Dans les sources de la période médiobyzantine, tous les moines n’apparaissaient pas en marge de la société. Certains se distinguaient très clairement par leurs incursions dans le monde ou dans les affaires terrestres. Ils pouvaient voyager, changer de monastère et surtout fréquenter des laïcs. Ils tissaient des liens avec le monde que les autorités avaient pourtant cherché à rompre, et pouvaient jouir d’une liberté que les lois et canons visaient à contrôler. Partant de ce constat, nous avons donc étudié précisément l’insertion des moines dans les réseaux de pouvoir. La première étape de ce travail de recherche fut de recenser les moines qui se distinguaient dans les sources par une intervention dans le monde terrestre. À partir de cette prosopographie, nous avons pu définir les contours de l’élite des moines, groupe qui se caractérisait par ses nombreuses interactions avec la haute aristocratie. La deuxième étape fut d’étudier les réseaux sociaux de ces moines. Nous avons décrit les modalités de leur insertion dans ces réseaux pour mettre en évidence les différentes logiques de construction et de transmission de leurs liens avec l’aristocratie. Nous avons surtout souligné l’importance des relations construites personnellement. Puis, nous avons analysé leur rôle dans ces réseaux pour démontrer qu’ils étaient sollicités et agissaient moins en tant que moines qu’en tant que membres de clans puissants. Ainsi, le rôle politique et social joué par les moines dans l’Empire byzantin ne pouvait s’expliquer que par leur intégration dans des réseaux sociaux puissants composés de membres de la haute aristocratie constantinopolitaine. / It is evident from Medieval Byzantine sources that not all monks lived on society’s margins. Some of them were highly implicated in worldly affairs. They could travel, move into other monasteries and visit lay people. They built up ties with people that the authorities had sought to break and could even enjoy freedoms that the laws and cannons aimed to control. Based on such observations, I have studied closely how monks could be embedded in political networks. Firstly, I have made a census of the Byzantine monks that distinguished themselves by their intervention in the lay world. Based on this prosopographical study, I have defined the contours of a monastic elite and shown that this was a group who interacted frequently with members of the high aristocracy. Consequently, I have studied in detail the social networks in which such monks belonged. I have attempted to describe and to underline the complexity of how monks build up their networks as well as inherit and possibly transmit them. I also have tried to distinguish their institutional bonds from their personal ones. In doing so, I have demonstrated that they acted and were solicited less often as monks and more often as members of powerful clans. Thus, I have concluded that the political and social role played by monks in the Byzantine Empire can only be explained by their integration in very powerful social networks.

Les États latins d’Orient, nés après le succès de la première croisade (1095-1099), sont dominés par une aristocratie militaire, catholique et latine, qui revendique une supériorité à la fois sociale, culturelle, économique et politique, laquelle lui donne, dans la logique du temps, un droit à gouverner les autres. Il s’agit dans ce travail de s’intéresser aux pratiques de pouvoir de cette classe dominante, autrement dit à l’ensemble des actions et des techniques déployées par les seigneurs pour établir, imposer, légitimer et pérenniser leur domination ; le tout dans un long XIIe siècle allant de la fondation du royaume de Jérusalem à l’arrivée en Orient de Frédéric II Hohenstaufen (1229). Ces pratiques – de la construction des châteaux au service militaire, de la justice aux mariages, du conseil au tirage au sort – structurent les jeux de pouvoir et constituent l’essence même de la nature politique de cette société aristocratique. L’Orient latin est un terrain d’études d’autant plus intéressant que les seigneurs latins, s’ils restent inscrits dans un paysage culturel occidental, savent néanmoins s’adapter aux conditions locales – marquées notamment par une très forte diversité ethnique et confessionnelle – ce qui les pousse à faire preuve d’une réelle inventivité juridique et politique ainsi qu’à emprunter de nombreuses pratiques aux mondes byzantin et musulman. Dans ce terreau particulier germe alors une culture politique originale, qui ne cesse d’évoluer au fil du siècle et qui se caractérise par une intense circulation du pouvoir, à la fois réelle et symbolique, sans cesse remis en jeu pour mieux irriguer l’ensemble de la société seigneuriale. / The Latin East, born in the aftermath of the First Crusade (1095-1099), was ruled by a military, Catholic and Latin aristocracy, which claimed a social, cultural, economic and political superiority. In this work, I studied the practices of power of this dominant class : the lords deployed diverse actions and techniques to establish, impose, legitimate, and perpetuate their domination, during a long twelfth century (from the foundation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem to the arrival in Orient of Frederick II Hohenstaufen in Orient in 1229). These practices - ranging from the construction of castles to military service, from justice to marriages, and from council to lottery - structured the games of power and characterized the political nature of this aristocratic society. The Latin Orient is a rich field of study inasmuch the Latin lords, although they remained part of a Western cultural landscape, nevertheless knew how to adapt to local conditions. These were marked in particular by a very high ethnic and religious diversity, which led the lords to show a real legal and political inventiveness and borrow many practices from the Byzantine and Muslim worlds. In this peculiar society, an original political culture grew and evolved over the course of the century. It was characterized by an intense circulation of power, both real and symbolic, which flew over the whole seigneurial society.

