While many politicians gain national or international acclaim, domestic political activists are rarely remembered for their dedication and, similarly, their sufferings. More specifically, the acts of female political activists, and the harsh punishments they endure following government pushback, are not appreciated or acknowledged by popular histories. Across Great Britain, the United States, and Argentina, three women played crucial roles in advancing reform against unjust government policies. Josephine Butler (1828-1906) was a pivotal character in repealing laws allowing for the government regulation of prostitution, the Contagious Diseases Acts, in Great Britain. Similarly, Alice Paul (1885-1997) was essential in achieving the ratification of the Nineteenth Constitutional Amendment in the United States—granting universal suffrage. Lastly, Azucena Villaflor (1924-1977) was one of the first people, man or woman, to openly oppose the Junta dictatorship in Argentina and openly advocate for the release of information on desaparecidos. Despite advancing such important policy reform, all three women increasingly faced physical suffering, torture or death at the hands of their respective state governments. Amid a lack of media coverage or biased, partial media coverage paired with the direct confrontation of male government leaders, noncombatant activists were unjustly treated in violation of their fundamental human rights. Progressive, forceful voices for positive change are consistently dismissed as crazy, extreme or irrational, rather than praised for their efforts. In exploring the cycle of violence surrounding the treatment of political activists, it appears nationalist histories are often void of past government faults.

Selma Lagerlöf (1858-1940) is one of Sweden’s most well-known and prominent authors. The field of research connected to both her personal life and her body of work is certainly immense. However there are still gaps in the research concerning Lagerlöf’s social critique through her literature. Alongside her authorship she was active in the peace- and women’s movement, and particularly so in women’s suffrage. Simultaneously, as the women’s movement gained momentum at the turn of the 20th century, there was a domestic armament in Sweden. It was at this point when Lagerlöf wrote Herr Arne’s Hoard/The Treasure (1903). The purpose of this study is to examine the connections between manliness and violence in Selma Lagerlöf’s Herr Arne’s Hoard/The Treasure. This is achieved by means of reparative reading using gender theory from the Nordic historic masculinity studies. The reparative reading is based on a model of interpretation, first promoted by Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, and is not about hidden meanings but rather what the text explicitly represents. The analysis shows that the text criticizes a certain fit for military service type of manliness. This particular manliness is characterized by self-interest and vindictiveness, which is tied to an archaic barbarity and social stagnation. At the same time it is connected to positions of power. The analysis also shows, through the critic, a feminine desire for justice, a movement towards change and the subversive potential of sympathy. / Selma Lagerlöf (1858-1940) är en av Sveriges namnkunnigaste och mest prominenta författare. Forskningsfältet kring hennes person och produktion är närmast oöverskådligt. Det finns emellertid fortfarande luckor i forskningen gällande hur samhällskritisk Lagerlöf egentligen var i sitt författarskap. Vid sidan av sitt författarskap var hon också aktiv inom freds- och kvinnorörelsen, i synnerhet i kampen för kvinnlig rösträtt. Samtidigt som kvinnorörelsen tog fart kring sekelskiftet 1900, genomfördes en inhemsk militär upprustning i Sverige. Under denna tidsperiod skriver Lagerlöf berättelsen Herr Arnes penningar (1903). Den här studien undersöker kopplingen mellan manlighet och våld i Selma Lagerlöfs Herr Arnes penningar. Studien genomför en reparativ läsning utifrån ett genusvetenskapligt perspektiv med teorier hämtade från den nordiska historiska manlighetsforskningen. Den reparativa läsningen är baserad på en tolkningsmodell som först lanserades av Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick och som handlar om att inte se till vad en text döljer utan till vad den vill. Analysen påvisar att texten kritiserar en särskild vapenför manlighet. Denna manlighet karakteriseras av egennytta och hämndbegär, som förbinds med ett arkaiskt barbari och samhällelig stagnation. Samtidigt förbinds det med maktpositioner. Analysen synliggör utifrån kritiken också ett kvinnligt begär efter rättvisa, en rörelse mot förändring och sympatins subversiva potential.

