Innovation and entrepreneurship are buzzwords that fit any policy discussion on economic development. In this sense, innovation is not only a category of analysis employed by (social) scientists to circumscribe a defined set of economic practices for analytical purposes. Innovation is simultaneously a category of practice employed by practitioners and academics with their own, sometimes concealed, political agendas. Providing a situated sketch for a socio-spatially more attuned definition of innovation as a category of analysis, the article primarily asks what kind of innovation practices are imagined and / or enacted by both academic and policy circles. Thus, the article aims at scrutinizing the politics involved in thinking, doing, and relating innovation in the context of Armenia’s and Georgia’s quest for viable economic trajectories. We assess the legal and organizational framework in both countries and funding patterns of Georgia’s Innovation and Technology Agency (GITA) and Armenia’s Enterprise Incubator Foundation (EIF). Locational analysis of grant holders suggests company concentration within metropolitan areas of Tbilisi and Yerevan. Analysis of selection criteria of funding program allows for the assertion that a developmentalist project is advanced. Rather than reifying the actors’ language of innovation, we wish to highlight that current imaginations and practices of innovation are analytically better understood through the concept of “internationalized developmentalist agglomeration project”.

This study has been conducted to investigate the current situation and the possible outcomes in the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The conflict predominantly concerns the status of the Karabakh region, a region legally belonging to Azerbaijan, but which up to recent events in 2023 has been under control of Armenian separatists. The study had the goal of explaining the conflict and its outcomes with the use of the theoretical perspective’s realism and liberal internationalism. The study was conducted using a grounded theory approach and found several key factors influencing the conflict and its future. The realist perspective has contributed to the analysis by suggesting the conquest of the Karabakh region can be seen as a compensation from the Armenia- Russian alliance to deter further conflict. Using the liberal internationalist perspective to evaluate the situation has led to the conclusions that international institutions did not achieve a successful hold in the region in the post-soviet space as there was an existing conflict with already dominating powers percent. However, with the Russian withdrawal, the European Union has increased its role as a negotiator. This, combined with the Azerbaijanian control of the Karabakh region, the role of oil trade, and the Armenian state promoting diplomacy and institutions, may increase the likelihood of peace.

No description available.

The purpose of this thesis is to discuss the role of women as intermediaries, mediators and arbitrators in conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the de facto region of Nagorno-Karabakh. It is highly relevant to comdev due to several reasons. First, it is an active issue. The number of deaths from border clashes has increased in 2014-2016 despite a ceasefire signed in 1994. Second, women and civil society groups are oppressed. This thesis explores the question of women’s contribution in solving conflicts considering masculinity, gender complex and war. Are women better at solving conflicts? Third, new media has become an important tool for cross border communication. Focus is given to use of social media by women in an attempt to facilitate change of discourses. Critical discourse analysis, hermeneutics and social constructivism are considered as methodologies to evaluate this. However, there is a number limitations here including use of English language, limited participant numbers and response bias.Background information on conflict is presented and includes analyzing the role of national and international organizations such as parliaments, the Minsk Group (OSCE) European Commission (EPNK) and the UN (1325). A brief literature review is then conducted focusing on conflict area, historical discourses and peace building narratives. This is followed by an examination of post-soviet literature on masculinity, nation-building, feminism and changing role of active women, centering on Caucasus and Nagorno-Karabakh. Topics explored are women’s rights, political involvement, language, religion and cultural turn. Next stage is a summary of research questions for qualitative interviews with five women participants who are or work with active women in Transcaucasia. From available data, main premise becomes new role of active women as peace builders in conflict acting individually, in NGO’s and in government and attempting to facilitate discussion with lawmakers and negotiators in conflict.After research, primary and secondary data is analyzed. Responses are evaluated over the methods mentioned and main contributions are considered to be on grassroots activism funded by international NGO’s. It is not clear whether women would be better at resolving complex but their contribution to nation building has been proven. New media becomes a tool for activist communication and propaganda. Women find themselves dealing with nationalism, marginalization and breakdown of democratic institutions. They turn to international NGO’s but this often backfires as Armenian and Azerbaijani society and government sees this as Western intrusion. Progress is slow and daily lives are ruled by uncertainty, discrimination and faint hope of resolve.