Neste estudo interessa a formação social do Rio de Janeiro, bem como suas expressões em métodos de controle social, com foco no trato da legalidade e suas peculiaridades - entre elas e, principalmente, a relação dos indivíduos com as normas e vice-versa. Após explanações sobre a dualidade amigos x inimigos aplicada no trato legal, se analisará a existência de um possível Estado de exceção que para alguns autores se tornou permanente. Entendendo-se que modelos e padrões de repressão e policiamento que atravessaram as épocas e continentes desembocaram nos dias de hoje, (visto que as mudanças de valores sociais tenham demarcado claramente alguns institutos formais ou materiais refletores das nuanças do poder e do uso da força e da Justiça como sua última legitimadora), foi necessário percorrer a via analítica histórica para uma melhor compreensão dos fenômenos estudados. Se tratará da Inquisição e de todo o período aristocrático brasileiro, encerrando a pesquisa nas prévias da república, visando-se frisar a aplicabilidade de ideias e conceitos perenes relativos à normatividade e os padrões democráticos e aristocráticos que ora parecem duelar e ora se sobrepor no imaginário social brasileiro. Espera-se, assim, abrir caminho para uma micro-sociologia policial a ser tratada em pesquisas futuras. Nesse sentido, por fim, a ideia da guerra ao crime será trazida como hipótese a ser verificada, buscando-se seus efeitos diretos, indiretos e colaterais eventualmente identificados. Serão usadas como apoio à empreitada sociológica que ora apenas se inicia: História, Criminologia, Antropologia e Direito Penal. / In this study the formation of social interests of Rio de Janeiro, as well as their expressions in methods of social control, focusing on the legality of the deal and its peculiarities - among them, and especially the relationship of individuals with the rules and vice versa. After explanations of duality "friends versus enemies" applied in dealing cool, it will analyze the possible existence of a state of exception that for some authors became permanent. Understanding that designs and patterns of repression and policing that crossed continents and epochs these days, (since changes in social values have clearly demarcated some institutes formal or reflective materials of the nuances of power and use of force and "Justice" as legitimizing his last), it was necessary to go via analytical historical to a better understanding of the phenomena studied. If you deal with the Inquisition and the entire period aristocratic Brazilian, ending the previous research in the republic, in order to emphasize the applicability of ideas and concepts relating to perennial and normative democratic standards and that now seem aristocratic duel and sometimes overlap in the imaginary Brazilian social. It is expected, thus opening the way for a micro-sociology "police" to be treated in future research. In this sense, finally, the idea of the war on crime will be brought as a hypothesis to be verified, seeking their direct, indirect and collateral may be identified. Will be used as support for the sociological enterprise that now just beginning: History, Criminology, Anthropology and Criminal Law.

