperatives in Nicaragua, and to see if the women feel that they have power over their decisions and if they feel that their power has changed after joining the cooperative. The theory used in this thesis is postcolonial feminism theories of women empowerment and frameworks on development efforts to women. The method used to gather data has been semi-structured one-on-one interviews. The investigated cooperatives are part of the umbrella organization Femuprocan. Femuprocan has received development funds from We Effect (formerly Swedish Cooperative Centre) and other aid agencies in order to form cooperatives and for capacity building. Previous studies show the importance of involving women in the decisions about how the development funds should be used.   The interviews showed that the women have been involved in the decisions within the cooperatives such as how the funds should be used. Most of the interviewed women perceived an increased sense of power after joining the cooperative, and can exemplify this. However, the change is slow. The women have identified that capacity building, meeting other women and gaining more money have been crucial in the empowerment process.

近年來，以BLOG精神所創造的網路工具機制，逐漸開始被企業重視──除了受到若干訴訟案例與公關危機事件的影響外，運用在企業內部的溝通上，既可能藉由新興媒介增加知名度與影響力，但又須在保障公司利益下防範負面效應。因此，本研究初步探討BLOG在企業內部溝通的可行性，瞭解國外十個企業的觀點與作法，並探訪國內二個企業在面向的意願，以文獻探討與深度訪談的個案研究進行質化分析。 　　研究推論：企業採行BLOG互動溝通模式，受到企業認知態度、體制文化開放性、媒介特性瞭解度、管理制度完善性、組織功能需求以及目標效益的考量限制；其次在軟體介面尚須建立管理規範、網站維護、教育宣導、諮詢審核仲裁等機制。而架構內部BLOG，更須考量功能設定、防護措施、技術支援、網路頻寬與主機容量等硬體條件，如此使工具應用的可行性提高。 　　歸納分析亦提到企業如何因應BLOG趨勢潮流，運用BLOG溝通的利益與可能流弊、內部設定及外部連結的運用作法與優點，以及如何建構優質的溝通內容。最後，本研究期望能以初步深討的基礎，提供未來針對此領域的企業溝通管理、公共關係、傳播效益與媒介創新應用的研究參考。 / In recent years, the system of web-tool created by BLOG technology has been applied to business world. The Corporate, which would like to pay a close attention to BLOG, is not only shocked by other companies’ lawsuits or PR crises, but also wants to improve brand awareness and image to public. The question is: how do we know that using such new media can avoid from notorious communication but create value for each company? The researcher will discuss this issue which collects 12 cases of blog guidelines or interviews, and then will analyze the latent construct or meaning of contents by Qualitative study. 　The research infers that the corporate BLOG system can be operated by the prerequisite involving with managers’ attitude, culture acceptance, media understanding, functional request and object efficiency, etc. Then, it should be set well in software environment including web management, internal training, examined or arbitrative institution. It also should be considered to build in hardware structure, technical support and web protection. 　 　Further more, the conclusion contributes some ideas of how corporate faces BLOG trend, what advantages for BLOG using are, what differences in inner-built or outside-linking of BLOG are, and how to create a high-quality communication. 　Finally, the researcher tries to make a feasibility figure of business BLOG communication, hoping that fundamental research will provide further study in business management, public relationship and new media efficiency or application.

Thesis (Ph.D. (Historical and Heritage Studies))--1992. / Summary in English and Afrikaans. Includes bibliographical references.

