Au cours des dernières décennies, le thème de la conciliation travail-famille s’est taillé une place importante dans le discours populaire, médiatique et politique tant au Québec, dans les pays industrialisés que dans les organismes internationaux. L’expression désigne les défis que posent pour les individus, les couples, les familles, les milieux de travail et la société en général la relation nouvelle qui s’est développée entre ces deux sphères de vie avec le passage d’une société industrielle à une société dite postindustrielle. Ces défis perçus, ressentis, identifiés et définis différemment par l’un ou l’autre de ces acteurs se sont traduits par l’inscription de cette question à l’agenda politique des gouvernements, ici comme ailleurs. L’objet de la recherche est de comprendre les dynamiques entourant le développement des actions de l’État québécois sur le thème de la conciliation travail-famille. La recherche s’intéresse aux acteurs (Intérêts) qui ont participé aux processus de développement des mesures de conciliation travail-famille et au contexte Institutionnel qui encadre leurs interactions avec les décideurs. À ce titre, la recherche permet de vérifier si le développement de la politique familiale québécoise peut être situé dans ce qui a été désigné comme le « modèle québécois de développement ». La variable « Idée » complète le cadre théorique de l’analyse du développement de la politique de conciliation travail-famille au Québec selon l’approche dite « des 3 I ». / In recent decades, the topic of balancing work and family has earned an important place in popular discourse, media and politics in Québec, as well as in industrialized countries and in international organizations. The term refers to the challenges for individuals, couples, families, workplaces and society in general, and the new relationship that has developed between these two spheres of life with the transition from an industrial to a post-industrial society. These perceived challenges, identified and defined differently by each of these players have resulted in the inclusion of this issue on the political agenda of governments, both here and abroad. The purpose of this research is to understand the dynamics surrounding the development of actions by the Québec government on the issue of reconciling work and family. The research focuses on the actors (Interests) who participated in the process of developing measures to reconcile work and family and the Institutional environment in which they interact with policy makers. As such, research to verify whether the development of Québec's family policy can be located in what was designated the "Québec model of development." The variable "Idea" completes the theoretical analysis of the development policy of balancing work and family in Québec.

L’agent régulateur des temps sociaux de la famille québécoise a été la religion catholique pendant des décennies. Les mouvements d’après-guerre et la Révolution tranquille, ont amené un changement de paradigme avec la laïcisation des institutions et la multiplication des programmes sociaux de l’État-providence. Pour cerner l’importance de ce changement, nous avons utilisé la clef analytique de Léon Gérin pour produire une analyse comparative entre deux familles à deux époques : en 1886 et en 2010. Or, au moment où l’État est de plus en plus présent dans toutes les sphères de la vie de la famille tout en leur laissant une autonomie et une liberté, la population se montre de plus en plus sceptique envers les institutions étatiques. Un fossé s’est créé entre la société officielle, celle du social, des institutions, et la société officieuse, celle de la culture populaire qui agit à partir de l’esprit de corps de son groupe, virtuel ou non. La crise de confiance des gens envers les institutions annonce un nouveau changement de paradigme. La rationalité qui a été le moteur de la modernité fait graduellement place à l’émotionnel et à la valeur du temps présent. Le travail, agent régulateur qui comblait les besoins matériels à la modernité, serait remplacé progressivement par des besoins immatériels devenant l’agent régulateur des temps sociaux de la famille. / During decades, the regulating agent of social times of the Quebec family was the catholic religion. The post-war the Révolution tranquille, brought a change of paradigm with the secularization of institutions and the multiplication of the social programs under the Welfare State. To investigate the importance of this change of paradigm, we used Léon Gérin's method of clef analytique [analytic key] to produce a comparative analysis between two families and two periods: in 1886 and in 2010. Today, as the Welfare state is more and more present in all the family’s spheres of the life while leaving autonomy and freedom the population shows itself more and more sceptical to the state institutions. A great distance appears between the official society, that of the social, institutions, and the unofficial society, that of the popular culture who acts from the esprit de corps of its group, virtual or not. The crisis towards institutions at present announces another change of paradigm. Rationality, which was the mainspring of the modernity, gradually gives way to the emotional and to the value of the present time. Work time, the regulating agent who filled the material needs in the modernity would be gradually replaced by immaterial social needs as regulating agent of social times.

