Das Verhältnis von Adel und Militär beruhte lange Zeit auf der bereits für die preußischen Kernprovinzen widerlegten Annahme, dass Besitzarmut die Neigung eines adligen Rittergutbesitzers zum Militär wesentlich bestimmte. Die Analyse der beiden östlichsten bisher noch nicht untersuchten Provinzen Preußens kommt speziell für Ostpreußen zur gleichen Erkenntnis – zu Westpreußen war die Quellenlage nicht aussagekräftig genug. Für das ausgehende 18. Jahrhundert zeigte damit der ostpreußische Adel eine ähnliche militärische Dienstbereitschaft wie die bisher untersuchten Provinzen, einen „Sonderweg“ für einen Eintritt in das preußische Militär hatte es daher nicht gegeben. Das unterschiedliche militärische Engagement eines Adligen war von mehreren Faktoren bestimmt. Sowohl Elemente des adelsständischen Regionalismus wie auch Familientraditionen bzw. Netzwerkbeziehungen und eben nur bedingt sozioökonomische Rahmenbedingungen waren verantwortlich, ob ein Adliger bereit war, in der preußischen Armee zu dienen. / It was long assumed that the relationship between aristocracy and military, and therefore the inclination of a lord of the manor to the latter, was largely governed by possession poverty, a theory that already has been invalidated for the central Prussian provinces. The analysis of the two easternmost Prussian provinces, which have not yet been researched, comes to the same conclusion, especially for East Prussia - the sources for West Prussia were not conclusive enough. Towards the end of the 18th century, the East Prussian noble appeared to have similar military service commitment as the already reasearched provinces, therefore it is believed that no special permission to enter the Prussia military service has been given. Several factors influenced the different aristocratic military engagements such as regional elements of nobility, family traditions or network relationships. Socio-economic conditions only partially influenced the willingness of an aristocrat to serve the Prussia military.

The libraries of Lichnowsky noble family are currently composed of the sections. The first one is the main family line library stored in Hradec nad Moravicí castle and the latter is the one originally from Chuchelná castle. This thesis focuses on 16-18th century prints as parts of the above mentioned libraries. The aim here is the content and provenance analysis of the library fund of Lichnowsky within the suggested periods of time. At the front, the attention is on signature lines and on the question, whether the Chuchelná library contains books that once belonged to private property of Lichnowsky family. In the following chapters, it is explained why the scale of the analysis is limited to the selected centuries. The answer also reflects the general topic of understanding castle libraries. The focus is also on the history of the noble family of Lichnowsky. After localization of the library itself, major parts of the thesis follow, which chapters comprising the content and provenance analysis of the libraries. The provenance chapter has two parts. The first one identifies members of Lichnowsky family behind provenance traces inside the books, whereas the major role is played by Robert Lichnowsky, largely responsible for operating and maintaining the family library. The latter part focuses on...

This thesis analyses the Spanish part of Philipp Sigmund of Dietrichstein's grand tour which took place from 1671 to 1672, examining various archival sources, such as correspondence, spending overviews, instructions, and route plans. It looks into the motivations behind and circumstances of the grand tour, describing its participants, course, and Philipp Sigmund's activities in Spain. A key part of the thesis is an edition of transliterated correspondence from the journey to Spain, including an analysis of internal and external characteristics of the letters. Keywords: grand tour, traveling, Spain, Dietrichstein, Philipp Sigmund of Dietrichstein, 17th century, aristocracy

