The purpose of this essay is that through idea analysis and ideal types examines if the EU changed the kind of peace they seek to promote to confirm or falsify Magnus Jernecks thesis that the meaning of peace change depend on the context. I will be making two comparison points, the first at the peace projects start in the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the second in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). My ideal types that I have chosen are the idealistic perspective of peace, the justice peace perspective and the perspective of balance of power which has constituted a main line when it comes to issues of war and peace. My research question is linked to my ideal types and reads - is the peace that ECSC and ENP promote: 1) a peace of the idealistic perspective, 2) a peace of the justice perspective, 3) a peace of the balance of power perspective. I seek the answer of these questions in two types of documents. The Schuman declaration which is directed to answer the question ECSC and the report Wider Europe – Neighbourhood: a new framework for relations with our Eastern and Southern neighbors which is directed to answer the question ENP. The results of the study shows that the EU was intended to promote a different kind of peace within the ECSC than the ENP. The ECSC seek to promote a peace of justice and a peace of the balance of power perspective. With ENP they seek to promote a peace of justice and the idealistic peace perspective. This can give a result that EU loses its trustworthiness as a peace-builder if one is not clear when this change occurs.

Fondée en 1685, la Compagnie de Saint-Gobain est aujourd’hui une très grande firme mondiale. Elle doit à son développement propre, mais aussi à sa fusion avec Pont-à-Mousson. Elle était déjà la première multinationale française au début du XXème siècle. Elle a cherché très tôt l’internationalisation, surtout en direction de l’Europe, s’implantant en Allemagne comme en Italie. Après la deuxième Guerre mondiale, Pont-à-Mousson a pris part à la création de la Communauté économique du charbon et de l’acier (CECA). Cette dernière est considérée comme la première institution conduisant à l’unité européenne, notamment à une Europe économique. Pour les deux entreprises définies chacune comme un centre autonome de décision, il s’agit, dans ce livre, d’étudier le processus de la prise de décision économique, à l’intérieur, d’analyser l’environnement extérieur pendant la période de 1945-1970 dans le contexte de la construction européenne. Pour quelle raison Pont-à-Mousson a-t-il participé avec un tel intérêt à la création de la CECA ? Quel rôle les groupes Saint-Gobain et Pont-à-Mousson ont-ils joué dans l’ouverture du marché commun ? Quels ont été la politique et les objectifs des dirigeants politiques ? L’un des intérêts de l’ouvrage consiste à tenter de définir l’évolution des stratégies passées d’une attitude défensive à une attitude offensive, les deux entreprises à s’adapter à l’Europe et acceptant ainsi la transformation progressive de leur modèle de gestion. C’est très largement la contrainte européenne qu’a poussé à leur rapprochement, sans que celui-ci puisse s’expliquer par la seule pression d’un état français interventionniste : les stratégies d’entreprises elle-même ont joué un rôle déterminant. / Founded in 1685, Company of Saint-Gobain is now a very large global firm, which is due to its own development, but also to its merger with Pont-à-Mousson. In the early twentieth century, the Companies were already the leading French multinational. It sought early internationalization, especially to Europe, establishing itself in Germany and Italy. After World War II, Pont-à-Mousson took part in the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). The latter is considered as the first institution leading to European unity, especially in an economic Europe. For both companies, each defined as an autonomous centre of decision, it is this book that aims to study the inside process of economic decision-making and to analyse the external environment during the 1945-1970 in the context of European integration. Why Pont-à-Mousson has involved with such an interest in the creation of the ECSC? Which role did the groups of Saint-Gobain and Pont-à-Mousson play in the opening of the common market? What were the policy and objectives of the political leaders? One of the interests of this book is to try to define the evolution of strategies, from a defensive attitude to an offensive attitude, the two companies adapt to Europe and thus accepting the gradual transformation in their Management model. This is mostly the European constraint that has pushed them closer, rather than under the only pressure pushed by an interventionist French state: strategies of the Company itself played a decisive role.