Submitted by Morgana Silva (morgana_linhares@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-09-13T18:43:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 11378587 bytes, checksum: 8de9afed11fbdc2f1ae6911a0ff917a6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-13T18:43:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 11378587 bytes, checksum: 8de9afed11fbdc2f1ae6911a0ff917a6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-28 / "Everything is connected." This is the maximum of our century. With the digital network it has become stronger because we are even more entangled in a network of complex and changing networks, consisting of nodes (actants of all kinds) and edges (connections). However, the nodes are only part of a whole. Nodes connected are simply a static structure. Therefore, there is something that gives life to the network: the dynamics - the movements that the nodes perform, depending on the connections, revealing multiinteractions in digital networks. The multi-interactions are a type of communication action, hybrid and singular among actants that, by allowing mediation in the communication standard "all-all" without considerably reduce reciprocity between them, has reshaped the world in various dimensions, including the way to do global politics. The World We Want platform, created by the United Nations to join in an unprecedented way the opinion of civil society in building the new global agenda, called Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), illustrates this process. After all, the platform shows that the UN has appropriated the cyberculture attributes to an experiment complex and impossible before the digital culture. Therefore, our goal is to accompany the phenomenon of multiinteractions in The World We Want platform to understand, from the Web macro dimension, how the UN faced the complexity permeated throughout this communication process and converted the conflict in a consensus, the SDGs Agenda. Therefore, for the methodological procedure, we use the systems of Information Architecture, the Heuristic Evaluation by Nielsen, Actor-Network Theory and its extension, the Cartography of Controversies. From the analysis, we conclude that the UN used the complexity of multiinteractions to achieve your goal, turning The World We Want in a hub of sustainability debates and stimulating the collective intelligence and collaborative processes in network. However, although the platform has changed the way of building global agendas and has described as a tool for promoting democracy, we understand that it has not yet reached that level. Therefore, the platform allowed the people to be heard, but not to participate in decisions by the summit, making the SDGs Agenda another document that only supports the UN consolidated discourse for almost four decades. / “Tudo está conectado”. Esta é a máxima do nosso século. E com a rede digital ela se tornou mais forte, pois estamos ainda mais emaranhados em uma rede de redes complexas e mutáveis, compostas por nós (actantes de todos os tipos) e arestas (conexões). Contudo, os nós sozinhos são apenas partes de um todo e os nós conectados não passam de uma estrutura estática. Logo, existe algo que dá vida à rede: as dinâmicas – os movimentos que os nós realizam em função das conexões, revelando, na rede digital, as multiinterações. As multi-interações são um tipo de ação comunicativa, híbrida e singular entre os actantes que, ao permitir a mediação no padrão de comunicação “todos-todos”, sem reduzir, consideravelmente, a reciprocidade entre eles, tem reconfigurado o mundo em várias dimensões, inclusive na forma de fazer política global. A plataforma The World We Want, criada pela ONU para aderir de forma inédita a opinião da sociedade civil na construção da nova agenda global, denominada Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (ODS), ilustra tal processo. Afinal, a plataforma revela a ONU se apropriando dos atributos da cibercultura para realizar uma experiência complexa e impossível antes da cultura digital. Nosso objetivo se constitui, portanto, no acompanhamento do fenômeno das multi-interações na plataforma The World We Want para entender, a partir da dimensão macro da Web, como a ONU enfrentou a complexidade permeada em todo esse processo comunicacional e converteu os conflitos num consenso, a Agenda ODS. Para tanto, quanto procedimento metodológico, nos apropriamos dos Sistemas da Arquitetura da Informação, da Avaliação Heurística de Nielsen, da Teoria Ator-Rede e de sua extensão, a Cartografia de Controvérsias. E, a partir da análise, concluímos que a ONU usou a própria complexidade das multi-interações para atingir seu objetivo, transformando a The World We Want em um hub dos debates da sustentabilidade e estimulando a inteligência coletiva e os processos colaborativos em rede. No entanto, embora a plataforma tenha mudado a forma de construir agendas globais e seja descrita como um instrumento de promoção da democracia, entendemos que ela não atingiu esse nível ainda. Pois, ela permitiu que a população fosse ouvida, mas não que esta participasse das decisões junto à cúpula da ONU, tornando a Agenda ODS mais um documento que apenas sustenta o discurso consolidado da Organização há quase quatro décadas.

Over the past decades, a convergence between civil and political human rights non governmental organisations (NGOs) and development NGOs have occurred. The fusion of the two disciplines have led to the construction of so called ‘Rights-Based approaches’ (RBA). One principal concept for RBA’s is the question of accountability. Functional accountability is no longer seen as sufficient and more focus on social accountability have advanced. In previous research NGOs are repeatedly questioned for their level of accountability. This comparative qualitative case study therefore aim to examine how three Swedish based NGOs perceive accountability, with the purpose to contribute to the academic discussion of NGO accountability. By using grounded theory and selective coding, this study will contribute with new empirical data to the ongoing development of RBA theory. Empirical data is collected through interviews, NGOs official strategies documents and analysed in relation to the empirically grounded theory. The main findings in this comparative case study is that organisations different backgrounds and values influence how they perceive RBA and accountability, and which methods are used to reconcile with accountability claims. The collected empirical data concludes perceptions of accountability mostly focuses on four interconnected key principles; power relations, democracy, transparency and empowerment.