Das Verhältnis von Adel und Militär beruhte lange Zeit auf der bereits für die preußischen Kernprovinzen widerlegten Annahme, dass Besitzarmut die Neigung eines adligen Rittergutbesitzers zum Militär wesentlich bestimmte. Die Analyse der beiden östlichsten bisher noch nicht untersuchten Provinzen Preußens kommt speziell für Ostpreußen zur gleichen Erkenntnis – zu Westpreußen war die Quellenlage nicht aussagekräftig genug. Für das ausgehende 18. Jahrhundert zeigte damit der ostpreußische Adel eine ähnliche militärische Dienstbereitschaft wie die bisher untersuchten Provinzen, einen „Sonderweg“ für einen Eintritt in das preußische Militär hatte es daher nicht gegeben. Das unterschiedliche militärische Engagement eines Adligen war von mehreren Faktoren bestimmt. Sowohl Elemente des adelsständischen Regionalismus wie auch Familientraditionen bzw. Netzwerkbeziehungen und eben nur bedingt sozioökonomische Rahmenbedingungen waren verantwortlich, ob ein Adliger bereit war, in der preußischen Armee zu dienen. / It was long assumed that the relationship between aristocracy and military, and therefore the inclination of a lord of the manor to the latter, was largely governed by possession poverty, a theory that already has been invalidated for the central Prussian provinces. The analysis of the two easternmost Prussian provinces, which have not yet been researched, comes to the same conclusion, especially for East Prussia - the sources for West Prussia were not conclusive enough. Towards the end of the 18th century, the East Prussian noble appeared to have similar military service commitment as the already reasearched provinces, therefore it is believed that no special permission to enter the Prussia military service has been given. Several factors influenced the different aristocratic military engagements such as regional elements of nobility, family traditions or network relationships. Socio-economic conditions only partially influenced the willingness of an aristocrat to serve the Prussia military.

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This thesis aims to consider the competing visions of Sasanian Iran advanced by Arthur Christensen in ‘L'Iran sous les Sassanides' (1944) and Parvaneh Pourshariati in ‘Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire' (2008), discuss the relevant evidence in relation to their arguments, and to suggest our own theory of how the Sasanian Empire operated. Christensen argued for the strength of the Sasanian monarchy and the subservience of the aristocracy to the kings, whilst Pourshariati's thesis stressed Sasanian royal weakness and the relative power of the aristocracy. These theses are incompatible, offering fundamentally different conceptions of the natures of the Sasanian monarchy and aristocracy, and how they interacted with each other. Firstly, this thesis critiques the models established by Christensen and Pourshariati, especially their failure to acknowledge evidence at variance with their thesis, and their lack of discussion concerning how the aristocracy perceived their relationship with the monarchy. We then turn to our own discussion of the evidence relating to the Sasanian monarchy and royal power, and the cultural outlook of the aristocracy, with reference to the above theories, so as to understand how strong the Sasanian monarchy was, the nature of royal power, and how the aristocracy perceived their relationship with the crown. We argue for a conception of Sasanian Iran somewhere between the theories of Christensen and Pourshariati. There is very little evidence that the Sasanian kings ruled through a state enjoying significant institutional power; indeed Sasanian power seems very limited in the periphery of the Empire. However, the inherent respect for the monarchy held by the aristocracy, and the ties of mutual dependence which existed between kings and aristocrats, allowed for Sasanian rule to in general be highly effective.

British aristocratic women exerted political influence and power during the century beginning with the accession of George III. They expressed their political power through the four roles of social patron, patronage distributor, political advisor, and political patron/electioneer. British aristocratic women were able, trained, and expected to play these roles. Politics could not have existed without these women. The source of their political influence was the close interconnection of politics and society. In this small, inter-connected society, women could and did influence politics. Political decisions, especially for the Whigs, were not made in the halls of government with which we are so familiar, but in the halls of the homes of the social/political elite. However, this close interconnection can make women's political influence difficult to assess and understand for our twentieth century experience. Sources for this thesis are readily available. Contemporary, primary sources are abundant. This was the age of letter and diary writing. There is, however, a dearth of modern works concerning the political activities of aristocratic women. Most modern works rarely mention women. Other problems with sources include the inappropriate feminization of the time period and the filtering of this period through modern, not contemporary, points of view. Separate spheres is the most common and most inappropriate feminist issue raised by historians. This doctrine is not valid for aristocratic women of this time. The material I present in this thesis is not new. The sources, both contemporary and modern, have been available to historians for some time. By changing our rigid definition of politics by enlarging it to include the broader areas of political activities such as social patron, patronage distributor, political advisor, and political/electioneer, we can see British aristocratic women in a new light, revealing political power and influence.