Cette thèse s'inscrit dans la nouvelle histoire du droit européen en proposant les résultats de recherches biographiques sur les premiers juges, avocats généraux et greffier qui ont fait fonctionner la Cour de Justice de l'Union européenne pendant les vingt premières années de son existence (1952 - 1972). Il s'agit tout d'abord de mettre en lumière les parcours professionnels et personnels des pionniers de la juridiction et des hommes qui ont prononcé certains de ses jugements les plus connus, ceux qui ont lancé le processus de « constitutionnalisation » de l'ordre juridique communautaire. Ensuite, il s'agit d'utiliser les résultats de ces recherches biographiques pour apporter, sur trois points précis, des éléments de réponse à une question qui intéresse depuis deux décennies en particulier les politistes - et de manière plus récente, les historiens: comment cette institution réussit-elle, à partir des années 1960, à autant limiter la souveraineté des Etats membres, en posant notamment le principe de primauté du droit européen, et cela sans semble-t-il être confrontée à de sérieuses résistances de la part des dirigeants des Etats membres ? Cette thèse analyse tout d'abord le processus de nomination des juges et des avocats généraux, afin de savoir si les gouvernements tentent, ou non, via le mécanisme de sélection de mettre un terme à sa jurisprudence audacieuse. Puis, elle étudie les convictions européennes des membres de la Cour et leur vision du rôle qu'ils doivent jouer dans le processus d'intégration. Enfin, elle s'intéresse au réseau politique des hommes de la juridiction européenne et leurs interactions officieuses avec les dirigeants des Etats membres. / This Ph.D. thesis contributes to the new history of European law by proposing the results of in-depth biographical research on the first judges, advocates general and registrar who worked at the European Court of Justice during the first twenty years of its existence (1952 - 1972). Firstly, it sheds new light on the professional and personal trajectories of the Court's pioneers and of those who pronounced some of its most commented judgments, those who laid the foundation of the 'constitutionalization' of the European legal order. Secondly, it leans on the collected biographical data in order to bring to the surface new elements of knowledge on three precise points with regard to a question which political scientists have been interested in for two decades - and which now also historians address: how did the European Court of Justice, from the 1960s onwards, succeed in seriously limiting the Member States' sovereignty, especially by imposing the principle of primacy of European law, without provoking a rebellion by national decision-makers? It first of all analyzes the nomination process of the first judges and advocates general, in order to establish whether governments did, or did not, use the appointment mechanism to curb down ECJ activism. It then studies the members of the Court's views and convictions with regard to European integration and their role in the European Communities. Finally, it looks at the political affiliations of the first members of the Court of Justice and their unofficial interactions with national decision-makers.

American policy towards European integration process has always seemed equivocal: on one hand it actively supported and encouraged the process, but on the other hand it tried to contain some specific European ambitions and steer the process in a desirable direction. The objective of the thesis is to offer a possible explanation of the long-term US policy towards the European integration and European region in general. The dissertation presents a hypothesis that the American policy towards Europe since the Second World War until current times can be explained within the theorethical concept of "regional hegemony strategy". The concept builds on neorealist and neoliberal interpretations of hegemony, which are applied to the process of formulation of American grand strategy. It identifies a set of independent variables effecting the resulting strategy and operationalizes the expected strategy into particular goals. The empirical part of the dissertation then tests the established hyphothesis in two ways. In the first part it analyzes the identified independent variables and tests the causality betwen their historical evolution and evolution of the American grand strategy, especially in relation to the European region. In the consequent parts, it focuses on the American policy towards the European integration...

Pretendendo evidenciar uma leitura jurídico-política sobre o começo da integração europeia - iniciada por meio da fundação jurídica da CECA, esta Tese visa a responder à pergunta: quando, como e por meio de quais instituições, países europeus tradicionalmente opostos em termos militares estabeleceram entre si, após o término da Segunda Guerra Mundial, de maneira inédita e inaudita em sua História, um novo modo de relações responsável por tornar impossível e impensável a deflagração de nova Guerra regional? Para responder a essa pergunta, o presente trabalho assume a perspectiva de uma Pesquisa interdisciplinar em Direito, recorrendo não apenas ao Direito Positivo, mas também a outras áreas do conhecimento, tais como a Filosofia Política Antiga e Contemporânea e a História Contemporânea da Europa. O objetivo consiste em formular um aparato discursivo racional conceitual a partir de matriz de leitura fornecida pela Filosofia Política Antiga e Contemporânea para, em seguida, aplicá-lo sobre elementos da experiência histórica e jurídico-normativa positiva da CECA. A chave de leitura conceitual formada a partir de contribuições da