La thèse « La force du religieux et du politique chez Madonna. Une approche de son expression à partir de ses trois documentaires : Madonna : Truth or Dare, 1991, I’m Going to Tell You a Secret, 2005, I Am Because We Are, 2008 » s'intéresse à la façon dont la culture populaire contemporaine utilise des concepts et des outils originaires des domaines du religieux et du politique pour s'exprimer et exercer son influence dans la société. La longévité de la carrière de la chanteuse Madonna fait de son corpus de travail un lieu privilégié pour saisir et analyser l'emploi de tels concepts depuis les années 1990, et offre ainsi l'occasion de mieux comprendre les formes du contemporain et les enjeux de la culture populaire. / This dissertation deals with the ways in which the contemporary popular culture uses concepts and tools coming from religion and politics in order to exert some influence on our society. The length of American singer Madonna’s career makes her decades-long artistic expression a privileged locus where such concepts can be grasped and analysed, starting in the 1990’s. This provides the opportunity to better understand the means of expression in our contemporary world, together with what is at stake in popular culture.

The oratorio August 4, 1964 is a twelve-movement work for orchestra, chorus, and four soloists written by Steven Stucky. The premise for the libretto, adapted by Gene Scheer, is the confluence of two events during one day (August 4, 1964) in the life of Lyndon B. Johnson. Although the main idea of the libretto focuses on these two events of this one day, many cultural references of the 1960's in general can be found as well, such as quotations from the well-known song "We Shall Overcome." Stucky borrows from a motet he wrote in 2005 for another quotation source utilized in this oratorio, "O Vos Omnes." My goal in this thesis is to reveal and analyze the many different levels of quotations that exist within August 4, 1964, to explore each quotation's individual function within the oratorio (as a cultural gesture, commentary or remembrance), and to examine the structural coherence that emerges as a result of their use within the oratorio.

Although a great deal has been written over the past two decades on the armed struggle in South Africa and the role that the African National congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP)have played in it, virtually nothing of academic value has been written on the main vehicle of the struggle, namely Umkhonto we Sizwe or 'MK' as it is more commonly known. Besides the research undertaken by Edward Feit in the 1960's and the account left to us by Bruno Mtolo on the formation and activities of Umkhonto in Natal prior to the Rivonia events, most of the material that has been written on the subject of Umkhonto makes no meaningful contribution to the history and activities of the organisation. As a result a serious vacuum has been left in the history of the liberation movement but particularly the armed struggle in South Africa. There was therefore an urgent need for a systematic and detailed study of Umkhonto and the specific role it played in the liberation struggle since 1961. Identifying the need for this study vas however the easy part. Writing it on the other hand presented numerous complex problems, part of which was brought about by the lack of suitable source material, and the fact that the organisation vas proscribed by law. The problem was further compounded by the fact that although Umkhonto was created to be independent (initially at least) of the ANC and to fulfill a function that the ANC could not do in the 1960's, the two organisations became so closely associated with one another and with the SACP that most of the time it is very difficult if not nearly impossible, to always draw a clear distinction between the three of them. Of course the problem has not been made easier by the Press which, for the sake of simplicity and expediency, have chosen to equate the ANC and Umkhonto with one another. Virtually none of the newspapers which have reported on the armed struggle over the years have taken the trouble to draw any meaningful distinction between the organisation and activities of the ANC on the one hand and Umkhonto on the other. While it is true that the two organisations have very close ties and there is a strong degree of overlapping between both members and leaders, this research will show that the two organisations are nonetheless different from one another and have organisational structures and functions that support this. The main difference between the two organisations has always been the fact that while Umkhonto was specifically created as the military component of the ANC-SACP alliance, the ANC on the other hand has remained the main political instrument of the liberation movement. As such, members of the ANC were not supposed to undertake any direct military missions against apartheid targets in South Africa. At best they fulfilled a supportive role such as the distribution of propaganda, the provision of transport, the supply of weapons and the creation of weapons caches etc., to support Umkhonto's cadres in the field. The members of the ANC thus concerned themselves primarily with political and diplomatic work in the armed struggle. By the middle