Au carrefour de l’histoire et de la littérature, cette étude biographique consiste d’abord en un questionnement de la place de l’individu dans l’Histoire. À l’aide d’un corpus interdisciplinaire et d’une approche expérimentale de la génétique des textes, elle doit déterminer l’empreinte de la guerre sur la genèse et l’originalité de la position intellectuelle et philosophique de Georges Duhamel à l’égard de la « crise de civilisation », mise au jour par une réflexion sur les conséquences de la guerre. La démonstration vise à établir la corrélation entre sa philosophie morale, son engagement intellectuel et son expérience dans l’ « envers » de la guerre en tant que médecin. Après un état des lieux de la pensée de l’humaniste à la veille de la guerre, la reconstitution des multiples « colloques singuliers » développés par Georges Duhamel avec les soldats blessés livre la matrice des fondements de la « civilisation morale », progressivement élaborée au fil des récits de guerre. Reflet d’une âme individuelle et parcelle de la conscience collective, c’est selon cette double perspective que l’itinéraire de la « civilisation morale » est ensuite reconstitué de 1919 à 1939, du temps des mirages à l’épreuve des périls. Par des jeux d’échelle, l’évolution culturelle de la société et des consciences françaises de la Première à la Seconde Guerre mondiale se dévoile, ainsi que la permanence des enjeux éthiques et métaphysiques soulevés par la violence et la mort de masse du début de siècle. Enfin, le développement s’achève sur les significations et les implications de la Seconde Guerre mondiale sur la « civilisation morale » envisagée dans sa double dimension, métaphysique et culturelle. / In the crossroads of history and literature, this biographical study consists at first of a questioning of the place of the individual in History. By means of an interdisciplinary collection and of an experimental approach of the genetics of texts, we have to determine the mark of the war on the genesis of Georges Duhamel's intellectual and philosophic position towards the “crisis of civilization”, brought to light by a reflection on the consequences of war. The demonstration aims to establish the correlation between his moral philosophy, his intellectual commitment and his wartime experience. After a state of the thought of the humanist on the eve of the war, the reconstruction of multiple “singular colloquium” which Georges Duhamel develops with the wounded soldiers of the Great War delivers the matrix of the foundations of the "moral civilization", gradually achieved over war stories. Window to an individual soul and part of the collective consciousness, this double perspective reconstitutes the path of the “moral civilization” from 1919 to 1939, from time for illusions to test of dangers. By games of scale, the cultural evolution of society and French consciousnesses from the First to the Second World War comes to light, as well as the durability of the ethical and metaphysical issues raised by the violence and the mass die-off at the turn of the century. Finally, the development ends on the meanings and the implications of the Second Conflict on the “moral civilization” envisaged in its double dimension, metaphysics and cultural.

Syftet med denna analys är att främja COIN teorier (counter insurgency) som applicerats som en upprorsåtgärd under boerkrigen. Uppsatsens fokus kommer vara på vikten av dynamiken inom COIN teorierna. Begreppet omfattar åtgärder som vidtas av regeringen i en nation kring hanteringen av uppror. I denna analys kommer även viktiga aspekter av David Kilcullens syn på just teorierna inom COIN och dess användande i boerkrigen att granskas. Kilcullens teorier kring COIN fokuserar främst på den mänskliga säkerheten. Således är det möjligt att påstå att denna analys kommer främst att fokusera på de kritiska boerförhållanden som rått i Sydafrika. Processen utgår bland annat ifrån en kvalitativ textanalys av litteratur som beskriver skeendet. Teorin om kulturskillnader ger ett antal nyckelindikatorer samt källor som används i analysen av materialet. Resultatet visar att det taktiska beslutsfattandet under striderna främst baserades på nyttjande av COIN. Slutligen förs ett resonemang kring teorins taktiska handlande och nytta, samt huruvida analysen visar på gynnande eller destruktiva faktorer i vald taktik av upprorsbekämpning. / The purpose of this analysis is to promote the COIN theories  that were applied as a single insurgency operation during the Boer Wars. The essential dynamics of  COIN (counter insurgency) will be considered as the analysis also includes actions taken by a nation´s government to contain or suppress counterinsurgency. As well as key aspects of David Kilcullens analysis being specifically concentrated on the COIN theories and its use in the Anglo-Boer Wars, Kilcullens COIN theories also focuses on human security. This analysis will mainly focus on the critical Boer wars taking place in South Africa. It also contemplates the question of why modern COIN theory was considered an alternative in the Anglo-Boer Wars. The process is based on a qualitative textual analysis of relevant literature that vividly describes the action of the war. The theory of cultural differences provides a number of key indicators and sources used in the analysis of the material. The results show that the tactical decision-making used during the conflict was mainly based on COIN theories. Furthermore, a discussion of the operational theory and its usefulness will be presented in this analysis, and whether the analysis identifies a beneficial or destructive scene of chosen COIN tactics.