After the First World War, there was widespread support for U.S. intervention in the Near East to assist Christian minorities in the region, but the Wilson administration and the U.S. Senate took little action. The Armenian cause in particular was foremost in the minds of Americans. Many Americans felt the United States had a moral responsibility to help Near Eastern Christians. For many observers, American interest coupled with the opportunity for increased participation in Near Eastern affairs made it seem likely that the United States would emerge from the peace process as a major influence in the Area. However, this was not the case, and proposed initiatives that would increase American participation in the area were either ignored or rejected. There was broad interest in getting more involved in the Near East, but no consensus on how to do so. Some favored an American mandate over Armenia, while others wanted a larger American mandate over Armenia, Constantinople, and Anatolia, and others sought to avoid mandates altogether and instead preferred sending direct aid to Armenia and the Near East. By the time it seemed clear that American intervention in the Near East would only happen along the terms favored by those seeking to limit American costs and responsibility, the solidification of isolationist sentiment in the United States, antagonized by the long League of Nations debate, and changing circumstances in the Near East made a dramatic increase in U.S. influence in the region unlikely. The debate over American intervention in the Near East provides insight into larger discussions about American imperialism and its relationship to humanitarianism, American isolationism in the interwar years, and the partisan atmosphere of American postwar politics. / History

Wars are moments of significant rupture for states, societies, and economies. Wars where one state suffers significant territorial losses can be particularly challenging for states, their power structures, and the prevailing visions and identities in their geopolitical cultures. How states react to territorial losses is a compelling area for research. The recent experiences of the Republic of Armenia present a rich case study in how states adjust to territorial change. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the establishment of an independent Armenian state was accompanied by war over a disputed territory with neighbouring Azerbaijan. By the time of the cease-fire of the First Karabakh War in 1994, Armenia held its own territory and strongly supported the Armenian-populated unrecognised Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. "Karabakh is ours", which served as a long-standing slogan of the geopolitical culture of Armenia, was shattered as a result of the Second Karabakh War of 2020, during which Azerbaijani forces gained control over considerable territory. The status quo after the war had notable impact on the province of Siunik in southern Armenia as well. This dissertation is a study in the aftermath of territorial shock, looking to the framework of geopolitical culture and the category of the geo-body to account for the developments in Armenia generally and in Siunik in particular since 2020. Drawing on the literature of critical geopolitics as well as fieldwork conducted in Armenia, the dissertation argues that the shock and trauma of the war has caused deep disruption and fragmentation in the geopolitical culture of Armenia, which remains in crisis. There are disputed and competing territorial visions of the country, some of which are manifested as centre-periphery distinctions between the capital Yerevan and the province of Siunik. The strong local identity of the province serves as a basis to look to ideological tropes of nationalist imaginations as a coping mechanism while facing precarious circumstances. Material geographical realities and discursive or ideological imaginations continue to be in tension in Armenia, especially in Siunik. / Doctor of Philosophy / Wars are moments of significant disruption for states and societies. Wars in which a state suffers significant territorial losses can be particularly challenging for governments and the people, and how they think of themselves. How states react to territorial losses is a compelling area for research. The recent experiences of the Republic of Armenia present a rich case study in how states adjust to territorial change. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the establishment of an independent Armenian state was accompanied by war over a disputed territory with neighbouring Azerbaijan. At the time of the cease-fire of 1994, the Armenian side emerged with consolidated territorial gains. Following years of peace negotiations and some escalations, Azerbaijani forces launched a large-scale offensive in 2020, as a result of which much territory changed hands. The status quo after the war had notable impact on the province of Siunik in southern Armenia as well. This dissertation is a study in the aftermath of territorial changes. It looks to how states and societies think about themselves and their territories. To say that a territory is disputed between two or more parties is a straightforward observation. But it is worth asking more nuanced questions: how is territory framed, how does that framing inform disputes, and how might a better understanding of those framings help resolve them? In the case of Armenia, this dissertation argues that the government and people remain in a state of shock and trauma two years after the end of the war. There is a disconnect between framings, future visions, and prospects as expressed by the central government of Armenia and the experiences and expectations of people on the ground in Siunik. Many studies of conflicts focus on politics, diplomacy, and international affairs. They may bring to the surface humanitarian issues, questions of public international law, art, justice, or history. This dissertation invites the reader to think more about the geography of conflicts, both as a material reality and as an ideological value.

This thesis investigates the impact of traditional societal norms on LGBTQ+ hate crimes in Armenia. Grounded in anthropological and human rights theories, it employs a qualitative methodology, utilizing semi-structured interviews and secondary sources such as human rights reports and academic literature. The research reveals that deeply entrenched societal norms and institutional barriers significantly contribute to the prevalence of hate crimes against LGBTQ+ individuals. Findings indicate that while LGBTQ+ organizations provide essential support and advocacy, their efforts are often hindered by legal and societal challenges. This study concludes that comprehensive legal reforms and increased societal awareness are crucial for improving the safety and rights of LGBTQ+ individuals in Armenia.

