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From 19th century insane asylums to state sponsored eugenic programs in the 20th century, the state has been an incongruous leader and provider of mental health policy and practice. Current practices that include such treatments as confinement, restraints, forced medication and electro-convulsive therapy continue to raise issues of social justice and humane treatment. Since the 1970s a diverse group of consumers of mental health services from political and radical emancipatory movements to consumer and family initiatives have emerged to question, inform and influence federal and state policies and services. Today state administrators and consumer-advocates meet in formal settings in which they exchange ideas as they work to affect and develop mental health policy and practice. However, such exchanges have raised new questions regarding the relationship between these two groups and their ability, in light of past practices to effectively work together to develop mental health policy and practice. The purpose of this study is to compare how state administrators and consumer-advocates perceive mental illness and how these perceptions impact policy and practice. Through a qualitative research study, the researcher compared and contrasted the perceptions of five consumer-advocates and five state administrators who are involved in major mental health policy in a rural state in order to consider how their perceptions of mental health affect policy and treatment. This study shows an emerging relationship between state administrators and consumer-advocates but a relationship that lacks communication and trust as their discourse attempts to span the gap between their two symbolic universes. The focus of consumer-advocates on the importance of their role in battling pervasive stigma and the need for people with lived experience to be central in the mental health system can be seen as an effort to overcome a historical pattern of coercion and abuse of mental health patients by the state. The focus of state administrators to remain relevant in a mental health system in which consumer-advocates challenge the status quo can be seen as their effort to retain legitimacy as well as their historic control over the mental health system. State administrators and consumer-advocates know that they exist in a new, shared world of mental health care and both groups agreed that the relationship between them needs to improve.

The EU has for some time imposed sanctions against individiduals, i.e. targeted sanctions. These sanctions have had impacts on the listed individual in forms of limited procedural rights due to inter alia the limited disclosure of evidence. Improvements in the field were introduced by Kadi. Yet it remains difficult for the individual who wants to challenge a listing. The purpose of this essay is to examine how to obtain mechanisms for an effective judicial review in targeted sanctions cases when there is a non-disclosure of evidence to the EU Courts by the EU institutions. This essay will also discuss how the Courts standard of review could look like after Kadi. It will also address the need for an increased responsibility of the EU institutions, in the matter concerning the access to confidential information. This relates to questions regarding the transparency in the Union. This essay suggests that the mechanisms needed to acquire a higher intensity of review as well as an effective judicial review could be the use of closed material procedures and special advocates.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:49:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 VALERIA GAYNOR DA FONSECA.pdf: 5291736 bytes, checksum: a7c1f431e66cbbc6ca35e6b6d31ded4e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-02-12 / This paper aims to highlight the role of religion in the building and maintaining of the social nomie in people s with intellectual disabilities, their parents and caregivers life. It also tries to get answers to society s questions about the social inclusion of people with intellectual retardation, looking for efficient and accurate information that will be taken public to facilitate the solution of problems of health, education and selfadvocates. Social processes have been observed along field research with mothers and fathers of patients with intellectual disabilities, assisted by the Centro de Reabilitação e Readaptação Doutor Henrique Santillo (CRER), in the city of Goiania. The paper also discusses the social phenomena of religion in promoting a causal link between intelectual retardation in order to understand better its meanings, the emotional and logical synapses of mothers and fathers, and the problem these people had with the responses on how they are experienced situations of anomie, aging and death, and the articulating role of religion in situations of anomie, selfadvocates and disability. / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo evidenciar o papel da religião na construção e manutenção da nomia social na vida de pessoas com deficiência intelectual, seus pais e cuidadores. Também visa obter respostas às indagações da sociedade acerca da inclusão social de pessoas com deficiência intelectual, buscando informações acuradas e eficientes, as quais serão levadas a público com o intuito de facilitar a solução de problemas de saúde, educação e autodefensoria. Os processos sociais foram observados mediante pesquisa de campo aplicada a mães e pais de pacientes com deficiência intelectual atendidos no Centro de Reabilitação e Readaptação Doutor Henrique Santillo (CRER), no município de Goiânia. O trabalho aborda os fenômenos sociais no âmbito da religião, promovendo um nexo de causalidade entre a deficiência intelectual - no sentido de melhor compreender os seus significados, as sinapses emocionais e lógicas de mães e pais, bem como o problema enfrentado por essas pessoas com base nas respostas de como são vividas pelas pessoas com deficiência intelectual, as situações de anomia, envelhecimento e morte - e o papel da religião como articuladora nas situações de anomia, deficiência e autodefensoria.