During the civil wars between the conquistadores, Peru was a field of experimentation for the new military tactics developed in Europe following the introduction of portable infantry firearms. This article suggests that, however, the techniques introduced by Francisco de Carvajal, Gonzalo Pizarro’s fieldmaster, predated those used in Europe by several decades, especially regarding the rate of fire in combat. In the battle of Huarina (1547), Carvajal used his own method to ensure his infantry’s ability to deliver heavy fire. The technique relied on adequate training and on the number of weapons each soldier carriedin battle, rather than on the number of men. / Las nuevas tácticas militares desarrolladas en combate en Europa a raíz de la introducción de las armas de fuego portátiles en la infantería también se experimentaron en el Perú en el transcurso de las guerras civiles entre los conquistadores. En el presente artículo, postulo que Francisco de Carvajal, maestre de campo de Gonzalo Pizarro, se adelantó en varios decenios a las tácticas empleadas en Europa a la hora de sostener la cadencia de fuego en batalla. Así, en la batalla de Huarina (1547), Carvajal consiguió desarrollar su propio método para asegurar un nutrido fuego de su infantería, el que dependía, más que del número de hombres, del entrenamiento de los mismos y de la cantidad de armas que cada uno portaba en batalla.

A la suite de la Conférence de la Baule en 1990, le Congo Brazzaville opte en 1991, pour une Conférence nationale. C’est un rendez-vous de l’Histoire, préludant à la démocratie. On a cru que la Conférence, serait un moyen de sortie de crise sociale et identitaire, l’expression d’un sursaut politique et économique. Hélas, chacun pense faire partie de l’entourage du roi qui comme dans la Société de cour va faciliter son enrichissement illicite et personnel. Cette Conférence, la plus longue, donne lieu à une impulsion belliqueuse et développe un état agonal. C’est la mise en route de l’extraversion qui conduit les ennemis politiques à armer les jeunes déscolarisés et sans ressources. Cette démarche teintée de confusion, fera naître des milices d’Etat et privées, puis trois guerres adventices, jeter de milliers des personnes dans les savanes et les pays étrangers, sans espoir de retour au pays natal. L’art de la guerre devient une politique qui livre des batailles. Puisque le sous-sol congolais présente un intérêt économique évident, les multinationales financent les trois guerres. Elles obligent à l’errance, à la peur de l’Autre et de l’étranger. Le chemin du retour sera rude pour les femmes violées et pour les jeunes. Or les responsables de crimes, retrouvent leur légitimité. La figure du chef se trouve ainsi galvaudée, voire désacralisée. A terme, de l’individuel ou familial, nous avons traité du global et de l’organisationnel. Nous a avons cherché à comprendre comment les institutions se sont délitées suite aux guerres adventices, qu’il s’agisse du monde économique ou qu’il s’agisse des institutions publiques comme l’école, voire l’Eglise.Enfin, nous avons voulu comprendre la venue d’un ordre sauvage : celui du meurtre et du viol, sur fond de tueries avec dans la ligne de mire : la mort des innocents? Pourquoi la femme porteuse de la vie en Afrique, devient-elle le trophée des puissants et des forts. Si la guerre a un côté tragique, pourquoi suscite-t-elle tant d’engagement? La guerre a sans doute sa grammaire, mais pas sa propre logique. / Following the conference of La Baule in 1990, Congo-Brazzaville opted in 1991, for a national conference. It was an appointment with History, a prelude to democracy.The conference it was assumed, would be the means of the exit from a social and identity crisis, the expression of a political and economic burst.Alas, everyone thought they belonged to the king’s entourage who, as in a court society, would facilitate their personnal and illicit enrichment. This conference, the longest in Africain countries, gave rise to a belligerent impulse and developed an agonal state. It was the start of the extroversion which led political opponents to arm resourceless out-of school youths.This action, tinged with confusion, was to give birth to state and private militia, then to three adventitions wars, driving thousands of people into savannahs and foreigh countries without any hope of retourning to their native country. The art of war became a policy which waged battles.Since the Congolese subsoil represented an obvious economic interest, multinationals financed all three wars. They compelled people to wander, to fear the other, the stranger the journey back home will prove hard for