Cette étude compare la pensée de Tocqueville et celle de Nietzsche sur la vie morale dans la démocratie libérale moderne à travers leur analyse de l’individu, de la famille et de l’État, ainsi que sur la vie intellectuelle à travers la philosophie, la science et l’art. En retraçant dans leur pensée le rôle de la liberté démocratique, par opposition à la liberté romaine, nous démontrons comment Tocqueville chercha à modérer la démocratie au nom de la justice, alors que Nietzsche prôna l’ « aristocratie radicale » afin de cultiver la grandeur. Nous soutenons l’opinion de Tocqueville selon laquelle non seulement la démocratie est inévitable et fondée sur la nature, mais la justice qui la caractérise est une forme de grandeur en soi. En outre, en mettant en relief un aspect de la pensée de Nietzsche similaire à celle de Tocqueville, ainsi que le concept d’ « individualisme », inspiré de Tocqueville lui-même, nous constatons également les tensions que Nietzsche ressentait vis-à-vis du monde d'inspiration romaine que son projet prônait. Nous rendons justice à la justesse et à la prescience de Tocqueville et nous utilisons la méthode de sa « science politique nouvelle » afin de révéler sous quelle forme une philosophie appliquée tocquevillienne peut se présenter aujourd'hui, à travers les phénomènes moraux et intellectuels dont nous traitons, tout en nous inscrivant dans le cadre des efforts néo-tocquevilliens actuels. Enfin, en combinant les prédictions de Tocqueville et l'influence de Nietzsche, nous montrons de quelle façon leur œuvre constitue un cadre de réflexion pour comprendre la modernité dans sa globalité et la direction dans laquelle nous nous dirigeons. / This study compares Tocqueville and Nietzsche's thought on moral life in modern liberal democracy through their treatment of the individual, the family, and the state, and intellectual life through philosophy, science, and art. By tracing the role of democratic versus roman liberty througout their thought, we demonstrate how Tocqueville sought to moderate democracy in the name of justice, as opposed to the "radical aristocracy" that Nietzsche promoted in order to cultivate greatness. We argue alongside Tocqueville that not only is democracy inevitable and grounded in nature, but that its very justice is a form of greatness in itself. Furthermore, by emphasizing a side of Nietzsche's thought which was similar to Tocqueville's, and on the concept of "individualism" even inspired by Tocqueville, we also see Nietzsche's own divisions vis a vis the opposing Roman-inspired world that his project promoted. Vindicating the accuracy and prescience of Tocqueville's thought, we use the method of his “new political science” in order to reveal what form a Tocquevillian applied philosophy may take today throughout the moral and intellectual phenomena we treat, while positioning ourselves among the current neo-Tocquevillian scholarship. Finally, by interweaving Tocqueville’s predictions and Nietzsche’s influence, we show how together they constitute a strikingly revealing framework for understanding modernity as a whole and where we are heading.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o projeto de criação de uma aristocracia do trabalho a partir do ensino industrial, através do estudo de caso da Escola Técnica de Curitiba, posteriormente Escola Técnica Federal do Paraná, entre os anos de 1942 a 1963. Num primeiro momento, faz-se um breve apanhado da citada instituição quando era Escola de Aprendizes Artífices do Paraná, considerando que a concepção de ensino então desenvolvida era destinada aos desfavorecidos da fortuna, portanto direcionada principalmente para a disciplinarização das chamadas classes perigosas. Mas ao longo da década de 1920 e de 1930, tal concepção foi sendo modificada, até que em 1942, com a Lei Orgânica do Ensino Industrial, consolidou-se a idéia de formação de uma aristocracia do trabalho pela via do ensino industrial. Essa elite ocuparia postos no setor fabril que exigissem uma maior qualificação, acompanhando o processo de desenvolvimento industrial do Brasil, não bastando, porém, um melhor adestramento técnico, mas que fosse bem disciplinada, através de um processo educacional marcado pela presença intensiva de conteúdos de moral e civismo, notadamente durante o Estado Novo (1937-1945), servindo assim de exemplo para a classe trabalhadora como um todo. O pós-guerra foi marcado pela Guerra Fria e pela influência cada vez maior do american way of life na vida brasileira. A presença da Comissão Brasileiro-Americana de Educação Industrial (CBAI), programa de cooperação firmado entre os governos do Brasil e dos Estados Unidos em 1946, veio caracterizar esse momento no ensino industrial do país, através da adoção de métodos sistemáticos na formação de docentes para esse ramo do ensino, baseados na Racionalização Científica. A fim de dinamizar o treinamento dos professores, a CBAI criou, em 1957, o Centro de Pesquisas e Treinamento de Professores (CPTP), na Escola Técnica de Curitiba, cuja função era