The presented work is situated on the borderline between gender history and women's history. It aims to analyze the agenda of the Czechoslovak female deputies between 1918 and 1948. The work describe, analyze and looks for common features of political, social and gender motivation and program priorities in the parliamentary activities of the female deputies of the Czechoslovak Parliament. Work looks for connections between agenda of female deputies and the social and political situation of the state like geopolitical or economic crisis. This work focuses on the development of what is understanted under the term "female issues" and how big is the part of female issues in the overall agenda of female deputies during the period. The text is also interested in relations female deputies with their male colleagues. The author presents types of women's requirements, which female deputies considered to contribute to women as social group. The primary focus is on the anticipated evolution from female ambassadors to real parliament member with comprehensive political program. Key words Female members of parliament, Františka Zeminová, Czechoslovakian parliament, female issues, political party membership, 1918-1948, women's suffrage, gender

Right and good : Argumentation and Discourse of Czech Activists for Women's Suffrage Jitka Gelnarová Abstract The dissertation deals with the concept of suffrage within the discourse of Czech women's suffrage activists between 1897 and 1914. The aim is to define how the concept of suffrage was constructed by Czech suffragists within the context they lived in, how their notion of the suffrage was influenced by the fact that different women were positioned differently within the system of hierarchies based on gender, class and nation. The dissertation focuses on the hierarchies present in the discourse; the relation of "public" and private" in the discourse; the notion of "political representation" in the discourse; positions the suffragists spoke from and their representation of the enemy ("us/them"); the functions the concept of "Czechness" fulfilled in relation to the demand of female suffrage in the discourse; and the relation of "universality" and "particularity" to the demand of female suffrage in the discourse.

This thesis deals with the life of Františka Plamínková (1875-1942) paying special attention to her role as a women's rights activist, politician and journalist. The study maps out Plamínková's journey to becoming one of the principal characters of the Czech women's movement before and after the First World War and her merits regarding the women's suffrage in Czechoslovakia in the appropriate historical context. Furthermore, it describes her politics in the Czechoslovak Senate as well as her other public activities, such as being the chairwoman of the Czech National Women's Council. It highlights Plamínková's fate during the Nazi occupation of Czechoslovakia, which ultimately led to her execution. The chapter dedicated to Plamínková's journalistic work analyses her texts published between 1906-1940 primarily in women's magazines, where Plamínková reflected on the period narrative concerning women and aimed to change their limited options within both their public and private lives. The premise of this thesis is that Plamínková projected her own experience and opinions into her journalistic body of work. The study is based in archival materials and sources, texts in period magazines and other studies related to the topic at hand. Enclosed are several period photographs and archival documents.