Le nuove tendenze della contrattazione collettiva paiono evidenziare un suo decentramento verso il livello aziendale e territoriale che sta avendo profonde implicazioni sia sul sistema delle relazioni industriali, sia sul welfare state. Nel tentativo di coniugare flessibilità e difesa dell’occupazione, i processi negoziali si stanno caratterizzando per uno scambio tra lavoro e diritti da cui non può che seguire una riconfigurazione dello Stato Sociale e delle metodologie di azione collettiva. La difficoltà oggettiva dello Stato nel fornire risposte concrete ai nuovi bisogni dei suoi cittadini ha spinto alla ricerca di soluzioni alternative basate sulla solidarietà di azienda, o di comparto economico-produttivo, comportando un intervento delle parti sociali nel destinare parti di salario alla copertura dei nuovi rischi. Il welfare integrativo può rappresentare il fondamento di un nuovo patto sociale che valorizzi il rapporto tra capitale e lavoro in ottica partecipativa. La comparazione con il modello britannico, costitutivamente sbilanciato sul livello aziendale, permette una considerazione dell’effetto che tali tendenze potrebbero avere sul sistema italiano. Emergono però le differenze storiche e culturali dei due modelli: mentre in Italia la distribuzione di benefici aggiuntivi a quelli del welfare pubblico per il tramite delle aziende valorizza la dimensione settoriale e territoriale, in Inghilterra l’impresa rimane il luogo privilegiato. / The collective bargaining system is going to experience a decentralization process with the attempt to privilege the company and the district level. This process is having serious consequences for both the industrial relations system and the welfare state. Union is constrained to make concessions, particularly as regards labor flexibility, in order to attain its objectives relating to job security. The result is a reconfiguration of welfare and the decline of collectivism. The necessity of giving a response to the new demands of its citizens has forced the State to find alternative solutions which imply a new kind of solidarity that could be build either on company or on industry level. Trade unions can play a role in this context by providing workers a coverage from the new social risks throughout switching part of the salary to benefits. A form of integrative welfare can represent the foundation of a new social pact in order to reconsider the relation between workers and enterprises in a more cooperative way. The comparison with the British system, where negotiations primarily take place at company level, allow us to consider the possible effects of this new trend on the Italian one. Cultural and historical differences are evident: while in Italy the distribution of additional benefits involve more frequently the industrial and district levels, in Great Britain enterprises are the main actors.

For the Swedish artist Björn Lövin, the personal was a problem. In his first exhibition in Moderna Museet, Lövin observed through the fictitious character Mr. P (for »Personality«) the ruptures in the Swedish welfare state. The exhibition Konsument i oändligheten och Herr P:s penningar (Consumer in Infinity and Mr. P’s Money) (1971) was composed of two environments, through which a veridical working class apartment and a high street with life-sized mannequins and furniture characteristic of its time, visualized the societal discrepancies in the welfare state as well as the art world of the early 1970s. Lövin was as much a dystopian observer as a utopian thinker, where art must, according to him, engage the whole of society, and in essence change reality rather than act upon aesthetic experience. The personal is always contemporary, this essay argues. It concerns a question about the now, what Michel Foucault called »the ontology of actuality«, which means that, for Lövin, art must engage in the historical and critical questioning on how the present is configured, in its blind spots and hidden potentialities. Here, another element in the exhibition foregrounds the ontological questioning of the now: the fact that the two environments were designed as archaeological excavations in the future, representing an era before a catastrophic event. Lövin challenged us to look upon our times as if struck with amnesia. This remarkable displacement of perspective makes it possible for Lövin to not only reveal the inherent contradictions in the social conditions of the 1970s, through the harsh conditions that Mr. P represents, but to regard potentially everything, the consumer culture and all ephemeral expressions of our society – through the eyes of the future scientists – as art. Challenging the problematic notions of persona, socially determined beings or citizens, we are guided by Lövin, in a way that is not unusual of his time, to look upon »the art of the people« as synonymous with »the life of the people«. In this essay, which is one of the first in-depth analysis of Lövin, who Lars Nittve has called »the creator of some of the most important Swedish exhibitions in the last decades«, the allegorical meaning of »the art of the people« is seen as the nexus where the personal is pushed through its boundaries, to its ostensibly opposite meaning, the impersonal, in which a social utopia of the now emerges.