Filosofia Política tem sua origem principalmente na aproximação das reflexões de POLÍBIO e de Claude LEFORT. O trabalho evidencia a importância de normas jurídicas institucionalmente previstas para lidar com oposições escalares na construção e na manutenção de um sistema de relações jurídico-Politicamente organizado, de maneira a que tensões entre distintas dimensões existenciais - institucionalmente absorvidas e encaminhadas - não possam significar a ruptura violenta desse sistema. Este aparato racional conceitual pode ser aplicado sobre os elementos da experiência histórica e normativa originária (Tratado de Paris de 1951) da CECA, o que permite diferenciar histórica e institucionalmente esta iniciativa em particular dos demais Projetos de Europa Unida do imediato pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. Para os fundadores da CECA (Konrad ADENAUER, Jean MONNET e Robert SCHUMAN), um regime juridicamente regulado de simples cooperação política (Unionismo Europeu) não era considerado como suficiente para instaurar um novo modo de relações na Europa. Ao mesmo tempo, eles não visavam à construção jurídica de uma Unificação Política da Europa em torno de um Estado Federal Europeu (Federalismo Europeu). Nesse sentido, a CECA pode ser entendida como exemplo histórico singular de organização jurídico-Política de países europeus. Foram criados pelo Tratado da CECA órgãos comunitários supranacionais e intergovernamentais voltados a compartilhar com os Estados-Membros e com os respectivos povos europeus a formação do sentido normativo que deveria ser impresso sobre questões concretas sensíveis tornadas comuns. A nenhum deles foi atribuída uma posição central na nomogênese comunitária. A leitura jurídico-política da integração europeia iniciada com a CECA se mostra possível assim a partir da constatação de que a arquitetura das instituições do Tratado desta Organização Internacional mesmo das instituições que se referiam a normas jurídico-econômicas - foi responsável pela afirmação e pela conservação de um novo modo de relações entre os países europeus. Buscava-se, não um Estado Europeu, nem uma singela cooperação intergovernamental institucionalizada, mas um meio termo de organização jurídico-Política: um sistema de relações estruturado por um engenhoso mecanismo institucional orientado para promover, por meio de freios e contrapesos, de forma ininterrupta, oposições entre os participantes da vida comunitária. / Aiming to unveil a legal-political reading of the beginning of European integration - initiated by the legal foundation of the ECSC, this Thesis intends to answer the question: when, how and through which institutions, European countries traditionally opposed militarily established between themselves, after the end of the Second World War - unprecedentedly and unparalleled in their history, a new kind of relationship, which was responsible for making impossible and unthinkable the outbreak of new regional war? In order to answer this question, this study follows the path of an interdisciplinary Research in Law, resorting not only to Positive Law, but also to other fields of knowledge, such as Ancient and Contemporary Political Philosophy and Contemporary History of Europe. The objective is to read experience elements given by ECSCs History and positive legal rules through lens framed according to a rational conceptual apparatus grounded on Ancient and Contemporary Political Philosophy. The hermeneutical key framed according to Political Philosophy has its main origins in the conjoint discussion of POLYBIUS thought and Claude LEFORTs contributions. This work highlights the importance of legal institutions dealing with dimensional oppositions within the construction and maintenance of a legal-Politically organized relationships system, by which tensions institutionally absorbed and addressed - between different existential dimensions do not disrupte violently this system. This conceptual apparatus can be applied to understand ECSCs historical and and normative (Treaty of Paris, 1951) experience and helps differentiating from both a historical and institutional perspective this peculiar initiative from alternative European Union Projects immeadiately proposed after the Second World War. For ECSC founding fathers (Konrad ADENAUER, Jean MONNET and Robert SCHUMAN), a mere legal regime of political cooperation (European Unionism) was not regarded as sufficiently capable of creating a new kind of relationship in Europe. At the same time, they did not pursue a legal Political Unification of Europe within a European Federal State (European Federalism). In this sense, the ECSC can be seen as an unique historic example of a legal-Political organization of European countries. Supranational and intergovernmental community bodies were created by ECSCs Treaty in order to share with its own member-States and their respective peoples the construction of the normative sense which would conduct issues concerning sensitive common problems. To none of them was assigned a central position in Communitys normative process. A legal-political reading of European integration - started with the ECSC - seems possible because the institutional framework whithin its Treaty - even when referred to legal and economic rules - was responsible for the affirmation and preservation of a new kind of relationship between European countries. It was envisaged, neither a European State, nor an institutionalized intergovernmental cooperation, but a middle-way legal-Political organization: a relationship system erecte by an ingenious institutional mechanism conceived to promote - through checks and balances - nonstop oppositions between participants of Communitys life.