preparar docentes para atuarem nas escolas industriais e técnicas de todo o Brasil, de forma a capacitá-los para a tarefa de formação da aristocracia do trabalho. Em 1963 o acordo entre a CBAI e o governo brasileiro não foi renovado, e o Centro encerrou suas atividades no ano seguinte. A Lei nº 3.552/59 estabeleceu uma reforma no ensino industrial, fixando um curso único de 1º Ciclo com finalidade propedêutica para os cursos técnicos de 2º Ciclo. A Lei de Diretrizes e Bases de 1961 promoveu a equivalência entre o ensino técnico e o ensino secundário. Tais modificações, ligadas à nova etapa vivida pela industrialização, inclusive em relação às demandas do mercado de trabalho, aliadas à possibilidade de chegar ao ensino superior ao mesmo tempo em que se obtém uma formação de nível médio em escolas de elevada qualidade de ensino, promoveram alterações no perfil dos alunos que procuravam o ensino industrial, que gradativamente foi sendo ocupado por estudantes originários da classe média, deixando de ter validade a concepção de formação de uma aristocracia do trabalho exclusivamente a partir da classe trabalhadora. / This thesis have the objective of analyze the project of creation of the labour aristocracy based in the industrial teaching, by case study of the Escola Técnica de Curitiba, posteriorly Escola Técnica Federal do Paraná, between 1942 and 1963. On a first moment, making a succinct summary of the named institution when denominated Escola de Aprendizes Artífices do Paraná, seeing that the educational intention developed was destined to luckless, therefore reserved to the discipline the dangerous classes. But during the 1920 and 1930 decades, this intention was going modify, and in 1942 the idea of conformation of the labour aristocracy based in the industrial education was consolidated, with the Organizer Law of the Industrial Teaching. This elite must occupy functions in the manufacturing sector what demanding a superior qualification, accompanying the industrial development of Brazil, however dont being enough a better technical training, but was very much disciplined, in through of the educational process marked for intensive carriage of moral and civic contents, notedly during the Estado Novo (1937-1945), what a example for all the working class. The period after the Second World War was marked for the Cold War and to the growing influence of American way of life in Brazil. The presence of the Comissão Brasileiro-Americana de Educação Industrial (CBAI), a cooperation program signed between Brazilian and American governments in 1946, marked this moment in the industrial teaching of Brazil, through the adoption of systematical methods to the formation of instructors for this kind of teaching, based on Scientific Management. With the aim of to pep the instructors training, in 1957 CBAI created Centro de Pesquisas e Treinamento de Professores (CPTP), on the Escola Técnica de Curitiba, and your function was to prepare instructors to work on the Industrial and Technical Schools in Brazil, capacitating them to the assignment of to educate the labour aristocracy. In 1963 the accord between CBAI and the Brazilian government is not renovated, and the CPTP was closed your activities in 1964. The 3.552/59 Act determined a reform at the Industrial Teaching, fixing a unique course of First Level with propaedeutics finality to the technical courses of Second Level. The Guidelines and Basis Act of 1961 furthered the equivalency between Technical and Secondary Teaching. These modifications, linked with the new stage of industrialization and connected with the work markets demands, allied to the possible incoming of students go to College while graduate in high quality schools of Second Level, make changes in the profiles of students that searched the Industrial Teaching, which was occupied for students of midclass, invalidating the conception of conformation of the labour aristocracy originating exclusive of working class.

This diploma thesis is dedicated to Jan Sembera Cernohorsky of Boskovice, Moravian aristocrat from the second half of 16th century, the last descendant of an important family of Boskovice. It describes his life story from the childhood to the death which it puts into the broader context and creates a comprehensive view of the higher nobles of his time. Particular attention is paid to the family of Boskovice, especially its last generation, which represent aside from Jan Sembera primarily his brother Albrecht Cernohorsky of Boskovice and Semera's friend and relative Jan of Boskovice and Trebova. The specific role in Jan Sembera's biography necessary plays the transfer of the legacy of the house of Boskovice to the Liechtenstein's family. This was accomplished through two marriages between Karl and Maxmilian of Liechtenstein and Sembera's daughters Anna Marie and Katerina. The importance of those alliances is reflected in the perspective of both financial as well as cultural capital inherited by the House of Liechtenstein and the way how did they use and treat it.