Notre thèse entend explorer de manière approfondie les modes de relation, problématiques et paradoxaux, de Barbey d’Aurevilly à l’aristocratie, en posant l’hypothèse que cette conscience identitaire est au fondement de sa conception et de sa pratique de l’écriture. Après avoir saisi l’idée que l’auteur se fait de l’identité aristocratique, dans une dynamique évolutive, et avoir décrit avec précision ce qui constitue pour lui les traits d’un aristocrate idéal, nous interrogeons plus particulièrement la manière dont il cherche à mettre en scène cette identité dans son style de vie et dans ses écrits. Comment concilier cette identité avec son statut d’écrivain ? Attaché à une posture aristocratique d’Ancien Régime qui privilégie la tradition de l’amateurisme et une esthétique de la négligence, Barbey d’Aurevilly légitime pourtant son écriture, de manière paradoxale, par le déploiement d’ethé aristocratiques, différents en fonction des genres abordés. Ces ethé donnent légitimité à ses prises de parole, en même temps que leur nature foncièrement ambivalente libère l’écrivain de contradictions personnelles en lui permettant de se réclamer de modèles prestigieux. Nous explorons enfin plus largement la manière dont une telle posture aristocratique influe sur sa conception de l’écriture et de la littérature, à travers une étude poétique et stylistique. / Our thesis intends to explore, through an extensive study, Barbey d’Aurevilly’s problematic and paradoxical ways of relationship to aristocracy, setting the hypothesis that this identity conscience lies at the basis of his conception and his experience of writing. After having grasped the idea that the author has developed about aristocratic identity, following evolutive dynamics, and having precisely described what constitutes for him the features of the ideal aristocrat, we mean to question more particularly the way he tries to assert this identity in his style of life and writings. How is it possible to conciliate this identity with one’s status of writer ? Attached to an aristocratic posture, dating back to the Ancient Regime, which privileges the amateurism tradition and aesthetics of negligence, Barbey d’Aurevilly legitimates nevertheless his writing art, paradoxically, by the display of aristocratic ethé, different according to the various genres involved. These ethé justify his discourses ; meanwhile their fundamentally ambivalent nature sets the writer free of his personal contradictions and enables him to invoke these prestigious models. Finally, we explore more largely the way such an aristocratic posture influences his conception of writing and literature, through a poetical and stylistic study.

Os estudiosos das casas de elite (domus) datadas da Antiguidade Tardia, em geral, têm como foco os usos das mansões pelos proprietários. Nessa perspectiva, considera-se que as mansões eram planejadas de maneira a possibilitar e maximizar o poder dos aristocratas em inúmeras ocasiões. Os demais usuários das casas, no entanto, são tidos como meros receptáculos passivos da hegemonia aristocrática. Essa dissertação, a partir de um estudo de caso da cidade de Óstia (séculos IV e V d.C.), leva em conta os usos das mansões enquanto formas de afirmação do poder dos proprietários, mas também suas apropriações pelos grupos subalternos. Analiso evidências arqueológicas, epigráficas e textuais com o intuito de ter uma visão mais aprofundada sobre o tema. / The scholars of the elite houses (domus) dating from Late Antiquity, in general, focus on the uses of the mansions by the owners. From this perspective, the mansions are considered to be designed to enable and maximize the power of aristocrats on numerous occasions. The other users of the houses, however, are regarded as mere passive receptacles of aristocratic hegemony. This dissertation, based on a case study of the city of Ostia (4th and 5th centuries AD), takes into account the uses of the mansions as forms of affirmation of the power of the owners, but also their appropriations by the subaltern groups. I analyze archaeological, epigraphic and textual evidence with the intention of having a more in-depth view on the subject.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1960. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 509-517).

The purpose of this thesis is to further our understanding of the period between the death of Basil II in 1025 and the accession of Alexios I Komnenos in 1081. Modern scholarship has often portrayed these 56 years as an important, transformative period, viewing the empire as standing at the height of its power at its beginning, only to be brought to the brink of collapse by civil wars and foreign invasions following the battle of Manzikert in 1071. Based on three unique and underexploited sources of evidence, namely the letters of Michael Psellos, the judicial handbook commonly known as the Peira and the so-called Consilia et Narrationes of Kekaumenos, it argues that the Byzantine state to a large extent relied on private networks to carry out public administration throughout the empire. Public and private power were thus intimately intertwined and by conveying information, orders and requests, but also by reproducing and enforcing norms of acceptable political behaviour, these networks served to compensate to some extent for the institutional shortcomings of the premodern state. It also challenges the idea that the political dynamic of the eleventh century was centred around the power struggles of 'great families' or clans that effectively functioned as political parties, as well as the idea that the emperors and their officials were apathetic about governing the provinces beyond what was necessary to pacify and extract resources from them. Taken together, the evidence examined consequently appears to suggest that, by the standards of the pre-modern world, the Byzantine empire had a reasonably well-functioning state and a fairly coherent society during the period in question, suggesting that the focus of the scholarly debate on the eleventh-century Byzantine collapse should, to some extent, be shifted from internal to external factors.