raped women and young people. Hower, those responsible for crimes regainned their legitimacy. The leader’s figurewas thus tarnished even desacralized.We have sought to understand how the institutions crumbled owing to the adventitions wars whether it be the economic sphere or public institutions like school or the church. Finally, our aim was to understand the emergence of a savage order : the order of murder and rape against a background of slanghters with, as target, the death of innoncents.Why has woman, the bearer of life in Africa become the trophy of the powerful and the strong ? If war has a tragic side, why does it arouse so much commitment? War has undoubtedly its grammar, but not its owen logic.

abstract: This thesis is an art-historical inquiry into the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) and its controversies in the 1990s. A socio-economic model of instrumentalization of the arts based on Pierre Bourdieu's and David Throsby's conceptualizations of cultural capital is first developed. The model is then used to explore the notion of "congressional aesthetics," or a particular brand of arts-instrumentalization adopted by the U.S. Congress for post-WWII federal projects involving art, and two cases of its implementation. The first case is the successful implementation of congressional aesthetics in the instrumentalization of the arts in Sino-American cultural diplomacy during the Cold War. The kind of American art in the 1950s enabled the successful implementation of congressional aesthetics. The opposite case is then investigated: the failed implementation of congressional aesthetics in the operation of the NEA in the 1980s. Specifically, the NEA controversies of the 1990s can be traced to the agency's failure to conform to congressional aesthetics. Failed congressional aesthetics also results largely from the type of American art being produced in the 1980s. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Art 2015

Henri de La Tour d’Auvergne (1555-1623), vicomte de Turenne, maréchal et duc de Bouillon, est l’un des principaux lieutenants d’Henri de Navarre pendant les guerres de religion. Jouissant d’une belle longévité, il est impliqué dans la plupart des événements politiques des années 1570, avec la formation du mouvement des Malcontents, à sa mort, en particulier sous la régence de Marie de Médicis et lors du déclenchement de la guerre de Trente ans. L’approche du personnage a longtemps été brouillée par les campagnes de libelles lancées contre lui à la fin de sa vie et par les critiques de Sully, Richelieu et Rohan dans leurs mémoires, qui font de lui un éternel trublion, ingrat à l’égard du roi et prompt à la révolte. Cette dégradation de son image s’explique par le contexte politique des années 1610 au cours desquelles il joue un rôle majeur. Elle constitue une réaction à la spectaculaire affirmation politique et sociale de la maison La Tour d’Auvergne depuis le milieu du XVe siècle, processus dans lequel il joue un rôle décisif. Elle s’explique par la tension dynamique qui apparaît, à partir de son avènement à Sedan en 1591, entre ses fonctions de sujet du roi de France, de chef de file du parti protestant et de prince souverain étranger. Henri de La Tour jouit d’une grande capacité d’action en raison de sa polyvalence – ambassadeur, chef de guerre, prince lettré, bâtisseur, législateur – et des puissants réseaux dans lesquels il s’intègre, et qu’il contrôle parfois, dans le royaume de France et dans l’Europe protestante. / Henri de La Tour d’Auvergne (1555-1623), viscount of Turenne and maréchal-duc de Bouillon, was one of Henri de Navarre’s principal lieutenants during the French Wars of Religion. Having lived a long life, he was involved in most of the political events during the 1570’s, from the creation of the Malcontents, to his death, particularily during the reign of Marie de Medicis and the Thirty years war. Towards the end of his life, satirical writings and criticism from Sully, Richelieu and Rohan, marred understanding of his actions, portraying him as a perpetual troublemaker, ungrateful to the king and quick to revolt. This negative portrait of his character is due to the political context of the 1610’s during which he was one of the main figures. Such a distortion is a reaction to the spectacular political and social ascent of the House of La Tour d’Auvergne from the middle of XVth century onwards in which he played a leading role. It is also due to a dynamic tension starting with his arrival in Sedan in 1591, in his duties as a subject of the King of France, as leader of the Huguenots and as a sovereign prince abroad. His great reactivity is explained by his varied functions – as ambassador, war leader, a well-read prince, builder, legislator – and his participation at the heart of powerful networks, which he sometimes controlled, throughout the Kingdom of France and Protestant Europe.