El objetivo general de mi tesis doctoral ha sido analizar la inestabilidad laboral y las estrategias de emancipación de los “mileuristas” entre 25 y 34 años de edad en España e Italia. En estos dos países la desregulación del sistema de empleo se ha llevado a cabo sobre todo en los últimos veinte años, con ambivalentes consecuencias sociales y económicas. Los científicos sociales han estudiado la precariedad asimilándola a los efectos negativos de la flexibilidad laboral. Esta flexibilidad se define como situación de inestabilidad e inseguridad porque los trabajadores reciben salarios bajos y tienen escasas tutelas sociales (indemnizaciones, cotizaciones, derechos), limitadas oportunidades para promocionar y fortalecer sus carreras, desarrollando tareas por debajo de su cualificación y encadenando contratos temporales, con fases intermitentes de desempleo involuntario. Los jóvenes representan uno de los grupos sociales más afectados por la flexibilidad laboral en España e Italia, a pesar de su mayor nivel de instrucción formal. Las credenciales formativas facilitan la entrada en el mercado y el mantenimiento de la propia empleabilidad, pero sin la certeza que a la alta cualificación corresponda un trabajo significativo y de calidad. Las problemáticas relativas a las formas en que se desarrolla su emancipación, a pesar de la propia inestabilidad laboral, son elementos que ellos resuelven con diversas posibilidades de reacción y a partir de diferentes circunstancias y prioridades individuales. He matizado estos aspectos en una categoría específica de jóvenes-adultos, los “mileuristas” titulados superiores, que presentan evidentes caracteres de inestabilidad laboral justamente en el cruce de sus itinerarios de autonomía personal e independencia material y residencial de las familias de origen. La denominación de esta categoría ha sido acuñada en la prensa y difundida en los medios de comunicación españoles, pero aún está pendiente de ser analizada de forma sistemática por parte de las ciencias sociales. Mi estudio ha aportado más conocimiento sobre sus condiciones, en términos de sobrecualificación, temporalidad, salarios insuficientes y desprotección. He añadido a la perspectiva de individualización estructurada un enfoque constructivista para interpretar las representaciones del fenómeno investigado tal como los integrantes de mi categoría de análisis lo perciben y lo representan. La precariedad se evidencia para ellos como tensión constante entre riesgos y oportunidades, afectando directamente a su estilo de vida y proyectos personales, de cara a sus estrategias de enclasamiento. Su mayor dificultad es replicar los mínimos de bienestar alcanzados por sus familias, especialmente en el caso de los jóvenes-adultos de clase media residentes en grandes centros urbanos. Estos “mileuristas” evitan sectores marginales del mercado, no suelen tener largas temporadas de desempleo o desarrollar tareas manuales, y sus salarios crecen más de los que son menos cualificados después de por lo menos tres años de haberse licenciado, con menores probabilidades de quedarse en paro. Por otra parte, se han extendido los tiempos para que ellos se estabilicen profesionalmente mientras que sus expectativas de mejora ocupacional y de emancipación no son tan fácilmente realizables. Además, la inflación de las credenciales formativas y la falta de una adecuada sintonía entre la demanda y la oferta de trabajo en sistemas productivos como el italiano y el español -que invierten comparativamente menos en innovación respecto a los demás países de la OCDE y generan escaso empleo de alta cualificación- hacen aún más difícil que puedan rentabilizar su capital humano. Todo ello influye en la prolongación de sus condiciones de semi-dependencia de las familias de origen, o en itinerarios frágiles y caracterizados por la aproximación incierta y discontinua a la estabilidad. Cada “mileurista” que he entrevistado, me ha ayudado a dibujar las distintas facetas de la inestabilidad laboral, matizando las influencias y las transposiciones que ésta manifiesta en sus experiencias directas. Las historias recogidas no agotan las representaciones que los jóvenes pueden tener de este fenómeno y tampoco todas sus consecuencias en España e Italia. Sin embargo, proporcionan herramientas novedosas para explicar y sintetizar distintas expresiones del coste humano y social de la inestabilidad laboral, en un contexto de emancipación caracterizado por nuevos aspectos del familismo y por la constante metamorfosis del trabajo asalariado y de la condición juvenil. / “Employment instability and transitional strategies. The mileuristas young-adults from Barcelona and Rome" Job instability causes many and varied problems for young Spanish adults when they are set to leave home and try to build an independent life. In this tesis we focus on how a sample of 80 “mileuristas” (€1000 gross/month salaried workers), 40 from Barcelona (Spain) and 40 from Rome (Italy), between 25-34 years old perceive and represent job instability, directly from their own experience related to the transition to adulthood process. The main objective is to explore how they confront the risks of job instability, how it influences their job placement, their welfare and future prospects, what kind of flexibility and security they look for in their process of emancipation and independence and what role their families play as the “social shock absorbers” of the negativity provoked by their children’s precarious and insecure work situation. With regard to these issues, one wonders what effects job insecurity has on the lives of young adults? That is: how do they perceive and represent their employment situation? How is the precariousness manifested in their definition of autonomy and independence? What strategies and attitudes develop from the pressures that job insecurity poses to their identities, life courses and social integration? What flexibility and security needs challenge their process of emancipation? What flexibility and security requirements do they set for their emancipation processes? Various studies have coincided in explaining that job insecurity is the principle reason why young Spanish adults delay leaving the family home. With the formulation answers to the questions above we try to enter into an in-depth understanding of the consequences of job insecurity as the manifestation of a complex social phenomenon. For this purpose, the use of qualitative analysis techniques (interviews and life stories), constitute the perfect tool for interpreting the job insecurity of the young adults who are directly living it in their transition towards adulthood.