This is a study of Charles Dickens David Copperfield and Herman Melville Moby Dick from a Marxist perspective, exploring the different manifestations of the capitalist system, with critical reference to the theories of Raymond Williams and Terry Eagleton. It will attempt to understand cultural differences, values and moral codes, that the two novels reveal about Victorian England and Antebellum America, at this point in literary history, the decade of time with 1850 at its centre. The thesis will explore how the cultural legacy and ambitions of each nation is represented in each of the novels. By comparing the central themes of each work, the study will attempt to illustrate how capitalism is expressed specifically in each nation.

Neste estudo interessa a formação social do Rio de Janeiro, bem como suas expressões em métodos de controle social, com foco no trato da legalidade e suas peculiaridades - entre elas e, principalmente, a relação dos indivíduos com as normas e vice-versa. Após explanações sobre a dualidade amigos x inimigos aplicada no trato legal, se analisará a existência de um possível Estado de exceção que para alguns autores se tornou permanente. Entendendo-se que modelos e padrões de repressão e policiamento que atravessaram as épocas e continentes desembocaram nos dias de hoje, (visto que as mudanças de valores sociais tenham demarcado claramente alguns institutos formais ou materiais refletores das nuanças do poder e do uso da força e da Justiça como sua última legitimadora), foi necessário percorrer a via analítica histórica para uma melhor compreensão dos fenômenos estudados. Se tratará da Inquisição e de todo o período aristocrático brasileiro, encerrando a pesquisa nas prévias da república, visando-se frisar a aplicabilidade de ideias e conceitos perenes relativos à normatividade e os padrões democráticos e aristocráticos que ora parecem duelar e ora se sobrepor no imaginário social brasileiro. Espera-se, assim, abrir caminho para uma micro-sociologia policial a ser tratada em pesquisas futuras. Nesse sentido, por fim, a ideia da guerra ao crime será trazida como hipótese a ser verificada, buscando-se seus efeitos diretos, indiretos e colaterais eventualmente identificados. Serão usadas como apoio à empreitada sociológica que ora apenas se inicia: História, Criminologia, Antropologia e Direito Penal. / In this study the formation of social interests of Rio de Janeiro, as well as their expressions in methods of social control, focusing on the legality of the deal and its peculiarities - among them, and especially the relationship of individuals with the rules and vice versa. After explanations of duality "friends versus enemies" applied in dealing cool, it will analyze the possible existence of a state of exception that for some authors became permanent. Understanding that designs and patterns of repression and policing that crossed continents and epochs these days, (since changes in social values have clearly demarcated some institutes formal or reflective materials of the nuances of power and use of force and "Justice" as legitimizing his last), it was necessary to go via analytical historical to a better understanding of the phenomena studied. If you deal with the Inquisition and the entire period aristocratic Brazilian, ending the previous research in the republic, in order to emphasize the applicability of ideas and concepts relating to perennial and normative democratic standards and that now seem aristocratic duel and sometimes overlap in the imaginary Brazilian social. It is expected, thus opening the way for a micro-sociology "police" to be treated in future research. In this sense, finally, the idea of the war on crime will be brought as a hypothesis to be verified, seeking their direct, indirect and collateral may be identified. Will be used as support for the sociological enterprise that now just beginning: History, Criminology, Anthropology and Criminal Law.

The major theme of this thesis is {\clq}qCourtly and moralistic literature and Spanish aristocratic society of the Golden Age``. The goal is to portray european courtly-moral literature, which described aristocratic society of 16th and 17th century. Thesis is devided into six chapters, each presents one of the essential works of art which have influenced the behaviour of the society of the court and which have contributed to the mentality changes of the noble class. The reader thus gains not only a comprehensive picture of Spanish courtly literature and culture of the Golden Age, but of the Spanish courtly society as a whole.