Because of the relative uniqueness of the runaway experience as it now exists, minimal current research information is available. It was our feeling that knowledge about runaways, their families, and the social agencies which serve them is essential if significant prevention and treatment for the problem were to be implemented by the community. The purpose and scope of this exploratory research was essentially two-fold; to contribute descriptive information about runaway youth and their families to the community, and to evaluate the current populations of two agencies which service them. An underlying goal throughout the research was to utilize the data collected to identify trends in runaway behavior, increase the potential for predictability, and provide some real insight into prevention techniques. Our informal hypothesis was that there is a significant difference in specific variables between runaway and non-runaway populations. We were interested in developing a typology of runaways, identifying those factors which increase a child's probability that he/she will run away. Finally, we wanted to know if different agencies tend to serve a particular kind of runaway who has specific characteristics. These constituted the major goals for this research practicum. Since most law enforcement and social service energy is spent at the point of crisis, this research sought to identify trends in the scope of the problem which would aid preventative services for runaways. Hopefully, the impact of this practicum will influence crucial issues in terms of family dynamics, treatment intervention, community resources, and delinquency prevention. The results of this study will be distributed to the participating agencies and other interested segments of the community. Probably more detailed hypothesis testing will be needed; however, this study forms a base of information for future research. Better assessment of meeting the problem by evaluating all existing services should be a continuing focus for the social service community.

abstract: The Student Performance Accomplishments Questionnaire (SPAQ) was developed and validated in two studies with two normative samples totaling 315 college students, including a subsample of undocumented students. This instrument assesses academic performance accomplishments in the context of students' academic, extracurricular, and advocacy roles. Performance accomplishments are theorized to be one of four sources of efficacy (Bandura, 1977, 1986). Study 2 tested part of the Social Cognitive Career Theory model (Lent et al., 1994) in a sample of 154 student advocates. By conventional standards, the results yielded no support for the SCCT model and suggested the need for an alternative model. Results showed that student performance accomplishments in advocacy are highly related to students' academic outcomes, particularly choice actions. Choice actions were subsequently related to career goals and academic performance. No significant differences were found between documented and undocumented students on any of the variables studied. It was found that student advocates were significantly higher in performance accomplishments in advocacy, academic self-efficacy, choice action, and academic performance in comparison to student non-advocates. Clinical and research implications of these results for the field of counseling psychology were discussed. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. Counseling Psychology 2013

Cette thèse s'inscrit dans la nouvelle histoire du droit européen en proposant les résultats de recherches biographiques sur les premiers juges, avocats généraux et greffier qui ont fait fonctionner la Cour de Justice de l'Union européenne pendant les vingt premières années de son existence (1952 - 1972). Il s'agit tout d'abord de mettre en lumière les parcours professionnels et personnels des pionniers de la juridiction et des hommes qui ont prononcé certains de ses jugements les plus connus, ceux qui ont lancé le processus de « constitutionnalisation » de l'ordre juridique communautaire. Ensuite, il s'agit d'utiliser les résultats de ces recherches biographiques pour apporter, sur trois points précis, des éléments de réponse à une question qui intéresse depuis deux décennies en particulier les politistes - et de manière plus récente, les historiens: comment cette institution réussit-elle, à partir des années 1960, à autant limiter la souveraineté des Etats membres, en posant notamment le principe de primauté du droit européen, et cela sans semble-t-il être confrontée à de sérieuses résistances de la part des dirigeants des Etats membres ? Cette thèse analyse tout d'abord le processus de nomination des juges et des avocats généraux, afin de savoir si les gouvernements tentent, ou non, via le mécanisme de sélection de mettre un terme à sa jurisprudence audacieuse. Puis, elle étudie les convictions européennes des membres de la Cour et leur vision du rôle qu'ils doivent jouer dans le processus d'intégration. Enfin, elle s'intéresse au réseau politique des hommes de la juridiction européenne et leurs interactions officieuses avec les dirigeants des Etats membres. / This Ph.D. thesis contributes to the new history of European law by proposing the results of in-depth biographical research on the first judges, advocates general and registrar who worked at the European Court of Justice during the first twenty years of its existence (1952 - 1972). Firstly, it sheds new light on the professional and personal trajectories of the Court's pioneers and of those who pronounced some of its most commented judgments, those who laid the foundation of the 'constitutionalization' of the European legal order. Secondly, it leans on the collected biographical data in order to bring to the surface new elements of knowledge on three precise points with regard to a question which political scientists have been interested in for two decades - and which now also historians address: how did the European Court of Justice, from the 1960s onwards, succeed in seriously limiting the Member States' sovereignty, especially by imposing the principle of primacy of European law, without provoking a rebellion by national decision-makers? It first of all analyzes the nomination process of the first judges and advocates general, in order to establish whether governments did, or did not, use the appointment mechanism to curb down ECJ activism. It then studies the members of the Court's views and convictions with regard to European integration and their role in the European Communities. Finally, it looks at the political affiliations of the first members of the Court of Justice and their unofficial interactions with national decision-makers.