Pendant la période de la Première Guerre mondiale, les démocraties ont commencé à accorder le droit de vote aux femmes. Bien qu’il existe certaines exceptions ayant permis aux femmes de voter partiellement ou provisoirement avant 1893, les femmes n’étaient pas officiellement autorisées à voter avant cette date. Au Québec, ce droit n'a été accordé qu'en 1940, ce qui en a fait la dernière province canadienne à accorder le droit de vote aux femmes. Cela soulève des interrogations concernant l’impact de ce retard sur les résultats électoraux en faveur des partis politiques de droite. Ce mémoire entreprend d'évaluer l'impact de l'obtention du droit de vote des femmes sur les résultats électoraux, avec une attention particulière portée sur la province du Québec. Ce mémoire se base sur l’hypothèse postulant que l'obtention du suffrage féminin augmente le soutien aux partis politiques de droite. Cette hypothèse découle d'un cadre théorique plus large envisageant d'autres possibilités, telles que le fait que les femmes pourraient soutenir les partis progressistes ou adopter un comportement politique similaire à celui des hommes engendrant aucune différence dans les résultats du vote. La préférence pour s’attarder aux partis de droite est justifiée par les valeurs et l'influence de la religion catholique au Québec. Deux types d’analyses sont présentées dans ce mémoire, l'une visant à établir si le droit de vote des femmes a eu un impact sur le soutien aux partis de droite à travers les provinces canadiennes, alors que l'autre porte sur le Québec uniquement. L’analyse portant sur les provinces canadiennes utilise des données couvrant la période de 1897 à 1960 alors que la deuxième analyse se concentre sur le Québec en examinant les circonscriptions entre 1927 et 1960. À l’échelle des provinces canadiennes, l'élargissement du droit de vote des femmes semble lié à un déclin du soutien envers les partis de droite. Toutefois, les résultats de l'analyse effectuée au Québec révèlent une tendance opposée au niveau des circonscriptions : les élections qui ont suivi l'obtention du droit de vote ont engendré un soutien accru envers les partis de droite, principalement l'Union nationale. Ainsi, l'hypothèse ne se confirme que dans le contexte spécifique du Québec. / During the period of World War I, democracies began to grant women the right to vote. Although there were some exceptions that allowed women to vote before partially or provisionally 1893, women were not officially allowed to vote before that date. In Quebec, this right was not granted until 1940, making it the last Canadian province to grant women the right to vote. This raises questions about the impact of this delay on the electoral results in favor of right-wing political parties. This dissertation undertakes to evaluate the impact of obtaining the right to vote for women on electoral results, with particular attention paid to the province of Quebec. This thesis is based on the hypothesis postulating that obtaining female suffrage increases support for right-wing political parties. This hypothesis arises from a broader theoretical framework considering other possibilities, such as that women might support progressive parties or engage in similar political behavior to men resulting in no difference in voting outcomes. The preference to focus on right-wing parties is justified by the values and influence of the Catholic religion in Quebec. Two types of analyzes are presented in this dissertation, one aimed at establishing whether women's right to vote had an impact on support for right-wing parties across the Canadian provinces, while the other focuses on Quebec. uniquely. The analysis relating to the Canadian provinces uses data covering the period from 1897 to 1960 while the second analysis focuses on Quebec by examining the constituencies between 1927 and 1960. At the level of the Canadian provinces, the expansion of the right women's voting rate appears linked to a decline in support for right-wing parties. However, the results of the analysis carried out in Quebec reveal an opposite trend at the constituency level: the elections which followed obtaining the right to vote generated increased support for right-wing parties, mainly the Union Nationale. Thus, the hypothesis is only confirmed in the specific context of Quebec.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The perspectives of unique suffragists and clubwomen in Indiana, like Grace Julian Clarke, reflect the typically overlooked narrative of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Far from a bystander, Clarke engaged in political wars at the state level long before having the right to vote. She demonstrated this ability early on when she acted as a campaign manager during the 1915 Indiana Federation of Clubs presidential election. By its end, club women around the state knew who Clarke was, trusted her word, and looked to her for critical information. As World War I encroached and threatened the nationwide fight for suffrage, Clarke again remained loyal to suffrage by using war-related activities to promote and expand awareness of women’s work and abilities in Indiana. Clarke strategically used these activities as a tool to advocate for enfranchisement by pressing leaders on her belief that women had earned their rightful place as equal partners. Although she stayed active in the suffrage movement throughout the war, it became clear toward its end that her assets as a political leader were demanded at a higher level. As such, she turned her attention toward international affairs (particularly the League of Nations) and away from suffrage. Though the United States never joined the League of Nations, Clarke’s advocacy of the covenant was critical in her formation as a true political influencer. By the time the covenant was being disputed at the national level, Clarke was corresponding with national leaders to coordinate speaking events around the state. She became more exclusive in these speaking engagements, as there were very few women who actually understood the covenant well enough to speak on its behalf. Clarke was unique in her ability to speak out for her own values, in large part due to the influence of her father, former Congressman George W. Julian. Her story demonstrates that women’s political influence did not begin nor end with the 19th amendment. Rather, women’s political influence evolved over time, and is still evolving today.