of the 1980's however, the relationship between the ANC and Umkhonto began to change when the political and military functions of the two organisations were brought together under the control of the newly created political-military-council (PMC)following the collapse of the ANC and Umkhonto's organizational structures in the frontline states of Mozambique and Swaziland, as a result of the South African government's persistant counter-insurgency operations. The new organisational structure that was set up by the beginning of 1983 to replace the defunct Regional Command and was sanctioned by the ANC and the SACP and accepted at the former's National Consultative Conference at Kabwe, Zambia, in 1985. This new direction in the armed struggle was further reflected in the decision to introduce compulsory military training for all members of the combined liberation movement. In theory thus, after 1985, all members of the ANC and the SACP were subjected to military training in Umkhonto's training camps in Angola and elsewhere. This move further helped to blur the lines between the ANC, the SACP and Umkhonto. Much of this will become clear in the course of this thesis. Where possible, interpretations will be attached to the facts to highlight certain developments in the armed struggle. Unfortunately, the facts pertaining to Umkhonto is not always volumous or conclusive enough to make statements that will withstand the test of time. The aim of this study is to examine the history of Umkhonto from its origins in 1961 to the end of 1988 when as a result of the New York Accord between South Africa, Cuba and Angola the ANC and Umkhonto were forced to remove all their military bases and personnel from Angola with immediate effect. Although this particular move severely crippled the ability of Umkhonto to continue with its armed struggle it vas not the only factor influencing its performance and status by the end of 1988. A host of other factors such as poor organisation, weak leadership, dissention, dissatisfaction with the role of the SACP in the liberation movement, and lack of sufficient funds among others also contributed to its weakened position by the end of the 1980's. These and other factors effecting the position and performance of Umkhonto are extensively dealt with in the second half of this study. Although increased cooperation between the military and political segments of the liberation movement became an important element in the armed struggle after 1985, the leadership of the ANC, the SACP and Umkhonto were not always in agreement on important issues. This became increasingly apparent towards the end of the 1980's when the combined effect of the South African government's counter-insurgency operations and the changes that were taking place in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe were beginning to have a direct affect on the position and future of the liberation alliance led by the ANC and the SACP. Although the ANC, like most political organisations, always had a fair share of dissention in its ranks the formation of Umkhonto in 1961, the destruction of the organisation's underground structures inside South Africa by the mid-1960'S and the growing hegemony of the SACP over both the ANC and Umkhonto's leadership since, have produced some serious dissention in the ranks of the liberation movement. The first came in 1975 with the expulsion of the African National Congress African nationalist faction from the ranks of the ANC. The second came with the isolation of the Okhela organisation which was reported to have been a predominantly white anti-communist organisation inside the ANC. The third attack was on the leadership of the liberation movement was averted with the expulsion of the dissident Marxist group known as the “Marxist Tendency within the ANC” in the early 1980's. Although the ANC and the SACP have always denied that the influence of these attacks on its combined leadership were in anyway serious, this study has shown that these developments in association with other developments had indeed a deep effect on the effectiveness of Umkhonto and the outcome of the armed struggle. The latter is particularly evident in the decision by Chris Hani, who was Chief of Staff of Umkhonto and his protégé, Steve Tshwete, to challenge the ANC's National Executive committee in 1981 to allow them to execute the decision taken at the Kabwe conference to extend Umkhonto's attacks to include white civilian targets inside South Africa. Although the ANC had accepted such action in principle at its Kabwe conference in 1985, it remained reluctant to fully implement it out of fear that such action could tarnish its image internationally and loose its much needed international support, particularly among the nations and people of Western Europe. Such considerations seemingly did not carry much support with Marxist radicals and militants such as Hani and others who preferred a military to a political or negotiated settlement in South Africa. With the support of the central Committee of the SACP (or rather. key elements of it) behind them, Hani and Tshwete issued a directive to all Umkhonto commanders in 1987 to extent their attacks to white civilian targets. The fact that the ANC did nothing to stop the directive or to counter Hani's actions is