The South Australian Rann Labor government elected in 2002 became the first in the nation to address ‘social exclusion’ through the implementation of a Social Inclusion Initiative. The increasingly popular term ‘social exclusion’ was first used overseas in the early 1970s to describe serious symptoms of socio-economic disadvantage linked with global economic restructuring. Taking the South Australian policy initiative as a point of departure, this thesis provides a multi-layered analysis of social exclusion discourses and policy approaches, exploring their significance in the context of Australia’s shifting welfare state terrain. In so doing, the thesis seeks to break new ground both at general theory and specific case study levels by utilising a regulation approach (RA) to test the research hypothesis that ‘social inclusion’ policies are reflective of a transitional neoliberal (or, in some instances, Third Way) mode of social regulation which is inadequate to arrest rising socio-economic inequality linked to the collapse of the post-war ‘Fordist-Keynesian’ consensus. The cross-disciplinary regulation approach is a method of inquiry used to analyse spatially and temporally specific shifts in phases of capitalist accumulation and the different policy and institutional arrangements that support accumulation in each phase. The complex and interrelated institutional shifts at the Australian national level are critical to understanding the origins and impact of ‘social inclusion’ policies. Hence the adoption of this type of policy approach at the South Australian state level is considered in a broader national political economic context where the phenomenon of social exclusion is located within national welfare to work reforms. By applying a regulationist lens to examine the global concept of social exclusion in a local and broader national setting, the thesis offers empirical evidence to one of the ‘missing links’ in the ‘post-Fordist’ literature. That is, it contributes to the debate about whether nascent neoliberal or Third Way modes of social regulation have potential to stabilise capitalism’s inherent crisis tendencies, or whether they merely extend a period of institutional searching. The thesis concludes that the South Australian Social Inclusion Initiative in various ways appears to be not only partial and inadequate in its own terms, but fundamentally in conflict with the South Australian government’s broader policy objectives. In short, it shows that the Initiative has inadequate capacity to address the impact of global structural changes that have caused the polarisation of wealth and increasing poverty. Furthermore, it is argued that this approach attempts to suppress class dissent by silencing potential critics, and fails to intersect with or compensate for national level policies which have served to depress wages and simultaneously reduce the welfare safety net. It is concluded from these findings that these policies do not have the capacity to contribute to an equitable or sustainable new mode of social regulation. The thesis argues that a more comprehensive approach to ‘social inclusion’ is required in the post-Keynesian era and proposes further research to this end. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1348509 / Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2008

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Heidelberg. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 203-213).

In our study, Kneeling between the lines. A quantitative content analysis of how Swedish press portrays begging, we aim to investigate how Aftonbladet and Svenska Dagbladet, two Swedish national newspapers, with different ideological orientations, portray begging during the last year. Also, we intend to discuss the relationship between the newspapers' production of begging and the view of the Swedish welfare state.The purpose of this study is broken down into three questions: How are beggars portrayed in the two examined newspapers? Who/whom influence the discussion about begging in the two examined newspapers? How is the phenomenon explained in the two examined newspapers? – who/whom is responsible and what solutions are discussed? The method of the study is a quantitative content analysis, inspired by qualitative elements. We have analyzed 118 articles in total.Based on statistical generalizations, articles from both newspapers portray beggars in an inferior position. Also, it is unusual for those who personalize the phenomenon to influence the news reports. In Svenska Dagbladet, beggars are described in a more destructive and threatening position in comparison to Aftonbladet. In Aftonbladet, the cause of begging is commonly described as a problem of poverty or discrimination while in Svenska Dagbladet it is also portrayed as a consequence of drug abuse and human trafficking. The advocated solutions differbetween the papers. Aftonbladet proposes humanitarian actions while Svenska Dagbladet more often suggests juridical solutions such as a national ban. Based on a more socialist perspective on the welfare state, it is possible to concluded that Aftonbladet tends to have a more altruistic view of the phenomenon. This means that the Swedish state should support third parties without necessarily counting on something in return. Svenska Dagbladet, a newspaper which is more on the right in the ideological scale, appears to primarily advocate Swedish welfare to Swedish citizens.