The past decade has been a relatively tumultuous time in Swedish parliamentary politics with minority governments, a new party challenging the status quo and ultimately the breaking of the second largest coalition in Swedish politics. The decade also saw some policy changes in parties, most strikingly the Moderate party which once an outspoken proponent of a lax immigration policy, saw a clear shift to a more restrictive policy after the 2015 refugee crisis. The first aim of this study is to explain what the shift in immigration policy looks like in terms of whether it was a positional change or a change in ideological emphasis too. By using the method of comparing manifestos the conclusion was reached that the Moderate party shifted both their positional policy and their ideological emphasis. The question of what drives political parties to change policy is a hotly debated one with a wide array of theories and perspectives contributing to the discussion. In addition this study also attempts to apply the theory first proposed by Harmel and Janda (1994) “An Integrated Theory of Party Goals and Party change” on the Moderate party to explain the driving force behind the shift in immigration policy. This was done by comparing Moderate party manifestos from the year 2006 to 2018 in three issues (immigration, private actors in the education sector and private actors in the healthcare sector) that saw the public opinion clearly shift away from the party. Mostly through the process of elimination the study concludes that the Moderate party likely shifted their position on immigration issues in order to have better chances of forming more advantageous coalitions in order to change their opposition status in the future.

ABSTRACTObjectification of especially women have often been mentioned in connection to discussions concerning negative body image wherein individuals have been claimed to evaluate their body and look based on standardized societal ideals (Nash:2015, Hodgkinson, Wittkowski & Smith:2014). Studies have also shown that newspapers, magazines, and movies routinely present post-pregnancy bodies as something temporarily that women should strive to improve (Breda et al.:2015, Roth et al.:2012, Williams et al.:2017). Although, it has been stated that social media can work as a supportive and inspirational tool for this specific group of women (Baker & Yang:2017, Jarvis:2017) as well as platform of expression where users can shape and spread their own beauty standards (Cwynar-Horton:2016a, Guha:2014, Earl & Rohlinger:2018). Women’s thoughts of their post-pregnancy bodies in connection to the motivations behind their bodily exposure on social media platforms have not yet been examined, even though it has been claimed that this group is particularly vulnerable to body image concerns due to social media representations (Coyne et al.:2017). As a contribution to the field of post-pregnant body advocates affordances of Instagram, this paper has focused on Swedish post-pregnant women that have posted images of their bodies under the hashtags #mammamage (mum tummy) and/or #mammakropp (mum body). By applying affordance theory’s suggestion that environments afford different affordances for individuals, this paper has asked 94 post-pregnant women how they feel about their bodies and what they think of societal body ideals, as well as examined their motivations behind their use of Instagram with the aim to identify prominent emotional affordances. Here, objectification theory, comparison theory, postmodern feminism, and feminist reflexivity were used as supporting theories in the analysis of the data which was conducted through a mixed methods survey.The main findings have been that Instagram is seen as a platform that enables its users to experience emotional affordances of 1) criticism and comparisons, 2) inspiration and support and 3) acceptance, where post-pregnant body advocates are using the affordances primarily to visualize average post-pregnancy bodies, challenge standardized body ideals and get inspired or inspire other women into re-thinking the notion(s) of their post-pregnancy bodies. What this paper further has contributed with is a greater understanding of post-pregnant body advocates experiences of their own bodies, a broader perspective on post-pregnant body advocates thoughts of societal ideals, a more profound comprehension behind post-pregnant body advocates motivation(s) behind their use of Instagram, and new knowledge to the field of emotional affordances among Instagram users.Keywords: post-pregnant women, body advocates, Instagram, affordances, affordance theory, emotional affordances, objectification theory, feminist reflexivity, comparison theory, postmodern feminism, survey, mixed method

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