clear indication of the position that the military hardliners had come to occupy in the ANC-SACP alliance and Umkhonto by the latter part of the 1980's. Unfortunately for Hani and his followers, the signing of the New York Accord at the end of 1988 came as a severe setback to their plans and left them with a cause that was becoming increasingly difficult to execute successfully. This research will show that as a result of these developments and the changes that were taking place in the Soviet Union particularly with regards to Soviet Third World policy, the military hardliners in the ANC-SACP alliance and Umkhonto were increasingly forced to take a backseat to the views and activities of more moderate leaders such as Thabo Mbeki, who was the ANC's Chief of Foreign Affairs. In view of the above this study will show that the SACP since the early 1970'S has taken steadily control of the ANC and the liberation struggle in South Africa and that by the end of the 1980'S Umkhonto was more a fief of the SACP and its Central Committee than of the ANC and its National Executive Committee, which had a clear majority of communist members by 1988. Although some major developments have taken place since the signing of the New York Accord in December 1988, such as the unbanning of the ANC, the SACP and Umkhonto and the release of many political prisoners, these events and developments falls outside the scope of this study and are dealt with in the postscript. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

Bakgrund: Bemötandet är en essentiell del i vårdmötet. Att ambulanssjuksköterskan har insikt kring bemötandets betydelse i vårdmötet med patienten är av största vikt. Ett bristande bemötande kan leda till att bedömningen blir undermålig vilket äventyrar patientsäkerheten. Tidigare forskning kring hur ambulanssjuksköterskan upplever bemötandet inom ambulanssjukvården är begränsad.  Syfte: Var att belysa ambulanssjuksköterskors upplevelser kring bemötande inom ambulanssjukvården. Metod: En kvalitativ intervjustudie där deltagarna valdes genom ett bekvämlighetsurval. Graneheim och Lundmans innehållsanalys användes för att analysera de nio ostrukturerade intervjuerna som ägde rum på två ambulansstationer, belägna i södra Sverige.  Resultat: I resultatet framgick det att upplevelsen av bemötandet inom ambulanssjukvården är gott och de flesta hade en klar bild över hur ett gott bemötande i vårdmötet bör vara. Ambulanssjuksköterskorna hade en insikt i att de själva och kollegor ibland brast i sitt bemötande och kunde i de flesta fall beskriva orsaker till detta skedde och efterföljande konsekvenser. Studiens främsta fynd visar på att ambulanssjuksköterskan upplever att det är ett hårdare klimat idag och att problematiken kring bemötande har en tendens att öka.  Slutsats: Ambulanssjuksköterskor är medvetna om betydelsen av ett bra bemötande i vårdmötet. De har god kännedom kring vilka olika konsekvenser ett bristande bemötande kan få för patienten och att det kan påverka patientsäkerheten. Det finns en viss problematik kring ett bristande bemötande som ambulanssjuksköterskorna upplever har ökat men även att klimatet har blivit hårdare. Aktuell forskning behöver uppdateras för att belysa problemområdet och skapa handlingsplaner för att förhindra en negativ utveckling. / Introduction:  How we treat others is an essential part of the care meeting with patients. To possess an insight and to own a self knowledge regarding the treatment of others is of great importance.                 Bad treatment can lead to poor assessments and examinations, which jeopardizes patient safety. Previous research on how the ambulance nurse experiences how we treat others in the ambulance services is very limited.  Purpose: Was to illustrate the ambulance nurse´s experience of how we treat others among the ambulance services.  Methods: A qualitative interview study were conducted where the informants were chosen through a convenience selection. The method for analysis were the one of Graneheim and Lundman and was applied to analyse the nine unstructured interviews that took place in two ambulance stations, both situated in the south of Sweden.  Results: The results showed that the experience of the treatment in the ambulance care is good and that most ambulance nurses had a clear picture of what good treatment in the care meeting should be like. The ambulance nurses had an insight that they themselves and colleagues sometimes burst in their treatment regarding patients and could in most cases describe reasons why this happened and the consequences of it. The study's main findings show that the ambulance nurse nowadays feels that there is a harsher climate in the ambulance care and that the problems regarding treatment tend to increase. Conclusion:Ambulance nurses are aware of the importance in how we treat others during the care meeting. They also possess good knowledge in various consequences that a lack of treatment can bring the patient and the negative effects regarding patient safety. However, there are certain problems in how we treat others which the ambulance nurses experience has increased, they also describe that the climate has become more harsh. Current research needs an update to highlight the problem area to enable action plans that will prevent further negative progress.