Cette thèse porte sur la genèse de la politique familiale en Corée du Sud. Cette recherche présente dans un premier temps comment les mesures politiques en direction de la famille se sont développées depuis les années 1990. La démocratisation politique et sociale de la société coréenne a entraîné l’apparition de lois et de dispositifs dans le domaine de l’égalité entre les sexes et de la conciliation entre vie familiale et vie professionnelle. Le phénomène de la baisse de natalité était plus directement à l’origine de la naissance de la politique familiale dans les années 2000. Malgré le retard notable, le domaine de la politique familiale a évolué rapidement. Le ‘centre du soutien pour la famille saine’ est un exemple significatif et également symbolique de cette évolution récente, avec toutes ses limites. Malgré les efforts de l’Etat, ce centre affiche de nombreuses lacunes. Les dépenses réelles d'aides aux ménages sont faibles et les centres se contentent d'apporter un soutien d'ordre moral et préventif. On constate également la vulnérabilité de la condition des femmes dans leur travail professionnel et l’inégalité entre les femmes. Une minorité de femmes peuvent bénéficier du progrès acquis dans ce domaine. La dernière partie de la thèse situe le cas coréen dans les comparaisons internationales. Dans cette perspective, les typologies de la politique familiale et les expériences d’autres pays comme la France, le Japon, ou les pays d’Europe du Sud sont examinées. On peut constater le caractère résiduel des politiques menées en Corée du sud. Si la politique familiale y est désormais devenue explicite, elle demeure très limitée. L’auteur souligne donc le caractère limité de l’effort de l’Etat qui s’explique, en partie, par le maintien absolu du principe de la solidarité intrafamiliale. La raison de cette limite de la politique familiale réside en somme dans sa finalité même. Les institutions dans le domaine de la famille n’ont pas pour objectif de s’attaquer à l’origine des maux familiaux, mais d’aider les familles à les résoudre eux-mêmes ou en s’appuyant sur les réponses du marché. / This doctoral thesis deals with the genesis of family policy in South Korea. In the first chapter, we discuss in which context policies in support of family have appeared in Korea since 1990’s. It’s a political and social democratization which brought about the expansion of laws and regulations in the fields of gender equality and work-family balance. The decrease of birth rate influenced more directly the development of family policy in 2000’s. Despite its late development, family policy progressed rapidly. The ‘healthy family support center’ is a symbolic example of this recent change. However, despite of state’s efforts, this center is flawed. The direct financial support for inhabitants is too weak and the centres only offer moral and preventive supports. Women are still facing vulnerable conditions in their job and inequality between women is still important. Few women can benefit from this new development in family policy. The last part of the thesis positions South Korea in the comparative literature. In order to do this, diverse typologies of family policy and experiences of different countries like as France, Japan and South Europe are examined. In short, we can see residual characteristic of Korean welfare system. From now on, the family policy in South Korea became explicit, but still very limited in its applications. The thesis notes the limited effect of public interventions in the domain of family. Among the main reasons, the author underlines the maintenance of family support obligation principle. The reason of the limits of Korean family policy lies in its purpose itself. Main institutions of the field of family do not aim to attack the roots of family problems, but to help the family to solve them herself or through the market.

The subject of the thesis is an evaluation of how the economically active population of the Czech Republic is preparing for a time when they will receive a pension. The theoretical part is devoted to social policy, its basic characteristics and typology of social systems in Europe. This part is followed lyrics dealing with the development of the pension system in the Czech Republic with a description of the current three-pillar system. More attention is paid canceled the second pillar and experience with him in Poland and the Slovak Republic. The thesis focuses on the third pillar, which supports more merit principle. The research part of the thesis builds on the theoretical basis and through a questionnaire survey investigates how people rely on funding from the state and how much saving themselves for the purpose of security in old age. The survey was conducted among respondents in the age group from 20 to 59 years throughout the Czech Republic. Respondents were divided into four age categories over 10 years, and each category is represented by one quarter of respondents.