Non-combatants, even though they not participate directly in a conflict, are often targeted by armed groups. This study seeks to answer to the question why some areas are more affected by violence against civilians than others. Considering their importance in the contemporary world, electoral processes are used to explain the patterns of civilians’ victimization. This study focuses on irregular civil wars as the effects of elections on the distribution of violence against civilians in those wars is particularly understudied. Elections provide crucial information to armed groups about the preferences of the local population and therefore also the presence of potential collaborators or enemies. In addition, local political elites have incentives to favour or curb the violence against civilians, according to their electoral strength in a specific area. The thesis tests the implication with a quantitative study in the case of Colombia by analysing the long- and short-term effects of electoral results on the distribution of violence. Contrary to conventional civil wars, the findings suggest that civilians living in political strongholds in irregular civil wars, areas where a political party has strong support, are more likely to be targeted.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:27:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-06-14Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:07:22Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 carvalho_ddf_me_mar.pdf: 796444 bytes, checksum: cb8c791f642e570860ac3610da60a876 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho aborda as oportunidades e constrangimentos da difusão do poder na África para, a partir de então, investigar as causas das guerras no Chifre da África. O padrão de difusão de poder sobre as populações, os múltiplos centros de poder existentes em um Estado, os mais variados graus de estatalidade e as ações dos diversos atores estatais e não-estatais são determinantes para a eclosão ou não de conflitos na África. Uma vez identificado este mesmo padrão no Chifre da África que, por apresentar uma longa tradição de estatalidade e um grande senso westfaliano, é visto, erroneamente, como uma exceção à regra africana, pretende-se então verificar quais as causas das guerras nesta região. O presente estudo aborda então a guerra entre a Etiópia e a Eritréia e a constituição do Estado etíope e verifica que não só o Chifre da África está inserido no padrão de difusão de poder sobre as populações que é comum à África Subsaariana como identifica neste ponto as causas das guerras de tal região / This study considers the opportunities and constraints of broadcasting power in Africa to investigate the causes of the wars in the Horn of Africa. The power broadcast over population pattern, the multiples centres of power and the actions of the many state and non-state actors are determinants to the outbreak or not of conflicts in Africa. Once this pattern is identified in the Horn of Africa which, by its long tradition of statehood and its great Westphalian sense, is mistakenly seen as an exception to the African model, we look forward to verify what the war reasons in this region are. This study then makes an approach on the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea and the very constitution of the Ethiopian state and concludes that not only the Horn of Africa is inserted in the pattern of broadcasting power on populations, which is common to the Sub Saharan Africa, and that such a pattern is the cause of wars in that region

Submitted by ALBERTO MONTOYA CORREA PALACIOS JUNIOR null (montoyasoyo@yahoo.com) on 2016-09-09T19:43:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Deposito Alberto Montoya.pdf: 3275754 bytes, checksum: 4f352a2572ff5ec623743e5f0d10249d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-09-13T13:44:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 palaciosjunior_amc_dr_mar.pdf: 3275754 bytes, checksum: 4f352a2572ff5ec623743e5f0d10249d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-13T13:44:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 palaciosjunior_amc_dr_mar.pdf: 3275754 bytes, checksum: 4f352a2572ff5ec623743e5f0d10249d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-12 / Analisamos as guerras de vingança nos Tupi-Guarani e nos Yanomami e suas implicações para o estudo das guerras nas Relações