The annihilation of the Armenian Medieval Cemetery of Jugha, located in the exclave Nakhijevan Autonomous Republic, in the current-day Republic of Azerbaijan, took place between 1998-2006. The systematic structural violence used by the Azerbaijani state, sponsored destruction of Indigenous Armenian cultural heritage, usurpation of sacred spaces, attempted rewriting of history, and reshaped the landscape, therefore distorting reality and memory. This research aims to scrutinize the tactics used by the Republic of Azerbaijan in their erasure of the Old Jugha cemetery and present how not only is this a case of structural violence but also one of landscape structural violence against Armenia and Armenians who once lived on these lands.

Le but de cette recherche est double: a) essayer de soustraire le schisme de l’Église arménienne de la fin du VIe siècle (591) à une vision uniquement ‘arménienne’, c’est-à-dire périphérique et isolée par rapport aux affaires contemporains de l’Empire Romain; b) identifier les orientations et l’évolution de la politique ecclésiastique de Maurice (582-602), qui - comme montre le cas, à notre avis paradigmatique, de l’Arménie - a pris soin de l’organisation administrative et de la définition théologique de l’Église impériale, tout en assurant, d’une manière plus générale, la défense et la gestion des territoires de l’Empire. On a donc d’abord donné un aperçu de la situation de l'Empire Romain à la fin de l’antiquité tardive et souligné comment il a évolué - en particulier après Justinien – à l’intérieur, et par rapport aux peuples extérieurs avec lesquels il avait des relations diplomatiques, militaires ou de commerciales, c’est-à-dire avec les peuples germaniques, les nomades de la steppe, les Arabes et les Ethiopiens, les Chinois; ainsi que les populations caucasiennes, mais surtout le grand rival Sassanide. Puis, on a décrit les grandes lignes de la stratégie romaine le long des frontières: pendant l’antiquité tardive, elle vise, par une sage et habile diplomatie, à attirer dans l’orbite des Romains les gens aux frontières, et à les associer à la cour impériale par l'octroi de titres de grand prestige, comme patricius ou kouropalatēs. Dans ce sens, on a constaté le rôle diplomatique joué, en particulier en Orient, par les commerçants et la haute hiérarchie ecclésiastique. Ensuite, on a décrit les deux événements qui illustrent le mieux la politique ecclésiastique romaine à la fin du VIe siècle et annoncent le schisme arménien: les unions du 572 d’abord et de 591 ensuite entre l’Église Impériale et l’Église (perse-)arménienne. Dans les deux cas on a cherché à mettre en évidence les raisons christologiques (c’est-à-dire de l’orthodoxie de Chalcédoine), mais aussi politiques, militaires, stratégiques et commerciales qui déterminé les choix des Romains et des Arméniens. On a aussi prêté une attention particulière au rôle des Perses, surtout pour l'union de 591. Celle-ci a été créée après les accords entre l’Empire romain et l’État persan, et suivie par l'alliance qui permit à Khosro II, presque ‘fils adoptif’ de l'empereur Maurice, de regagner le trône qui avait été volé par l’usurpateur Bahrām Chubīn. Enfin, on a mis en évidence que cette politique ecclésiastique de Maurice est dictée par des raisons idéologiques. Entre aussi en ligne de compte la nécessité de gérer la difficile unité de l’Empire autour de la Méditerranée , unité qui avait été rétablie seulement sous Justinien. L’expansion considérable des zones frontalières, la crise économique et démographique et les événements de l’empire persan ont rendu cette réalisation difficile, de sorte que, paradoxalement, c’est bien Maurice qui donne à son État, de manière de plus en plus évidente, les traits d’un Empire de moins en moins ‘romain’ et de plus en plus ‘byzantin’.

This thesis analyses the impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the foreign policy of Armenia. It could be claimed that Armenia&rsquo / s relations with the other countries have been shaped by the Nagorno-Karabakh problem. The thesis demonstrates that because of this conflict, Armenian foreign policy has become more dependent on Russia and the Armenian diaspora in Russia, France and the United States despite its desire to be an independent state. Although Levon Ter-Petrossian and Robert Kocharian have advocated different foreign policies, their actions have been similar due to the impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The thesis has six main chapters. The first chapter is the introduction. The second chapter explores history of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In the third chapter the Armenian foreign policy under Levon Ter-Petrossian is examined. The fourth chapter discusses the foreign policy of Robert Kocharian. In the fifth chapter the foreign policies of the Ter-Petrossian and Kocharian are compared. The sixth chapter is the conclusion.