Pretendendo evidenciar uma leitura jurídico-política sobre o começo da integração europeia - iniciada por meio da fundação jurídica da CECA, esta Tese visa a responder à pergunta: quando, como e por meio de quais instituições, países europeus tradicionalmente opostos em termos militares estabeleceram entre si, após o término da Segunda Guerra Mundial, de maneira inédita e inaudita em sua História, um novo modo de relações responsável por tornar impossível e impensável a deflagração de nova Guerra regional? Para responder a essa pergunta, o presente trabalho assume a perspectiva de uma Pesquisa interdisciplinar em Direito, recorrendo não apenas ao Direito Positivo, mas também a outras áreas do conhecimento, tais como a Filosofia Política Antiga e Contemporânea e a História Contemporânea da Europa. O objetivo consiste em formular um aparato discursivo racional conceitual a partir de matriz de leitura fornecida pela Filosofia Política Antiga e Contemporânea para, em seguida, aplicá-lo sobre elementos da experiência histórica e jurídico-normativa positiva da CECA. A chave de leitura conceitual formada a partir de contribuições da Filosofia Política tem sua origem principalmente na aproximação das reflexões de POLÍBIO e de Claude LEFORT. O trabalho evidencia a importância de normas jurídicas institucionalmente previstas para lidar com oposições escalares na construção e na manutenção de um sistema de relações jurídico-Politicamente organizado, de maneira a que tensões entre distintas dimensões existenciais - institucionalmente absorvidas e encaminhadas - não possam significar a ruptura violenta desse sistema. Este aparato racional conceitual pode ser aplicado sobre os elementos da experiência histórica e normativa originária (Tratado de Paris de 1951) da CECA, o que permite diferenciar histórica e institucionalmente esta iniciativa em particular dos demais Projetos de Europa Unida do imediato pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. Para os fundadores da CECA (Konrad ADENAUER, Jean MONNET e Robert SCHUMAN), um regime juridicamente regulado de simples cooperação política (Unionismo Europeu) não era considerado como suficiente para instaurar um novo modo de relações na Europa. Ao mesmo tempo, eles não visavam à construção jurídica de uma Unificação Política da Europa em torno de um Estado Federal Europeu (Federalismo Europeu). Nesse sentido, a CECA pode ser entendida como exemplo histórico singular de organização jurídico-Política de países europeus. Foram criados pelo Tratado da CECA órgãos comunitários supranacionais e intergovernamentais voltados a compartilhar com os Estados-Membros e com os respectivos povos europeus a formação do sentido normativo que deveria ser impresso sobre questões concretas sensíveis tornadas comuns. A nenhum deles foi atribuída uma posição central na nomogênese comunitária. A leitura jurídico-política da integração europeia iniciada com a CECA se mostra possível assim a partir da constatação de que a arquitetura das instituições do Tratado desta Organização Internacional mesmo das instituições que se referiam a normas jurídico-econômicas - foi responsável pela afirmação e pela conservação de um novo modo de relações entre os países europeus. Buscava-se, não um Estado Europeu, nem uma singela cooperação intergovernamental institucionalizada, mas um meio termo de organização jurídico-Política: um sistema de relações estruturado por um engenhoso mecanismo institucional orientado para promover, por meio de freios e contrapesos, de forma ininterrupta, oposições entre os participantes da vida comunitária. / Aiming to unveil a legal-political reading of the beginning of European integration - initiated by the legal foundation of the ECSC, this Thesis intends to answer the question: when, how and through which institutions, European countries traditionally opposed militarily established between themselves, after the end of the Second World War - unprecedentedly and unparalleled in their history, a new kind of relationship, which was responsible for making impossible and unthinkable the outbreak of new regional war? In order to answer this question, this study follows the path of an interdisciplinary Research in Law, resorting not only to Positive Law, but also to other fields of knowledge, such as Ancient and Contemporary Political Philosophy and Contemporary History of Europe. The objective is to read experience elements given by ECSCs History and positive legal rules through lens framed according to a rational conceptual apparatus grounded on Ancient and Contemporary Political Philosophy. The hermeneutical key framed according to Political Philosophy has its main origins in the conjoint discussion of POLYBIUS thought and Claude LEFORTs contributions. This work highlights the importance of legal institutions dealing with dimensional oppositions within the construction and maintenance of a legal-Politically organized relationships system, by which tensions institutionally absorbed and addressed - between different existential dimensions do not disrupte violently this system. This conceptual apparatus can be applied to understand ECSCs historical and and normative (Treaty of Paris, 1951) experience and helps differentiating from both a historical and institutional perspective this peculiar initiative from alternative European Union Projects immeadiately proposed after the Second World War. For ECSC founding fathers (Konrad ADENAUER, Jean MONNET and Robert SCHUMAN), a mere legal regime of political cooperation (European Unionism) was not regarded as sufficiently capable of creating a new kind of relationship in Europe. At the same time, they did not pursue a legal Political Unification of Europe within a European Federal State (European Federalism). In this sense, the ECSC can be seen as an unique historic example of a legal-Political organization of European countries. Supranational and intergovernmental community bodies were created by ECSCs Treaty in order to share with its own member-States and their respective peoples the construction of the normative sense which would conduct issues concerning sensitive common problems. To none of them was assigned a central position in Communitys normative process. A legal-political reading of European integration - started with the ECSC - seems possible because the institutional framework whithin its Treaty - even when referred to legal and economic rules - was responsible for the affirmation and preservation of a new kind of relationship between European countries. It was envisaged, neither a European State, nor an institutionalized intergovernmental cooperation, but a middle-way legal-Political organization: a relationship system erecte by an ingenious institutional mechanism conceived to promote - through checks and balances - nonstop oppositions between participants of Communitys life.