Internacionais. A pertinência do tema para a área se justifica por três motivos: a) do ponto de vista diplomático-estratégico, as possibilidades de a vingança conformar “ciclos” que tendem a dilatar ou perpetuar as guerras, inibindo a resolução diplomática da contenda armada; b) do ponto de vista teórico-conceitual das RI, há poucas ferramentas analíticas pertinentes para o estudo desse fenômeno; c) as RI carecem de pesquisas sobre a manifestação cultural da guerra no contexto ameríndio. Para superar essas lacunas propomos um diálogo com a Antropologia política ameríndia, fértil em análises sobre o tema. Iniciamos a pesquisa pelo debate das “novas guerras”, em seguida, buscamos auxílio na Sociologia e na Antropologia política ameríndias para obtermos os insumos de análise. Adotamos as etnografias e etnologias de americanistas como fonte primária. As correntes antropológicas visitadas com maior intensidade foram o funcionalismo da guerra dos Tupinambá de Florestan Fernandes; a arqueologia da violência de Pierre Clastres e sua experiência entre os Guayaki-Aché; o perspectivismo ameríndio de Viveiros de Castro entre os Araweté; a economia da predação de Carlos Fausto entre os Parakanãs; e, por último, a economia da predação com David Kopenawa e Bruce Albert entre os Yanomami. Analisamos os mecanismos de interligação entre a vingança e a guerra em “ciclos de vingança” para buscar explicar as suas manifestações nas experiências dos Tupi-Guarani e dos Yanomami. Procuramos caracterizar conceitualmente o fenômeno da guerra de vingança para sua análise nas RI, articulando a vingança e a guerra em dois âmbitos: no âmbito intrassocietário os ideais coletivos de vingança, condensados em um sistema ideológico centrípeto ou centrífugo, galvanizam a lealdade para a guerra e justificam o sacrifício do inimigo; no âmbito intersocietário, os imperativos de vingança inibem a possibilidade de resolução diplomática da contenda armada entre os inimigos. Ao dialogarmos com a Antropologia política ameríndia, contribuímos para a compreensão, na área das Relações Internacionais, sobre as manifestações contemporâneas das guerras, para as quais a taxionomia e as categorias conceituais das novas guerras e das RI se mostram incompletas ou inapropriadas. / The author analyzes wars of revenge within the Tupi-Guarani and the Yanomami peoples as well as their implications for the study of wars in International Relations (IR). One can justify the relevance of this topic in the area for three reasons: a) from a diplomatic-strategic point of view, the possibility of revenge shaping “cycles”, which tend to prolong or perpetuate wars, hindering diplomatic resolution of the armed struggle; b) from IR’s theoretical-conceptual point of view, there are few relevant analytical tools for the study of this phenomenon; c) IR lacks research on the cultural demonstration of war in the Amerindian context. To overcome these gaps the author proposes a dialogue with Amerindian Political Anthropology, which has developed fruitful analyses of the topic. The author begins his research by discussing “new wars”. Next, he seeks help in Amerindian Sociology and Political Anthropology to gather inputs for his assessment. The author has adopted types of ethnography and ethnology used by Americanists as primary sources. The anthropological views most frequently used are: Florestan Fernandes’ functionalism of the Tupinambá Wars; Pierre Clastres’s archeology of violence and his experience among the Guayaki-Aché; Viveiros de Castro’s Amerindian perspectivism among the Araweté; Carlos Fausto’s economics of predation among the Parakanãs; and lastly, the economics of predation of David Kopenawa and Bruce Albert among the Yanomami. The author analyzes the connecting mechanisms between revenge and war in “revenge cycles” to try to explain their demonstration in the experiences of the Tupi-Guarani and the Yanomami. The author attempts to conceptually characterize the phenomenon of wars of revenge for an IR analysis, allotting revenge and war within two realms: within the intra-societal realm collective ideals of revenge, condensed in a centripetal or centrifugal ideological system, prompt loyalty in war and justify the enemy’s sacrifice; within the inter-society realm, imperatives of revenge hinder the possibility of diplomatic resolution of the armed struggle between enemies. When conversing with Amerindian Political Anthropology the author contributes to the understanding of contemporary demonstrations of war in the field of International Relations, for which both the taxonomy and the conceptual categories of new wars and IR are deemed incomplete or unsuitable.

Submitted by (lucia.rodrigues@ufrpe.br) on 2016-06-15T12:38:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Hugo Coelho Vieira.pdf: 2845441 bytes, checksum: 3be56b2d3a01cba02c36b56967cce824 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-15T12:38:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Hugo Coelho Vieira.pdf: 2845441 bytes, checksum: 3be56b2d3a01cba02c36b56967cce824 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-07-28 / The goal in this work was investigate the History of War of Pernambuco, between the years from 1630 to 1635. So, trying to understand the life of the Pernambuco captainship‟s troopers in the early years of the Brazil called the Dutch Brazil. Because of that the research is about the soldiers of that period and the search for the resumption of the pernambucana captainship. With the unification of the Two Crowns under the rule of Felipe the second royal power (Iberian Union), the Dutch dealers were unable to deal with Brazil, feeling betrayed by the paralysation on the gain gotten through the valuable sugar marketing, the Ducth came to Pernambuco on February 14th in 1630. This aim assume the referential theory of the New History, which will be useful as the base to understand the practice of the Spanish crown and its influences on tactics of war of that period and on the everyday of the men of war on Brasilian colony. The research sources of the investigation is very diversified and established by public documents guarded on local national and international field, and beyond of being related with significant questions and present in our society such as: the struggle for surviving in war times, the religion and the different beliefs, the relations and control of the public and private areas, the art as a self expression and to identify the other, and the contribution of the African and indigenous History to Brazil. / Este trabalho teve como objetivo investigar a História da Guerra de Pernambuco, entre os anos de 1630 a 1635. Assim, buscamos compreender a vida dos homens de guerra da capitania de Pernambuco nos primeiros anos do chamado Brasil holandês. Logo, a pesquisa trata dos soldados do período e da tentativa de retomada da capitania pernambucana. Com a unificação das Duas Coroas sob a tutela do poder real de Felipe II (União Ibérica), os comerciantes holandeses ficaram impossibilitados de negociar com o Brasil, sentindo-se injustiçados pela paralisação dos lucros obtidos através do valioso comércio do açúcar, os neerlandeses chegaram a Pernambuco no dia 14 de fevereiro de 1630. Esse intento assume o referencial teórico da Nova História, que servirá de base para compreendermos as práticas da coroa espanhola e de suas influências nas táticas de guerra do período e no cotidiano dos homens de guerra na colônia brasileira. As fontes de pesquisa da investigação são diversificadas, sobretudo, estabelecida por documentos de domínio público guardados em arquivos locais, nacionais e internacionais. O tema proposto dialoga com uma historiografia de âmbito nacional e internacional, além de estar relacionado a questões relevantes e presentes em nossa sociedade como: a luta pela sobrevivência em tempos de guerra, a religião e os diversos credos, a relação e o controle do espaço público e privado, a arte como uma expressão de si e de identificação do outro e a contribuição da história africana e indígena para o Brasil.